Since Dorothy Garrod’s pioneering work at the Mousterian site of Hazar Merd on the western slopes of the Zagros Mountains in 1928, a number of Middle Palaeolithic sites in the area have been discovered, sampled and, in some cases, partially excavated. Some of these sites are located in the Kermanshah Plain, Central Western Zagros Mountains. These sites include the Hunter’s Cave and Gha-e Khar in Bisotun (Coon 1951: Young & Smith 1966), Kobeh and Warwasi in Tang-e Kenesht (Braidwood 1960), and two sites near Harsin (Smith 1986). All but the last two are among a large number of Palaeolithic localities on the south face of a series of calcareous mountain ranges (Kuh-e Parau/ Bisotun massif) on the northeastern rim of Qara Su basin in the Kermanshah Plain (FIGURE 1).

Following a hiatus in archaeological research after the Iranian Revolution of 1979, an independent series of surveys in the area by the authors led to the discovery of three Mousterian sites at Bisotun in 1986 (Biglari in press). During recent years, we located two more Mousterian sites, including Do-Ashkaft, the subject of this note.

The question of human contacts between Africa and the Iberian Peninsula in the Middle and Upper Pleistocene is of key interest in research of human origins. Discussion continues to focus on whether the sea gap separating the landmasses proved an effective barrier to cultural interchange and population movements. At its narrowest point the Gibraltar Strait is no more than 14 km wide and at times of lower sea level in the Pleistocene the gap would have been considerably reduced by the exposure of several offshore islands. Such sea crossings were apparently well within the capabilities of early human colonizers, as shown by the 800,000-year-old occupation of islands in the Indonesian archipelago. Despite these observations, many archaeologists have pointed to the ostensible lack of evidence for human interactions between Europe and North Africa until some time in the Upper Palaeolithic. This is surprising, given the presence of populations in both areas from the Lower Palaeolithic onwards. Such an ‘isolationist’ view is emphasized by the recent work of the Gibraltar Caves Project (Barton et al. 1999; Stringer et al. 2000) which has shown that Neanderthal populations with Middle Palaeolithic technology lived there until at least 32,000 years ago uncal, at a time when anatomically modern humans were already present elsewhere in Europe and Africa. Until now, no evidence of Neanderthals has been found in North Africa but the dating and nature of the Middle to Upper Palaeolithic transition in this region remains poorly understood.

Shell rings are circular and semi-circular deposits of shell (mostly oyster, Crassostrea virginica), faunal bone, artefacts and soil constructed along the Florida, Georgia and South Carolina coasts of the southeastern United States.

Rings in Georgia and South Carolina date to c. 4200–3200 BP and range in size from 1 to 3 m tall and 22 to 83 m across. These little-studied sites have been suggested to be the remains of gaming arenas, astronomical observatories, torture chambers, houses of state, and fish traps. Most archaeologists view the sites as the subsistence remains of egalitarian hunter/fisher encampments. The rings’ generally symmetrical, circular shapes are seen as reflective of the equal status among their societal members wherein no individual or family held a unique or favoured position over another. The general absence of exotic or prestige artefacts, elaborate burials and ceremonial mounds has reinforced the concept that these Late Archaic shell rings reflect rudimentary hunter/fisher cultures. Ironically, shell rings have also been cited as the earliest evidence for the rise of hierarchical social development in North America (Russo 1991; Russo & Saunders 1999). Shell rings have yielded evidence of the earliest permanent year-round occupations, the earliest development of pottery and the earliest examples of large-scale monumental architecture. Consequentially the function of shell rings remains an open question.

Archaeological monitoring of the construction of the N21 road improvements, Co. Kerry, Ireland, in 1999 uncovered four sub-circular features in the townland of Rockfield (FIGURE 1).

The central feature revealed itself to be small pit containing a cremation burial. The bones in this shallow pit had been subjected to intense heat, though the boulder clay beneath was unburnt. Radiocarbon (calibrated σ2) dating showed that this cremation dated from 1440–1140 BC, the date being firmly placed in the Irish Bronze Age. The total weight of the cremation was 29 g. The general size of the bone fragments recovered was very small with 72.4% being less than 5 mm in size. This severely limited the osteological analysis. At least some of the fragments, particularly some of the long bone pieces appeared to be human. On the basis of size, the cremation represents at least one adult. The uniform chalky white appearance of the bones recovered indicated that the individual was very well cremated and was probably processed by crushing or pounding of the bones after cremation.

In June–July 2000 a sample collection programme was completed in the extant carnelian mines of Jhagadia Taluka, Broach District, Gujarat, Western India (FIGURE 1). The predominant rationale behind the fieldwork is an Africanist one. Namely, to obtain modern comparative material which could be elementally analysed and compared with samples of carnelian beads from archaeological contexts in West and West-Central Africa. For besides local production of carnelian beads in West Africa, it seems that certain examples were also imported via trans-Saharan trade routes, probably from India (Insoll 2000). However, at present such an attribution remains purely hypothetical, based as it is upon the colour, workmanship, and shapes, resembling the carnelian bead production of Western India. Beads known to have been extensively exported in the medieval period, the focus here, and of course before (Theunissen et al. 2000). Thus it is hoped that the geochemical analysis of the carnelian samples from Gujarat will either prove or disprove a trade to West Africa. Following a successful pilot study at the NERC LA-ICP-MS facility at Kingston University, the full programme of analysis will now be completed in co-operation with Dr Dave Polya in the new LA-ICP-MS facility at the School of Earth Sciences, University of Manchester.

In archaeology the recovery of ‘nuts’ means the recovery of any hard-shelled fruit or seeds, further qualified as those eaten by people. Recent analysis of environmental samples from Leang Burung-1 in the Maros district of Sulawesi (FIGURE 1) led to the recovery of a charred, almost intact nut, in deposits with an age range of 1430±600 BC (ANU-390) (Bulbeck 1997; Mulvaney & Soejono 1970).

The nut has a clear cut mark starting from the tapered end, running along the long axis. The cut was established as an incision and not a taphonomic feature based on observations under light microscopy and Scanning Electron Microscopy, where the cut could be seen scraping the outer tissue (FIGURE 2). The cut was probably made before charring, using a sharp tool to cut deep enough for the instrunent to pry open one of the locules to get to one of three kernels. Based on the associated materials recovered from the site, the cut probably was made using one of several flaked tool types recovered from the area, such as a levallois point — part of the Maros region blade assemblage (FIGURE 3).

The preservation of ectoparasites in archaeological sites is normally problematic, but the dry environment of the Egyptian desert keeps even the very fragile remains of fleas intact.

Fleas, Siphonaptera, can be divided in three large groups: the sedentary fleas that live in the nest of their hosts, the mobile fleas that still require a nest but can also live on the host, and the stick-tight fleas that attach themselves on the host. The human flea, Pulex irritans L. is one of the mobile fleas, nowadays cosmopolitan, and has been found on a wide range of hosts (Hopla 1980; Cooper 2001). Man evolved in the Old World and although the human flea is closely associated with him, it probably has a New World origin (Hopla 1980: 201; Traub 1985: 408; Buckland & Sadler 1989), as all its congeners are found in the Americas. Donkin (1985) thought that the original host for P. irritans was the peccary (family Tayassuidae). However peccaries do not have relatively permanent nest sites, and Buckland & Sadler (19891, after examining the profiles of different animal hosts, have suggested Cavia porcellus L., the guinea pig (cavy) as the primary host for the flea. C. porcellus was domesticated during the pre-Colombian period for its meat, but its contribution to the South American agricultural economy has always been on a local scale. Recent archaeological finds of Pulex sp. on a pre-Columbian C. porcellus from Peru (Dittmar 2000) support the above hypothesis.

The Amarna Royal Tombs Project (ARTP) initiated its programme of archaeological survey and excavation in the central part of Egypt’s Valley of the Kings in November 1998, and has now completed three successive seasons of work under the joint field-direction of Nicholas Reeves and Geoffrey T. Martin. The emphasis to date has been on the documentation and investigation of the ancient settlements which once occupied much of the central Valley — those neglected ‘workmen’s huts’ which previous excavators have occasionally noted, sometimes ‘cleared’, and more rarely planned. A particular focus of ARTP’s work has been that area of settlement located between tombs KV 56 (‘The Gold Tomb’) and KV 9 (Ramesses VI), which in the early years of the 20th century was partially explored both by Theodore Davis (who left little record: cf. Davis 1908: 31) and by Howard Carter (Carter & Mace 1923: 87; cf. Reeves 1990a: plate XIV Reeves & Wilkinson 1996: 84). The greater part of this restricted site — a good deal of its archaeology still intact, despite earlier sondages — has now been excavated down to bedrock, with intriguing results.

The archaeology of complex societies in western Sicily has traditionally focused upon Greek and Phoenician colonization rather than the development of the indigenous peoples of the interior. The Salemi regional survey project in western Sicily was conceived as a means to track long-term landscape change of this interior ‘indigenous’ landscape. From 1998 to 2000, this survey has conducted an extensive survey of 150 sq. km of the Salemi region, an intensive survey of 8 sq. km around a nearby Late Bronze Age (LBA) hilltop settlement of Mokarta (Mannino & Spatafora 1995; Spatafora & Mannino 1992; Tusa 1992), and an intensive survey of 25 sq. km around the Early Iron Age (EIA) hilltop settlement of Monte Polizzo (FIGURE 1). Survey work is part ofthe Sicilian–Scandinavian archaeological project (Morris et al. in press; http://dig.anthro.niu.edu/sicily), an international team of scholars who are undertaking large-scale excavations at Monte Polizzo (FIGURE 2). Preliminary survey results reveal that these LBA and EIA peoples relied on an intricate valley hinterland around their hilltop residences. Moreover, marked differences exist between the LBA and EIA valley hinterlands.

Nearly three decades ago, Woodbury & Neely (1972) published the first analysis of the extensive and complex system of Prehispanic Canals found in the northern portion of the Tehuacan Valley of Puebla, Mexico. These springfed canals, functioning to supply waters for irrigation and domestic uses, were uniquely preserved in near entirety by natural processes. The canals have been ‘fossilized’ in place through a process of mineral deposition. They are clearly visible on the landscape for many kilometres and have aggraded in height, now standing 2 to 3 m high in several places. Time, funding and the archaeological methodology of the mid 1960s limited Woodbury & Neely’s fieldwork, and therefore the study did not fully investigate the system. Although a basic description and discussion of the technology and functioning of the system was accomplished, a detailed analysis of these aspects remained to be done. A schematic mapping of the system was accomplished, but an accurate mapping of the canals and associated habitation and administrative sites was lacking. The chronological placement of these canals was attempted by means of the cross-dating of ceramics on archaeological sites found bordering the channels, but an accurate chronological sequence of the system’s development was not attainable. A general climatic reconstruction of the valley was generated, but since the emphasis placed by the Tehuacan Archaeological and Botanical Project was on the earlier periods of habitation that focused on the development of maize domestication, the climatic contexts into which the canals were later constructed was not known.

Recent excavations at the Roman fort in Carlisle, Cumbria, have yielded a large number of pieces of articulated Roman armour and other items. This is the most important such find in Britain since the Corbridge hoard was excavated in 1964 (Allason-Jones & Bishop 1988).

On the north side of the via principalis adjacent to the headquarters building (principia), the corner of a timber building was uncovered (FIGURE 2). On the floor was a quantity of articulated and disarticulated fragments of predominantly ferrous Roman armour, including as many as three crushed, but complete, laminated arm defences. Although first used by Hellenistic cavalry and referred to in Xenophon’s Art of horsemanship (XI.13-XII.5), and later used by gladiators, this type of armour was adopted by Roman legionaries. It was once thought that armguards (manicae) were very rare and only employed under special circumstances, such as Trajan’s wars in Dacia where they were used to counter the deadly scythe-like falx (Richmond 1982: 49–50). A number of similar finds have been made, as at Newstead (Curle 1911: plate XXIII) and Richborough, Kent (M. Lyne pers. comm.), but they are often isolated and the pieces crushed, making reconstruction difficult and speculative. A graffito from Dura-Europos (FIGURE 1) shows a mounted soldier with a tall helmet and a mail or scale neck-guard, with similar limb and abdominal defences (Robinson 1975: figure 190). The Carlisle assemblage is important for the retrieval of articulated pieces, with associated copper-alloy rivets and leather.

The Limestone Massif of northwest Syria has the largest concentration of late antique churches in the world. All date from between the second half of the 4th century and the first decade of the 7th century and are remarkably consistent in their conformity to a recognizably ‘Syrian’ architectural style. Almost without exception they are apsed basilicas varying only in terms of size and the quality of decoration.

This region was extensively surveyed in the 1950s by Georges Tchalenko, whose monumental three-volume study Villages antiques de la Syrie du nord remains the definitive work on the area. Of the many ecclesiastical buildings included in this survey Tchalenko identified a group of approximately 45 churches possessing a bema. The bema is a horseshoe-shaped structure in the nave that mirrors the curve of the apse. Entered via steps at the east end, it provided benches for the clergy and a pulpit at the west end that was used for scriptural expositions and homilies.

Archaeological evidence for prehistoric gardening practices in Polynesia includes stone boundary walls, storage pits and structures, drainage systems and evidence for the modification of soil, but often the remains of horticultural practise are ephemeral. Maori developed a range of novel modifications to their traditional horticultural methods which enabled the successful introduction of the range of Polynesian cultigens into the temperate New Zealand environment, the furthest southwards these crops were introduced. They modified the soil by adding charcoal, shell and alluvial gravels to change the friability and temperature retention, and stored tubers in semi-subterannean pits for the next growing season (Jones 1991: 14–8; Challis 1976). Here, we report what we believe is the first direct archaeological evidence for the actual layout of prehistoric kumara gardens in New Zealand. Our interpretation receives support from the accounts of early Europeans in New Zealand, including Joseph Banks and William Colenso.

In 1998 extensive investigations were undertaken on Water Island, US Virgin Islands, by a research team from the Southeast Archeological Center, National Park Service. The US government is relinquishing ownership of the island, an action that would affect cultural resources. Earlier surveys had located a number of sites, including the remains of three 18th- and l9th-century plantations, historic wells, prehistoric shell middens and an extensive World War II fortification complex (Wild & Anderson 1992; Knight 2001; Anderson et al. in preparation).

Water Island, located off St Thomas, encompasses about one square mile, and is characterized by steep rocky slopes, a pronounced central ridgeline and a highly indented coastline with numerous bays and beaches (FIGURE 1). Fresh water comes from rainfall, and in small brackish ponds. Vegetation ranges from dry tropical thorn scrub to mangrove/salt ponds.

Under the old Treasure Trove laws, small, single items of precious metal were frequently dismissed by Coroners as casual losses (although they still had to be reported). This meant that numbers of small items never went to inquest, as one of the criteria for Treasure was that in all likelihood objects had been buried with the intention to recover them (the animus revertendi). This criterion was removed when the new Act was passed some five years ago. The extension of the law to cover such items has thrown up at least one problem of definition.

A later Bronze Age gold penannular ring was recently found not to be treasure at inquest, because the piece was held to be a coin. Single, stray finds of coins are not counted as treasure, whereas any ornament of precious metal at least 300 years old, small or large, is now eligible under the 1996 Treasure Act. This raises two issues. The first concerns the definition of ‘coin’ as explained in the Code of Practice; the second is about terminology, and specifically the use of the term ‘ring-money’ to describe such objects.

A female skeleton, whose 14C age is about 8540 BP (c. 7500 cal BC), from the basal part of the Holocene loess at Fenpo Gully, west of the village of Donghulin, Mentougou district of Beijing, was associated with a shell necklace restored from 68 gastropod shells. This unprecedented find also contributes new environmental information.

The Paso Otero 5 site is located in the middle basin of the Quequén Grande river (Buenos Aires Province, Argentina). This site is the first recorded Pleistocene-Holocene archaeological context in the grasslands of the Interserrana Bonaerense Area at which extinct megamammals and a ‘fish-tail’ projectile point have been recovered in association from buried soil dated to c. 10,200–10,450 BP.