^{page 1 note 1} Guide to the Museum of the Yorkshire Philosophical Society, 1891, 71, no. 92. I would here desire to express my thanks to the keeper of the Yorkshire Museum, Mr. Wagstaffe, for his kindness in allowing me to study the stone, and to Mr. R. P. Wright for the photograph which forms plate 1.

^{page 1 note 2} Ibid.

^{page 1 note 3} Yorkshire Philosophical Society, Annual Report, 1876.

^{page 1 note 4} For modern basketry and technical terms see Bottrill and Hardy, The Practical Instruction Handbook, Junior, i, 154, and pl. viii. Also, Bobart, , Basket-work through the Ages (Oxford, 1936)Google Scholar, passim, for a general history of the craft.

^{page 2 note 1} The other possible winged quadrupeds, the horse and the chimaera, are not in question.

^{page 2 note 2} The basket with acanthus leaves was a common motif, see Helbig, Führer durch die Sammlungen klassischen Altertums im Rom, i, 227–8, nos. 352–4, from S. Agnese; ‘sind die Schäfte aus je vier mit Akanthosblättern überzogenen Körben zusammen-gesetztdenen schalenförmige Gegenstände—jezwei zwischen zwei Körben—als Verbindungsglieder dienen’. Cf. ibid. i, 233–4, no. 363, from Vigna Verospi, in the ancient horti Sallustiani; and ibid. i, 244, no. 378, from the Naples district, now in the Louvre; see also Reinach, Répertoire de la statuaire grecque et romaine, i, 37 and iv, 326.

^{page 3 note 1} Cf. J.R.S. v, 154, fig. 38; Altmann, Die römische Grabaltäre der Kaiserzeit, 117, fig. 94, 120, fig. 96.

^{page 3 note 2} For a table-leg see Mau-Kelsey, Pompeii, 392, fig. 182. For a supporter on a candelabrum, under the bowl, ibid. 307, fig. 191; as feet, Blümner, Handbuch der klass. Altertumswissenschaft, iv, 2, part ii, 141, fig. 39, and J.R.S. v, 158, fig. 40.

^{page 3 note 3} Reinach, op. cit. i, 127.

^{page 3 note 4} Cf. Helbig, op. cit. i, 134, nos. 206–7, 221, nos. 334–5 for three-sided bases, and i, 236, no. 365 or B.M. Cat. Sculpture, iii, 2509, and Benndorf-Schoene, Die antike Bildwerke des Lateranischen Museums, 326–7, for four-sided bases.

^{page 3 note 5} In the absence of an up-to-date general study of candelabra, this statement can be no more than a general impression. But it will be noted that, apart from those catalogued by Helbig, Benndorf-Schoene's pieces are all from Rome, Venice, Verona, Florence, and the Louvre, the Louvre pieces being imported from south of the Alps.

^{page 3 note 6} Vitruvius, De architectura, vii, 173, mentions candelabra aedicularum, while Cicero, Orat. Verr. 11, iv, 28, 64–5, mentions candelabrum e gemmis clarissimis opere mirabili perfectum, given to the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus. Sutherland further draws attention to the use of candelabra in the nocturnal religious celebrations associated with the Secular Games, see Class. Rev. lviii, 46–9, and, for the coins, B.M.C. i, nos. 683 and 684 (Augustus), and ii, nos. 135 and 136 (Domitian).

^{page 3 note 7} Cf. Helbig, op. cit. i, 134, nos. 206 and 207, from Hadrian's Villa, and i, 233, no. 363, from the horti Sallustiani. Two now in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, are also from Hadrian's Villa.

^{page 4 note 1} Helbig, op. cit. i, 225, nos. 341 and 342; cf. Rushforth, J.R.S. v, 149 ff. for a complete discussion of the series.

^{page 4 note 2} J.R.S. v, 149–64; cf. Altmann, Die römische Grabaltäre der Kaiserzeit, cap. x, 112–22.

^{page 4 note 3} The relief of the Haterii, see J.R.S. v, pls. ix–x.

^{page 4 note 4} e.g. the Arch of Septimius Severus at Magna, Leptis, Bartoccini, Africa italiana, iv (1931), 57–8, figs. 27–8.Google Scholar

^{page 4 note 5} See Lehmann-Hartleben and Olsen, Dionysiac Sarcophagi in Baltimore, fig. 9, and the lid figured as fig. 27, not from the same group but with the same artistic affinity. Also ibid., fig. 40, the Casali sarcophagus in the Ny-Karlsberg Glyptotek, Copenhagen, cf. N.-K. G. Katalog, no. 778.

^{page 4 note 6} The Barberini sarcophagus is figured by Strong, Apotheosis and After-life, pl. xxxii; the Conservatori sarcophagus in Cat. Conservatori Museum, p. 72, pl. 26.

^{page 4 note 7} See Lehmann-Hartleben and Olsen, op. cit. 46, note 147, as against Rumpf, Antike Sarcophagreliefs, i, 130 ff. They add something to Furtwängler's interpretation of the Erotes as the blessed souls in Roscher, Ausführliches Lexikon der Mythologie, 1368–70. With these deductions from archaeological objects should be compared Hadrian's famous poem on the animula vagula blandula in S.H.A. Divi Hadriani, 25, 9. Figuratively conceived, this image can be no other than a putto, though this does not seem to have been stated by commentators.

^{page 4 note 8} For wine as a heavenly food see Cumont, Afterlife in Roman Paganism, 203 ff.

^{page 4 note 9} Gospel of St. John, xv, 1 ff. For an early Christian conception of paradise as a fruitful garden of bliss see the Syriac Aphraates, Patrologia Orientalis, i, 1014, quoted by Cumont, op. cit. 206.

^{page 4 note 10} Cat. Museo Capitolino, 331, Stanza del Fauno, no. 28, pl. 83.

^{page 4 note 11} Ducati, L'Arte in Roma, Tav. 232, 1, and 233, 1.

^{page 4 note 12} Dalton, Byzantine Art and Archaeology, 134, fig. 77; cf. Strzygowski, Orient oder Rom, 79, fig. 36, for a similar porphyry fragment from Constantinople. where the vine-scrolls sprout grapes for the amorini to gather.

^{page 4 note 13} Ducati, op. cit. Tav. 241, 2; cf. photograph Anderson, Rome, 83.

^{page 4 note 14} Benndorf-Schoene, op. cit. 326; cf. Reinach, op. cit. iii, 416, 4–6 (S. Costanza), and 417, 2 (S. Agnese).

^{page 5 note 1} Hekler, Die Antiken im Budapest, 106, no. 95.

^{page 5 note 2} Now in Vienna, see Reinach, op. cit. iv, 326.

^{page 5 note 3} Reinach, op. cit. i, 37.

^{page 5 note 4} For the Sphinx, see J.R.S. ii, 149–51; Robert, Oedipus, i, 48 ff., 77 ff., and ii, 17; Roscher, op. cit., s.v., and Richter, Archaic Attic Gravestones (Boston, 1944), 20. To illustrate, cf. Aeschylus, Septem contra Thebas, 541, Σφιγγ´ ὠμόσιτον, or 776–7, τὰν ἁρπαξάνδραν κῆρα. The gryphon was the familiar of Nemesis, see Cook, Zeus, i, 270, figs. 196–7.

^{page 5 note 5} e.g. Colchester Sphinx, J.R.S. ii, 148, fig. 16, and the Colchester tombstone of Sdapematygus, J.R.S. xviii, 213, pl. xxiii, also the York figure, less well known, figured by Benson, Yorkshire Philosophical Society Report, 1910, pl. v, fig. 8. With the man-eating Colchester Sphinx should be compared the Sphinx with human head from Museo Borbonico, Naples, see Reinach, op. cit. ii, 707, 1, and the Trier Sphinx and hero, see Ferri, Arte romana del Reno, 214, fig. 133. For Rhineland tombstones see Germania Romana (2nd edn.), pl. xxv, the tomb of Bassus from Cologne; pl. xix, 2, the tomb of Viator from Mainz; and iv, 4, the tomb of Optatus from Bonn.

^{page 5 note 6} Cichorius, Die Reliefs der Traianssäule,

^{page 5 note 7} See n. 4, above. For gryphons as soulbearers see Strong, Apotheosis and After-life, 209–10, 213; and as guardians of the sacred flame, Strong, La scultura romana, 247, pl. xlvii. As with the Sphinx, time tended to render tradition milder, but the grim side of these mythical creatures was never quite forgotten.

^{page 5 note 8} B.M. Cat. Sculpture, iii, no. 2359. The winged sphinx in the middle of the stem is a supporter, not quite apparent from Rushforth's illustration (J.R.S. v, 154, fig. 38), but immediately evident upon inspection of the piece, for which opportunity was kindly afforded the writer by Mr. John Allan of the British Museum.

^{page 6 note 1} Haddan and Stubbs, Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents relating to Great Britain and Ireland, 7, quoting Mansi, Concilia, ii, 466–7, on the Council of Arles in A.D. 314.

^{page 6 note 2} J.R.S. v, 150–1, on Persius, Sat. iii, 103, as Blümner agrees, see next note.

^{page 6 note 3} Lights were used to honour and delight the dead, as on the candelabra in Etruscan tombs; cf. Poulsen, Etruscan Tomb-paintings, 38, fig. 32, the Tomba Golini at Orvieto, for their use at funeral feasts. But, like music and incense, they must also have had an apotropaic value against evil spirits; cf. Candelifera, the goddess present at birth, when candles were kindled, Tertullian, Ad nationes, ii, 11, and Roscher's remarks s.v. Lights were also lit to the honour of the corpse and were rekindled at anniversaries, on the grave or in the tomb, see Suetonius, Divi Aug. 98, of the freedman Masgabas; Dio Cass. lxvii, 9, 2, of Domitian's mock feast of the dead; Petronius, 111, 4, of the widow of Ephesus; and C.I.L. ii, 2102, vi, 10248, x. 633, and xi. 2506, cited by Blümner, Die römische Privataltertümer, Handbuch der klass. Altertumswissenschaft, iv, 2, ii, 485, note 17, where he also concurs in the view that the candelae of Persius (see previous note) refer to the candles placed round the corpse when lying in state.

^{page 6 note 4} Wooden candelabra are mentioned by Petronius, 95, Martial, xiv, 44, Athenaeus, xv, 700 e, and Nonius Marcellus, 202, 15 (edn. Lindsay, p. 297), but these are table-lamps or lights in camp. For the deep carving possible in wood cf. the Berlin stem from Eshmunein, Egypt, figured by Strong, La scultura romana, 348, pl. lxx, Dalton, op. cit. 149, and Strzygowski, op. cit. 65, pl. iii.

^{page 6 note 5} Rushforth, J.R.S. v, 157.

^{page 7 note 1} Ibid. 153.

^{page 7 note 2} Ordnance Survey.

^{page 7 note 3} No comprehensive account of these important discoveries was ever published, and no modern study of the surviving remains exists. Contemporary notes are to be found in Collectanea Antiqua, vii, 172–81, Arch. Ael., ser. 2, viii, 127–31, and Academy, v, 1875, 546.

^{page 7 note 4} Cumont, Afterlife in Roman Paganism, 58, quoting I.L.S. 6746 = C.I.L. v, 7464, the tomb of a sevir from the colony of Industria, in the lower Po valley.

^{page 7 note 5} Codrington, Roman Roads in Britain, 3rd edn. (1918), 145.

^{page 8 note 1} Dragendorff und Krüger, Das Grabmal von Igel, Taf. 5 and 7.

^{page 8 note 2} Ésperandieu, Bas-reliefs de la Gaule romaine, vi, 4991 (Trier), 5097 (Illingen).

^{page 8 note 3} Ibid. v, 4226 (Waldbillig); also Loeschcke, Denkmäler vom Weinbau aus der Zeit der Römerherrschaft an Mosel, Saar und Ruwer, Abb. 1 (Emerange).

^{page 8 note 4} Ésperandieu, op. cit. viii, 5960 = Loeschcke, op. cit., Abb. 13 a.

^{page 8 note 5} May, Roman Pottery in York Museum, 38–9; cf. Loeschcke, op. cit. 43–50, and C.I.L. xiii, fasc. iii, part ii, pp. 532 ff.

^{page 8 note 6} No account of York glass has yet been produced, but many pieces are treated by Thorpe, English Glass, the Rhine–Seine imports being specially mentioned on p. 42, note 6, and figured in pls. v, c, vi, a, and figs. 2 c and 2 d.

^{page 8 note 7} Lyons, C.I.L. xiii, 2033. For the Allobrogic wine see Pliny, N.H. xiv, 18, 26, 57.

^{page 8 note 8} Cumont, Comment la Belgique fût romanisée, 29, note 3, quoting the negotiatores Britanniciani of Domburg (C.I.L. xiii, 8793), Cologne (xiii, 8164 a), and Mainz (xiii, 7300).

^{page 8 note 9} V.C.H. Kent, iii, 163–5.

^{page 8 note 10} The Rhineland garrison of six legions with a comparable proportion of auxiliaries was twice as large as the British garrison and at the very doorstep of Belgica: it must have absorbed all the wine to spare.

^{page 8 note 11} Strabo, iv, 5, 2, citing as habitual passages those from the mouths of the Rhine, Seine, Loire, and Garonne.

^{page 8 note 12} Cf. Diodorus Siculus, v, 38, 5, of the mid-first century B.C., who states that tin ‘was brought through the midst of Gaul on horse-back by merchants to Marseilles and to Narbo, the latter being a Roman colony, which, owing to its good position, had the biggest mart in those parts’. The ‘good position’ must refer to the rapid overland connexion through the gap of Carcassone.

^{page 9 note 1} C.I.L. xiii, 634.

^{page 9 note 2} J.R.S. xi, 101–7.

^{page 9 note 3} ab Eboraci avectus says the stone, ibid. 102.

^{page 9 note 4} Ibid. 103, note 6.

^{page 9 note 5} Holder, Altkeltischer Sprachschatz, i, 497. Cf. Lollia Bodicca (C.I.L. viii, 2877), wife of a centurion who had served in all three British legions, and Bodiccius (C.I.L. iii, 3256), soldier in a British cohort. But the name also occurs in Celtiberia, as Boudica (C.I.L. ii, 455).

^{page 9 note 6} Duff, Freedmen in the Early Roman Empire, 134–7.

^{page 9 note 7} C.I.L. vii, 248: Courteault, however, did not note (J.R.S. xi, 103–4) that Diogenes was from the Bituriges Cubi. He prepared his tomb while still alive, so that the burial at York was no accident, For Diogenes as a libertine cognomen cf. Petronius, 38, C. Pompeius Diogenes.

^{page 9 note 8} Columella, iii, 2, 19, ‘possunt tamen etiam secundae notae vites proventu et ubertate commendari, qualis est Biturica’: cf. Ausonius, Ep. ix, 18–21.

^{page 9 note 9} The best evidence for the wine-trade with Aquitania is St. John Hope's statement (Archaeologia, lviii, 427) that Silchester produced ‘wine-casks made of silver fir and strongly suggesting a trade with Bordeaux’: cf. Sagot, La Bretagne romaine, 284, and West, Roman Britain, the Objects of Trade, 107, note 25.

^{page 9 note 10} Ésperandieu, op. cit. ii, 1207, 1211 (Bordeaux).

^{page 10 note 1} Ésperandieu, op. cit. ii, 1057 (Belloc-Saint-Clémens).

^{page 10 note 2} Ibid. ii, 1669 (Le Puy).

^{page 10 note 3} Ibid. ii, 1296 (Périgueux), 1451 (Bourges).

^{page 10 note 4} Arch. Ael. 4th ser., xi, 131.

^{page 10 note 5} The emperors were resident in York and giving rescripts from there on 4 May 210, see Cod. Iust, iii, 32, 1. S.H.A. Severus, 22, 7, mentions the palatium in the civitas whither Severus was going just before his death. This can hardly be anywhere else but York, and the civitas may well refer to the colonia rather than the military fortress. For the colonia see C.I.L. vii, 247, 248, and E.E. iii, p. 123, 80.

^{page 10 note 6} Ptol. Geogr. ii, 3, 10, Ἐβόρακον, λεγίων ς´ νικηφόρος: Itin. Anton. 466, 1 (edn. Cuntz, p. 71).

^{page 10 note 7} The wine was of a coarse kind called posca; see S.H.A. Hadrian, 10, 2, ‘cibis etiam castrensibus in propatulo libenter utens, hoc est, larido, caseo et posca’. We may compare the ‘vinegar’ of the Gospel of St. John, xix, 29, which is the translation of the Vulgate posca.