This article is partly based on a paper entitled ‘Where was the Porta Romana? Some Misconceptions in the Topography of the City of Rome’, read to the Society of Antiquaries on 18 January 1979; as the title suggests, however, the emphasis and order of argument are different. For discussion and advice I am very grateful to F. Coarelli, M. H. Crawford and C. M. B. Greenhalgh. Dr. P. Pensabene has generously allowed me to refer to his current excavations in advance of publication (see the Additional Note, p. 52 below).

The following works are referred to by the author's name alone: Blanckenhagen, P. H. von, ‘Vom Ursprung Roms’, Praehistorische Zeitschrift, xxxiv–v (1949–50), 245–9.Google ScholarCastagnoli, F., (1) ‘Roma Quadrata’, Studies Presented to D. M. Robinson (ed. Mylonas, G. E., St. Louis, 1951), 1, 389–99.Google ScholarCastagnoli, F., (2) ‘Note sulla topografia del Palatino e del foro Romano’, Archeologia Classica, xvi (1964), 173–99.Google ScholarCoarelli, F., Roma (Guide archeologiche Laterza, Bari, 1980).Google ScholarEvans, H. B., ‘The “Romulean” Gates of the Palatine’, AJA lxxxiv (1980), 93–96.CrossRefGoogle ScholarMusti, D., ‘Varrone nell'insieme delle tradizioni su Roma quadrata’, Atti del convegno: Gli storiografi latini tramandati in frammenti, (Studi Urbinati, xlix, Urbino, 1975), 297–318Google ScholarNash, E., Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Rome (London, 1968).Google ScholarPais, E., Ancient Legends of Roman History (London, 1906)Google Scholar.

¹ Crawford, M. H., Roman Republican Coinage (Cambridge, 1974), p. 144, no. 28.3, p. 154Google Scholar, no. 44.1: Iuppiter in quadriga driven by Victory (225-212 B.C.), Victory crowning trophy (from 211 B.C.); Ibid., 869–70 (index of types s.v. ‘Victory’) for subsequent appearances. Earlier there were the Victoria didrachms: see n. 101 below.

² Livy XXII 37.5 (Hiero of Syracuse, 216 B.C.), cf. Tac. Hist. 1 86.1, Plut, . Otho 4.4Google Scholar; Plut, . Marius 32.4Google Scholar, cf. Bertoldi, M.E., Quaderni dell'istituto di topografia antica, v (1968), 39–53Google Scholar, and Picard, G.-C., MEFR(A) lxxxv (1973), 182–5Google Scholar(Sullan monuments); Pliny, NH xxxv 108Google Scholar(dedication by Plancus).

³ Sulla: Cic. Verr. act. 1 31, Vell. Pat. II 27.6. Caesar: Matius ap. Cic. fam. xi 28.6, Suet. Aug. 10.1, etc.

⁴ Dio LI 22.1–2, Herodian v 5.7, vii 11.3.

⁵ Claudian 24.205f (‘custos imperii virgo’), 28.597f (‘Romanae tutela togae’). Symmachus, Rel. 3Google Scholar, Ambrose, Ep. 17, 18Google Scholar; see Sheridan, J. J., Ant. Class. xxxv (1966), 186–206CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Matthews, J., Western Aristocracies and Imperial Court A.D. 364–425 (Oxford, 1975) 205–10Google Scholar.

On the history of Victoria, and her significance for the Romans, see Weinstock, S., HTR l (1957), 211–247CrossRefGoogle Scholar, RE viiia (1958), 2485–2542,Google ScholarDivus Julius (Oxford, 1971), pp. 91–112Google Scholar; and Hölscher, T., Victoria Romana (Mainz, 1967), esp. pp. 136–172Google Scholar.

⁶ Livy x 33.9 (cf. xxix 14.14, xxxv 9.6); Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1 32.5.

⁷ Correctly emphasised by Pais 45, cf. 167.

⁸ Dion. Hal. 1 33. 1, cf. 32. 1 (from Polybius) on Pallantion after Pallas.

⁹ Sogliano, A., Not. Scav. (1905), 93–5, fig. 2Google Scholar; Pais 47–56, illustrated in frontispiece; Herrmann, P. and Bruckmann, F., Denkmdler der Malerei des Altertums (Munich, 1906), 1, p. 214, pl. 155Google Scholar; Marconi, P., Lapittura dei Romani (Rome, 1929), pp. 79 f., fig. 107Google Scholar; von Blanckenhagen 245-9; Peters, W. J. T., Landscape in Romano-Campanian Mural Painting (Assen, 1963), p. 88Google Scholar.

¹⁰ See Rosenberg, , RE IA (1920), 343Google Scholar: the first authors known to have used the new name are Castor of Rhodes (FGrH 250F5) and Varro (LL v 144).

¹¹ See Nash 11 27–31 and bibliography there cited. Cf. Vell. Pat. 1 15.3 on the theatre built in 154 B.C. ‘a Lupercali in Palatium versus’: Hanson, J. A., Roman Theater-Temples (Princeton, 1959), pp. 24–5Google Scholar, argues convincingly that it was placed deliberately below the temple of the Magna Mater for the ludi Megalenses. As early as Pindar (fr. 85), the Magna Mater is associated with Pan.

¹² Livy 13.7 on the descendants of Ascanius: ‘mansit Silviis postea omnibus cognomen qui Albae regnarunt’.

¹³ Rationalizing historians had her ravished by one of her suitors (Dion. Hal. 1 76. 1), with the story of the god invented to cover her shame (Livy 1 4.2), or else by Amulius himself in full armour (Dion. Hal. loc. cit.), whom she mistook for the god.

¹⁴ von Blanckenhagen 246: for the prison story, see Plut, . Rom. 3.2Google Scholar, Dion. Hal. 1 79.2, Livy 1 4.3, etc. Pais 49 identifies the other figure as her cousin Antho (Plut., Dion. Hal.).

¹⁵ Serv. Aen. 1 273Google Scholar, Hor, . Odes I 2.17f.Google Scholar and Porph. ad. loc, Ovid Fasti 11 597f. Stat. Silv. II 1.99f., Claudian 1.244f

¹⁶ von Blanckenhagen 247—much more convincing than the complicated and wildly speculative interpretation of Pais 51–4.

¹⁷ von Blanckenhagen 246f; Pais (50, 53) identified the figure at bottom left as a nymph, Tiberina or Juturna. Vertumnus may also be a possible identification.

¹⁸ Pais 47.

¹⁹ Pais 49f., 54; the wolf and twins are more clearly visible in Pais’ (retouched?) photograph than in the one reproduced as pl. iv, but the attitude of the wolf is just detectable. For the statuary group (Livy x 23.11-12), see Crawford, op. cit. (n. 1), pls. 1.8 (269-6 B.C.), VII.7 (217-5), XXIX. 13 and XXX.I (169-58), XXXVI.I (137), XL.I (115-4); also Virg, . Aen. VIII 630–4Google Scholar(esp. 633 ‘tereti cervice reflexa’), Ovid, Fasti II 417Google Scholar, Dion. Hal. 1 79.6; Bickerman, E., RFIC xcvii (1969), 394–6Google Scholar.

²⁰ Cf. von Blanckenhagen 246 (though without the topographical allusion); alternatively, he thought they might be the Salii, observing the miraculous appearance of Mars.

²¹ Cic, . div. 1 101Google Scholar, 11 69, Varro ap. Gell, , NA xvi 17.2Google Scholar, Livy v 32.6.

²² von Blanckenhagen 247; Pais 53.

²³ Varro, LL VI 23–4Google Scholar, Macr, . Sat. 1 10.7–8Google Scholar, Verrius Flaccus Fasti Praenestini (Inscr. It. XIII 2.139), Plut. Rom. 5.5, etc.

²⁴ Varro LL v 166, Festus 318L; see p. 40 above.

²⁵ Varro LL v 166, VI 24 (both by Nova Via); the Angeronalia and Larentalia were close in time as well as position (December 21 and 23 respectively).

²⁶ e.g. Livy 1 4.7, with Ogilvie, R. M., A Commentary on Livy Books 1–5 (Oxford, 1965), pp. 47, 50Google Scholar.

²⁷ Pais 47f. (quotation from 48), cf. 55.

²⁸ I cite the Latin text, pp. 237–9; the corresponding Italian is at 236–8.

²⁹ Lanciani, R., ‘Il tempio della Vittoria’, Bull. Com. xi (1883), 206–12, at 208Google Scholar.

³⁰ Huelsen, Ch., ‘Untersuchungen zur Topographie des Palatins’, Röm. Mitt, X (1895), 3–37, at 23–5Google Scholar.

³¹ This was perhaps in order to save his theory, also criticized by Huelsen (loc. cit.), that the ‘temple’ reported by Bianchini at pp. 211–3, which was evidently in the area of the Farnese Gardens themselves, was to be associated with the inscriptions. See, for instance, Lanciani's, Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome (London, 1897) p. 146, fig. 54Google Scholar.

³² See Richter, O., Topographie der Stadt Rom (Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft 111.3, Munich 1901), pp. 136f.Google Scholar, who places the find-spot of the inscriptions correctly (Tafel 12, note m), and identifies the Magna Mater temple as that of Victoria. Though now known to be incorrect, this idea was a reasonable inference from the inscriptions.

³³ Nash 1 257 (and bibliography there cited), 366, 368. Lanciani, R., Bull. Com. xiii (1885), 157–60Google Scholar, and Forma Urbis Romae (Rome, 1910), sheet 29Google Scholar; Graziosi, G. Schneider, Bull. Com. xxxix (1911), 158–72.Google Scholar Implicitly accepted by Evans 94 (following Platner and Ashby) and 95 n. 20 (following Lugli).

³⁴ Carettoni, G.et al. (eds.), La pianta marmorea di Roma antica (Forma Urbis Romae) (Rome, 1960), pp. 109–11Google Scholar, tav. xxxiii, frg. 42. The irrelevance of the fragment to the Palatine was proved by G. Gatti in 1941; but it still appears as part of the plan of the Palatine in Lugli, G., Itinerario di Roma antica (Milan, 1970), tav. ii, and in Coarelli 123Google Scholar.

³⁵ Castagnoli (2) 181–4; the same idea implicit in Tamm, B., Auditorium and Palatium (Stockholm, 1963), p. 83.Google Scholar Evans (95) seems to be unaware of Castagnoli's argument.

³⁶ Varro LL vi 24: ‘Hoc sacrificium [Larentalia] fit in Velabro, qua in Novam Viam exitur, ut aiunt quidam ad sepulcrum Accae, ut quod ibi prope faciunt diis manibus servilibus sacerdotes; qui uterque locus extra urbem antiquam fuit non longe a Porta Romanula.’

³⁷ The etymology from vehere appears also in Varro's explanation of the ‘lesser Velabrum’ at LL v 156.

³⁸ Varro, ap. Gell. NA xvi 17.2Google Scholar, with Livy v 32.6 and Cic, . div. 1 101Google Scholar. It is going too far to assume (Evans 94, 96 n.23) that the phrase reflects the conditions of Gellius’ time rather than Varro's.

³⁹ CIL VI 1035.5f: ‘negotiantes boari huius loci qui invehent’. For the learned allusion, cf. Cairns, F., Tibullus (Cambridge, 1979), p. 81Google Scholar; Prop, iv 9.6 ‘velificabat’ (Velabrum), Virg, . Aen. VIII 361Google Scholar ‘mugire’ (Porta Mugionia, cf. Varro, LL v 166Google Scholar). For the arch, see Nash 1 88–91; detailed publication in Haynes, D. E. L. and Hirst, P. E. D., Porta Argentariorum (British School at Rome Supplementary Paper, London, 1939)Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Cf. Varro, LL vi 24Google Scholar, ‘in Velabro, qua in Novam Viam exitur’; Tib. 11 5.33f ‘qua Velabri regio patet’. It was ‘locus celeberrimus urbis’ (Macr. Sat. 1 10.15), a busy marketplace especially for foodstuffs (Plaut, . Curc. 483Google Scholar, Capt. 489, Hor, . Sat. II 3.229Google Scholar, etc).

⁴¹ e.g. Tib. II 5.33f, Prop, IV 9.5f, Ovid Festi VI 405f.

⁴² Cf. Avery, M. in Harding, D. (ed.), Hillforts: Later Prehistoric Earthworks in Britain and Ireland (London, 1976), pp. 18f.Google Scholar, on approach roads overlooked by the defences. The ‘main Palatine gate’ (Porta Mugionia) is traditionally placed near the arch of Titus (e.g. Evans 93f.); Coarelli, however, has convincingly argued that it was near the western corner of the Basilica of Maxentius (Coarelli 78f.).

The surviving Nova Via is Neronian, and no guide to the course (or length) of the republican road; the whole lower course of the latter was probably removed in the Augustan period to create the Horrea Agrippiana (between S. Maria Antiqua and S. Teodoro: Nash 1 475–80). Evans 94 is, I think, mistaken in implying that the truncated Nova Via dates back to the late Republic.

⁴³ So Kent, R. G., Varro de lingua Latina (Loeb, ed., 1938), 1, p. 40, note dGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁴ Livy I 45, Dion. Hal. IV 26, etc.; rightly accepted by Castagnoli, , Arch. Class, xxv–vi (1973–4), 128f.Google Scholar, as historical. An archaic inscription survived to Dionysius’ time (IV 26. 5).

⁴⁵ Prop, IV 9.5f. (sails); Plut, . Rom. 5.5, cf.Google ScholarOvid, Fasti VI 405–6Google Scholar (awnings). Ammianus (xiv 6.25) uses ‘velabra’ actually to mean awnings.

⁴⁶ Ps.Asc. 255St. Triumphal processions evidently used the same route: Suet, . DJ 37.2Google Scholar(‘Velabrum praetervehens’), cf. Nero 25. 2 (a pseudo-triumph, from the Circus ‘per Velabrum Forumque’ to the Palatine).

⁴⁷ Dion. Hal. v 36. 4 on the Vicus Tuscus leading to the Circus. Porph. ad Hor, . Sat. II 3.228Google Scholar on the Vicus Tuscus ‘quo itur in Velabrum’; Livy XXVII 37.15 (Forum—Vicus Tuscus—Velabrum—Forum Bovarium), XXXIII 26.9 (Forum—Vicus Tuscus—Cermalus); Tac, . Ann. IV 65.2Google Scholar(Vicus Tuscus ‘foro propinquus’). The start of the route from Forum to Circus was at the signum Vertumni (Cic, . Verr. 1 154Google Scholar with ps. Asc. 255St); Vertumnus was in the Vicus Tuscus but in sight of the Forum (Prop, iv 2. 6 and 50); cf. CIL vi 804, from ‘behind the temple of Castor’.

⁴⁸ Plut, . Rom. 5.5, ἐντεῦθεν ἀρχομένουςGoogle Scholar

⁴⁹ Not everyone, however, connected Tarpeia with the Sabine war: Simylos (ap. Plut. Rom. 17.5) made her betray the Capitol to the Gauls.

⁵⁰ Varro LL v 51, Festus 304L.

⁵¹ See Wiseman, T. P., Historia, XXVIII (1979), 38–45Google Scholar: the three routes were (a) the cuniculi Gallorum, (b) the cliff above the Porta Carmentalis, and (c) the Rupes Tarpeia.

⁵² Dion. Hal.x 14.2.

⁵³ The Capitol, which they took by treachery, had only just been fortified by Romulus (Dion. Hal. 11 37.1); the ‘real’ Rome was the Palatine, as is implicit in the ‘Iuppiter Stator’ story of the battle in the Forum. For a similar explanation of the Festus passage, see now Evans 95.

⁵⁴ Thus Evans 94, who thinks the phrase refers to an aqueduct distribution point.

⁵⁵ Dion. Hal. 1 32.5, 79.8, Aug. RG 19.1; the connection was made by Pais 288 n.50. According to the Regionary Catalogues, the Lupercal was in regio X, the Velabrum in regio XI; but the reference to the road to the Circus shows that they must have been practically contiguous.

⁵⁶ D'Onofrio, C., Capitolium xxxix. 12 (1959), 29Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ Varro, LL V 54Google Scholar; Plut, . Rom. 3.5–4.1Google Scholar, where the statue at the Ficus Ruminalis confirms the identity of Plutarch's Cermalus with the Lupercal at Dion. Hal. 1 79.8. Cf. also Clem. Alex, . Stromateis 1 108.3Google Scholar: the founder of the Lupercal (i.e. Evander) was the son of Itale, who lived at τὸ ἐνʻΡώμῃ Κάρμαλονν.

⁵⁸ Plut, . Rom. 3.5, 2.2Google Scholar; Castagnoli (2) 173–7, expanded in RFIC CV (1977), 15–9Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ See n. 57 above; also pls. IV, V, and the representations cited in n. 19.

⁶⁰ So too Livy 1 4.5, Ovid.Fasti 11 412.

⁶¹ For the overshadowing woods, cf. Dion. Hal. 1 32.4, 79.8, Ovid Fasti 11 409.

⁶² Really Rumina: Varro, RR II 11.5Google Scholar and ap. Festus 332L, Nonius 246L. Cf. also Plut, . QR 57Google Scholar(Mor. 278C-D).

⁶³ See Prop, IV 2, and n.47 above.

⁶⁴ Serv. Aen. VIII 343 ‘sub monte Palatino’ (glossing Virgil's ‘gelida sub rupe’); Livy 1 5.1 ‘in Palatio monte’, Justin XLIII 1.6 ‘in Palatii radicibus’.

⁶⁵ His cross-reference is to the note on ‘stringentem ripas’ at Aen. VIII 63: ‘nam hoc est Tiberini fluminis proprium, adeo ut ab antiquis Rumon dictus sit quasi ripas ruminans et exedens’.

⁶⁶ Thus O. Richter, op. cit. (n.32), p. 34; also Evans 95, who explains the ‘steps’ in Festus and Varro as the remains of a landing-station or quay.

⁶⁷ Thus Pais 55–6, 230. Note that Ursinus in 1581 thought he could read mamma in the Festus item on ‘Romana porta’, which is almost totally lost (Festus 330.32L).

⁶⁸ Festus 326L: ‘Romulum quidam <a> fico Ruminali … appellatum esse ineptissime dixerunt’.

⁶⁹ For sensible discussion, and full bibliography of earlier theories on Roma Quadrata, see Castagnoli (1) and Musti, passim.

⁷⁰ Varro, LL V 54Google Scholar; Dion. Hal. 1 32.4, 79. 8 for the precinct. Cf. Varro, LL V 44Google Scholar for the sacellum Velabrum, vi 24 for sacrifices at the ‘tomb of Acca Larentia’, VI 23 and Macr. Sat. I 10.7 for the sacellum Volupiae and the Curia Acculeia. It is far from clear how many separate sacred places there were.

⁷¹ Vitr. 11 1.5, Sen. contr. 11 1.5, Macr. Sat. 1 15.10, CIL xvi 23. We cannot tell whether the portents reported by Dio at XLVIII 43.4 and LIV 29.8 refer to the Palatine hut or the Capitoline one; similarly at Val. Max. 11 8 pref. and iv 4.11, Sen. dial, xii 9.3, Martial viii 80.6, the casa Romuli referred to could be either.

⁷² Dio LIII 16.5 (with Musti 312). Cf. also Jos. AJ xix 75 and 90 on the καλύβη πηκτός ‘a little in front of the palace’; I have tried to make topographical sense of the passage in Liverpool Classical Monthly, v.10 (Dec. 1980), 231–8.

⁷³ Nash II 164–5; Puglisi, S. M., Mon. Ant. xli (1951), 3–98Google Scholar, esp. 46ff. Commonly known as ‘the village on the Cermalus’—but wrongly (cf. n.58 above).

⁷⁴ Plut, . Rom. 20.4–5Google Scholar(including the story of the cornel-spear hurled from the Aventine); Diod. Sic. iv 21.2.

⁷⁵ Dion. Hal. 1 39.4 (at Porta Trigemina), cf. origo gentis R. 6.5 (Ara Maxima).

⁷⁶ Strabo v 230 (citing Acilius or Coelius), Prop, iv 9.15–20, etc.

⁷⁷ Serv. Aen. VIII 270, origo gentis R. 8.3, etc.

⁷⁸ Who emphases the survival of the corneltree (n.74 above), but not that of Romulus’ house.

⁷⁹ See n. 71 above.

⁸⁰ Livy 1 7.5–7, Dion. Hal. 1 39.2–4; according to Solinus (1.8), he lived at Salinae, by the Porta Trigemina (cf. n. 75 above).

⁸¹ Virg. Aen. VIII 190ff, Ovid Fasti 1 543ff.

⁸² Dion. Hal. 1 84.3 (contrast 79.9, from the simpler version). It was Licinius Macer (Macr. Sat. 110.17) and Valerius Antias (origo gentis R. 21.1, cf. Musti 302f who wrote up Acca Larentia's part in the story as Faustulus’ wife or mistress.

⁸³ Dion. Hal. 1 87.2, evidently from Macer (origo gentis R. 23.5).

⁸⁴ Dion. Hal. 1 87.2, Festus 184L; Coarelli, F., Par. pass, clxxiv (1977), 221fGoogle Scholar.

⁸⁵ Coarelli 132–4, Nash 1 31f. Castagnoli (1) 394 rightly feels that the front of the temple is the natural position.

⁸⁶ Coarelli 131–3; Carettoni, G., Ill. London News (1969), 6790.24f., 6792.24f.Google Scholar But the attribution is not certain: cf. Castagnoli (2) 186–8.

⁸⁷ Richter, op. cit. (n. 32 above), p. 132f., Coarelli 127, Nash 11 299f Augustan according to Castagnoli (2) 1980, who rejects the identification (on inadequate grounds, in my view).

⁸⁸ Castagnoli (2) 180, Coarelli 127, cf. 12. Cf. Säflund, G., Le mura di Roma repubblicana (Lund 1932), pp. 4–17Google Scholar, whose belief that they were part of the city-wall (the ‘Servian’ wall) has been disproved by the discovery that the latter ran parallel to the Tiber in the Forum Bovarium area; publication of the evidence is promised in a forthcoming Bull. Com., but for the moment see Coarelli 16 and 313f, and Roma medio-repubblicana (Rome, 1977), 10, 106.Google Scholar Nash 11 168 (no. 852) gives an idea of the ‘platform’; see also 11 112–3 (and above, p. 46).

⁸⁹ Festus 310–12L; See Castagnoli (1) 394-5.

⁹⁰ Ox. Pap. xvii (1927), 2088. 14–17,Google Scholar suppl. Piganiol, A., Scritti in onore di B. Nogara (Vatican, 1937), p. 374Google Scholar.

⁹¹ See n. 71 above.

⁹² Texts in Valentini, P. and Zucchetti, G. (eds.), Codice topografico della citta di Roma (Rome, 1940), 1, pp. 130Google Scholar, 178, in, p. 57; cf. Richter, , op. cit. (n. 32 above) pp. 373fGoogle Scholar.

⁹³ XLVII 40.2 (42 B.C.), LX 35.1 (A.D. 54). See Platner, and Ashby, , Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome (Oxford, 1929), p. 307Google Scholar: despite Καπιτωλίῳat XLV 17.2, the absence of any evidence for a shrine of Victory on the Capitol makes it reasonable to attribute all three references to the Palatine Iuppiter Victor attested by the Notitia. ‘Capitolinus’ was a cult title, and not merely a topographical description (cf. Livy XLI 20.9 for Antiochus’ temple of Iuppiter Capitolinus at Antioch).

⁹⁴ Livy xxix 14.13; Castagnoli (2) 185f.

⁹⁵ See n. 10 above.

⁹⁶ Coarelli 129; Castagnoli (2) 186, one of two suggestions. Cf. n. 32 above: Richter had already come close to this idea.

⁹⁷ Nash 1 163.

⁹⁸ Jos. AJ xix 248, who implies that the temple was big enough for a Senate meeting, is clearly mistaken: the Senate met on that occasion in the IOM temple on the Capitol (Suet. Gains 60, Dio LX 1.1, and Josephus himself at BJ II 205).

⁹⁹ Castagnoli (2) 181 even denies that there were any steps in it; but see Romanelli, P., Mon. Ant. xlvi (1963), 203Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ Livy x 29.14, 33.4.

¹⁰¹ Livy x 23.11–12; see n. 19 above. The earliest silver coinage to be struck in Rome, the didrachm series beginning about 269 B.C., had as its reverse design first the wolf and twins, and then Victoria: Crawford, , op. cit. (n. 1 above), pp. 137–140Google Scholar, nos. 20 and 22; Ibid., pp. 37–43, 615, 714 for dating and significance.

¹⁰² For this aspect of her godhead, see Virg, . Aen. x 252–5Google Scholar, Livy xxix 14.13 (205 B.C.), xxxviii 18.9 (189 B.C.), Plut, . Mar. 17.5Google Scholar(102 B.C.). ‘Item Matri deum saepe numero impera-tores nostri conpotes victoriarum suscepta vota Pessinuntem profecti solverunt’ (Val. Max. I 1.1 ad fin.): Marius is a known example (Plut. Mar. 31.1).

¹⁰³ Ovid Trist. III 1.28–34; on Augustus’ Palatine property, see Castagnoli (2) 186–8.

¹⁰⁴ See n. 40 above.

¹⁰⁵ D. Brutus Albinus (by adoption) was probably the last of the Postumii Albini: see Wiseman, T. P., Cinna the Poet and other Roman Essays (Leicester, 1974), p. 156Google Scholar.