Published online by Cambridge University Press: 02 January 2015
1 Antiq. Journ., XXVII (1947), 117-19Google Scholar, with Pl. XVIIa, (from Déchelette, , Manuel 11, 1190, fig. 504Google Scholar.
2 Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc., VI (1850), 252–5Google Scholar.
3 B.M. Cat. Coins Roman Repub., 1, p. 184, no. 1185Google Scholar.
4 B.M. Chron., 1924, 31 ff.Google Scholar; 1941, 120 ff. I am most grateful to my colleagues, Professor Michael Grant and Dr John Allan, for their help in this matter. Dr Allan kindly provided the casts from which my illustrations were made, while still in the British Museum.
5 BMC Repub., I, p. 513, no. 3994Google Scholar.
6 Ibid, II, p. 363, no. 70.
7 The literary evidence is conveniently set out by Arbois de Jubainville in Rév. Celtique, ix (1888), 387-93Google Scholar and Theodore Reinach in ibid, x (1889), 122-33. De Jubainville gives the Bituitus reference, from Floras.
8 In Fox, loc. cit., 118 n.
9 Professor Grant notes that it has been suggested by Babelon that the ‘Vercingetorix’ representation may in fact be a personification of Pallor or Pavor ( Monn. Rep. 1, 549-52Google Scholar), and that an alternative explanation of the reverse would be a reference to a battle fought by Hostilius' legendary ancestor, Tullus Hostilius, against the people of Veii (ibid, 1, 549). The head may be nothing more than a typified Gaul. Babelon further referred to a British essedum when commenting upon the trophy on the coin of Julius Caesar (ibid, 11, 13).