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Early morphological decomposition of suffixed words: Masked priming evidence with transposed-letter nonword primes

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  14 March 2012

ELISABETH BEYERSMANN ,
JON ANDONI DUÑABEITIA ,
MANUEL CARREIRAS ,
MAX COLTHEART  and
ANNE CASTLES
ELISABETH BEYERSMANN*
Affiliation:
Macquarie University
JON ANDONI DUÑABEITIA
Affiliation:
Basque Centre on Cognition, Brain and Language
MANUEL CARREIRAS
Affiliation:
Basque Centre on Cognition, Brain and Language, and Basque Foundation for Science
MAX COLTHEART
Affiliation:
Macquarie University
ANNE CASTLES
Affiliation:
Macquarie University
*
ADDRESS FOR CORRESPONDENCE Elisabeth Beyersmann, Macquarie Centre for Cognitive Science, Macquarie University, Sydney, NSW 2109, Australia. E-mail: [email protected]
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Abstract

Many studies have previously reported that the recognition of a stem target (e.g., teach) is facilitated by the prior masked presentation of a prime consisting of a derived form of it (e.g., teacher). We conducted two lexical decision experiments to investigate masked morphological priming in Spanish. Experiment 1 showed that equal magnitudes of masked stem-target priming are obtained for both morphologically complex word primes (e.g., doloroso-DOLOR [painful-PAIN]) and morphologically complex nonword primes that included letter transpositions within the stem (e.g., dlooroso-DOLOR). Experiment 2 used morphologically complex nonword primes comprising lexically illegal combinations of stems and suffixes (e.g., total + ito [a little total]). Priming was obtained for morphologically related nonword primes (e.g., totalito-TOTAL), but not for nonword primes that included letter transpositions within the pseudostem (e.g., ttoalito-TOTAL). Our data suggest that morphoorthographic parsing mechanisms benefit from semantic constraints at early stages in the reading system, which we discuss in the context of current morphological processing accounts.

Type
Articles
Information
Applied Psycholinguistics , Volume 34 , Issue 5 , September 2013 , pp. 869 - 892
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2012 

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