1 I am grateful to Dr. Mary Berry, Fellow of Newnham College, Cambridge, for her comments on the Tresaunt graffito and for permission to use her Cambridge doctoral thesis; and to the late Mr. Maurice Bond, F.S.A., of Windsor, who showed me the Tresaunt passage and made available to me his great knowledge of the history of Windsor Castle.

2 Fellows, E. H., ‘The music of St. George's Chapel’, Report of the Society of the Friends of St. George's and the Descendants of the Knights of the Garter (hereafter Report) (1951), p. 15Google Scholar.

3 Research on the iconography of medieval music has been confined largely to continental Europe. For example, K. Meyer, in ‘The eight Gregorian modes on the Cluny capitals’, (Art Bull, xxxiv (1952), pp. 75–94), concludes that the mottoes are paraphrases of the texts of the key antiphons in contemporary tonaries; and the work of Marius Schneider, who suggests that animals carved on the capitals around twelfth-century cloisters serve mnemonically to denote the pitches of the hymns of patron saints. See Hughes, Andrew, Medieval Music (Toronto, 1980), pp. 54–6Google Scholar.

4 Author's own collection of English medieval graffiti relating to music, made over the past twenty years.

5 The graffito of music on the south nave wall at St. Albans Abbey (Herts.) is one of few surviving medieval examples with enlarged notation, presumably for viewing at a greater distance and by one or more people.

6 In medieval usage a tresaunt was a passage near cloisters. The Windsor Castle Tresaunt runs parallel to the present Dean's Cloister, and has a window opening upon its south-east corner.

7 With the exception of certain types: one medieval custom was for incumbent clergy to record their names and dates of induction on the jamb of the ‘priest's door’—the south door in the chancel. Dates of voyages, historic and otherwise, and intended journeys for pilgrimage, together with crosses, are among those which also appear.

8 SirWagner, Anthony, Historic Heraldry of Britain (1972), pp. 37–8.Google Scholar

9 Modern architectural historians, including Harvey, John (‘The architects of St. George's Chapel’, Report (1961), pp. 48–9)Google Scholar, date the Tresaunt to the 1240–3 building of the Chapel, largely, it appears, on the basis of architectural remains. But Hope, W. H. St. John, in his monumental 2-volume Windsor Castle, an Architectural History (London, 1913)Google Scholar, published the available documents as footnotes and pointed to ambiguities in dating: ‘the documentary history of the Chapel and royal lodgings is not easy to follow, for not only is much of it obscured under the general head of ‘works’, but other building operations were going on at the same time in connexion with the King's and Queen's chapels in the upper bailey, and it is often hard to say to which the various directions refer.’ Hope also points out remains of earlier structures ‘embedded’ in later ones, and that the King's writ of 4th January 1239–40 for the building of St. George's Chapel was not strictly followed in its location within the castle precincts: see vol. 1, P. 55.

10 In St. George's Church, Anstey (Herts.) there is an especially well-drawn collection of graffiti of shields of arms and armorial helms cut into the walls and pillars at the east end of the nave.

11 See, for example, sites of medieval altars in churches and domestic buildings, often marked by crosses, probably votive, and graffiti consisting of lists of names on pillars or walls near fonts, no doubt ready records of baptisms, a practice continued even after this information was required to be kept in parish registers (5th September, 1538, State Papers Domestic, xiii, ii, no. 281).

12 For a discussion of the Tresaunt Door Cross, see Bond, M., ‘The crucifix badges of St. George's Chapel’, Report (1954), p. 11Google Scholar.

13 Liturgical graffiti are valuable as evidence showing medieval liturgical practices, especially where there were departures from usual forms of service. Francis Wormald, who in 1945 wrote one of the very few articles referring to graffiiti (‘A wall painting at Idsworth, Hampshire, and a liturgical graffito’, Antiq. J. xxv, pp. 43–7), however, regarded the latter as an isolated, if not unique, case. He identified the nine lines of late fifteenth-century Latin as part of the three nocturnes into which the service of Matins is divided, and according to the Sarum Breviary showed each of the nine lines as the cue for the Benedictions for the nine lessons of Matins of the Visitation of the Virgin on 2nd July. This set of Benedictions is not in the Sarum Rite, but is one of the two sets given by the Sarum Customary for feasts of Our Lady.

14 See St. John Hope, op. cit. (note 9), 11, pp. 375. 478–87.

15 Jones-Baker, Doris, ‘The graffiti of English medieval and post-medieval ships: a source for nautical archaeology’, a paper read to the Society of Antiquaries on 2nd February 1984Google Scholar.

16 (Dr. Mary Berry) SisterMore, Thomas, ‘The Performance of Plainsong in the Later Middle Ages and the Sixteenth Century”, Ph.D. thesis, Girton College, Cambridge, 1968, pp. 246–50Google Scholar.

17 Simkins, C. F., ‘St. George's music in the fifteenth century’, Report (1950), pp. 10–17Google Scholar.

18 Rigold, S. E., ‘Two common species of medieval seal-matrix’, Antiq. J. lvii (1977), pp. 324–9Google Scholar.

19 At the time of going to press at least thirty more medieval seal-dies have been found during a post-excavation watching-brief at Billingsgate; these will be recorded elsewhere.

20 I am much indebted to the following: A. R. Caroli, L. Darling, R. Ellis, H. Grala, R. Hill, R. Hooper, L. Hunt, N. Mills, D. Morgan, R. and I. Smith, A. Stewart and E. Taylor. I should also like to thank John Cherry, F.S.A., Vanessa Harding and Dr. Derek Keene for helpful comments.

21 Zwierlein-Diehl, E., Die antiken Gemmen des Kunsthistorischen Museums in Wien, i (Munich, 1973), pp. 15–16Google Scholar; cf. Maaskant-Kleibrink, M., Catalogue of the Engraved Gems in the Royal Coin Collection, The Hague (The Hague, 1978), pp. 131–53Google Scholar.

22 Zwierlein-Diehl, op. cit. (note 21), 11 (Munich, 1979), p. 141 and pl. 97, no. 1163. In his crosier Archbishop Hubert Walter had a gem depicting a stag cut in a related Italian style; Henig, M., ‘Archbishop Hubert Walter's gems’ (Rundperl-Stil), J.B.A.A. cxxxvi (1983), p. 58Google Scholar.

23 Cabrol, F. and Leclercq, H., Dictionnaire d'archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie, xiii (Paris, 1937), cols. 1075–97Google Scholar; Toynbee, J. M. C., Animals in Roman Life and Art (London, 1973), pp. 251–3Google Scholar; Guirand, F. in New Larousse Encyclopedia of Mythology (1968), p. 106Google Scholar.

24 I am indebted to Dr. Rowena Gale of the Jodrell Laboratory at Kew for this information.

25 Smith, C. Roach, ‘Medieval seals set with ancient gems’, in Collectanea Antiqua, iv (London, 1857), p. 69Google Scholar.

26 Emden, A. B., A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford (Oxford, 1957), 1, p. 120Google Scholar.

27 Irish Monastic and Episcopal Deeds *hellip; at Kilkenny Castle, ed. White, N. B. (Dublin, 1936), pp. 24–6Google Scholar. I am indebted to Donal Begley for this reference.

28 Hope, W. H. St. John ‘The seals of English bishops’ Proc. Soc. Antiq. 2nd ser. xi (1888), p. 280.Google Scholar

29 Trans. Ossory Arch. Soc. ii (1883), pp. 244–5Google Scholar; Corrigan, W., The History and Antiquities of the Diocese of Ossory, 1 (Dublin, 1905), pp. 281–2Google Scholar.

30 Calendar of Coroners Rolls of the City of London, ed. Sharpe, R. R. (1913), p. 136Google Scholar.

31 Tonnochy, A. B., Catalogue of British Seal-Dies in the British Museum (1952), nos. 711–14Google Scholar. See also Ellis, R. H., Catalogue of Seals in the Public Record Office: Personal Seals, ii (1981), no. 2306.Google Scholar

32 I must thank Michael Borrie of the British Library for this interpretation.

33 Tonnochy, op. cit. (note 31), no. 741.

34 I must thank Dr. Paul Robinson for this information.

35 Tonnochy, op. cit. (note 31), nos. 749–53.

36 I am indebted to Mrs. Ruth Taylor for this reference.

37 Tonnochy, op. cit. (note 31), nos. 700–1.

38 For a similar legend, Ellis, op. cit. (note 31), no. 667.

39 cf. silver chain on fourteenth-century silver seal, Antiq. J. xxxi (1951), p. 194.

40 According to Dr. Stuart Jenks, he is not to be found among the Hanseatic merchants in England between 1377 and 1461, and a wider search for him has begun in German archives (pers. comm.).

41 cf. Dalton, O. M., Catalogue of Finger Rings in the British Museum (1912)Google Scholar, nos. 526, 545.

42 Reg. no. MLA 1982, 7–4, 1. Bought Christie's, 23rd June 1982, lot 92 (not ill.).

43 See Weitzmann-Fiedler, J., Romanische gravierte Bronzeschalen (Berlin, 1981)Google Scholar, passim.

44 The most useful collection of illustrations of Limoges gemellions remains de Vasselot, J.-J. Marquet, Les GSmellions limousins du XIII^e siàcle (Paris, 1952)Google Scholar.

45 A brief stylistic analysis of one group of late Ottoman trefoil initials can be found in M. Schapiro, The Parma Ildefonsus, a Romanesque Illuminated Manuscript from Cluny and Related Works, Monographs on Arch, and Fine Arts sponsored by the Arch. Inst. of America and the College Art Assoc. of America, xi (1964), pp. 26–9. See also, e.g., Bloch, P., Schnitzler, H., Die ottonische Kölner Malerschule (Düsseldorf, 1967), 1Google Scholar, Taf. 389; M.-R. Lapiàre, La Lettre ornée dans les manuscrits mosans d'origine bénédictine (XI^e–XII^e siècles), Bibl. de la Faculté de Philosophic et Lettres de l'Université de Liège, Fasc. ccxxix (Paris, 1981), figs. 12–13, 24–34. 51, 58. 100, 110–13, 118–19, 128, etc.

46 See Reiner Musterbuch. Fdksimile-Ausgabe im Originalformat des Musterbuches aus Codex Vindobonensis 507 der O'sterreichischen Nationalbibliothek, with commentary by F. Unterkircher (Graz, 1979), fos. 1^v – 2^v (the foliage of the spandrels between the arches). Similar engraved foliage in lobes around a central field occurs on two patens of the first half of the thirteenth century (at Gronau and at Plock Cathedral).

47 See Catalogue Rhin-Meuse. Art et Civilisation 800–1400 (Cologne/Brussels, 1972), nos. 11, 3–5; Catalogue Die Zeit der Staufer (Stuttgart, 1977), in, Abb. 93 (cat. no. 98).

48 Ibid., Abb. 85 (cat. no. 90), 88 (cat. no. 93).

49 For instance, four such seated frontal images taken from French and English MSS. are illustrated in Dodwell, C. R., The Canterbury School of Illumination 1066–1200 (Cambridge, 1954), pl. 32Google Scholar. For a twelfth-century Cologne archbishop in a MS. see Rhin-Meuse (op. cit. (note 47)), no. J41. For a celebrated example in cloisonni enamel on gold, showing St. Severinus of Cologne, see H. Schnitzler, Rheinische Schatzkammer (Tafelband) (Düsseldorf, 1957), Taf. 49. There are other metalwork examples, e.g. the figure of St. Heribert on the end of the Heribert Shrine at Deutz.

50 Compare, e.g., around the scene of the three Marys at the Sepulchre, the elegant engraved border of 4-lobed leaves against a hatched background, which could be seen as a direct ancestor of the border decoration of the gemellion. But this is only one of several foliage comparisons which could be made. See Bock, F., Der Kronleuchter Kaisers Friedrich Barbarossa.… (Leipzig, 1864)Google Scholar, Taf. 5, 9, 14.

51 Dalton, O. M., ‘On two medieval bronze bowls in the British Museum’, Archaeologia, lxxii (1921), pp. 133–60.Google Scholar

52 London: Antiq. J. xiii (1933), p. 170Google Scholar; Leicester: Cottrill, F., ‘A medieval bronze bowl from Leicester’, Trans. Leics. Arch. Soc. xxiii (1946), pp. 1–7Google Scholar; Taunton: Gray, H. St. George, Proc. Somerset Arch. & Nat. Hist. Soc. lxxxiv (1938), pp. 100–3Google Scholar; Leuchars, Fife: Proc. Soc. Antiq. Scotland, lxvi (1931/2), p. 15, fig. 2Google Scholar; Southampton: found in excavations in Upper Bugle St., 1973 (to be published).

53 Weitzmann-Fiedler, op. cit. (note 43).

54 Sotheby's Sale 22nd April 1982, lot 60. Reg. no. 1982, 5–4, 1.

55 Another English example of the illustration of the Judgement of Solomon is on a capital from Westminster Abbey, c. 1120, which shows the story in three scenes: English Romanesque Art 1066–1250, exhibition catalogue, Hayward Gallery (London, 1984), no. 110.

56 Op. cit. (note 43), nos. 20, 21, and 22.

57 Ibid., nos. 2,3,14,59,87,141,145,149,151, 170–3. Nine are from London, two from the River Severn, and one each from Leicester, Taunton, Fotheringhay and Southampton.

58 Leland Itinerary, ed. L. Toulmin-Smith, vol. 1, p. 4.

59 Discussion of the site is by K.L. and of the object by M.H. We would like to thank Roger Goodburn, F.S.A., for his help and Robert Wilkins, F.S.A., for the photographs.

60 TF 209 845.

61 Phillips, C. W., ‘The present state of archaeology in Lincolnshire. Part II’, Arch. J. xci (1934), pp. 148–9Google Scholar.

62 Margary, I. D., Roman Roads in Britain, 3rd edn. (London, 1973), p. 241Google Scholar. Route 272.

63 Whitwell, J. B., The Coritani, B.A.R. 99 (Oxford, 1982), p. 74Google Scholar.

64 Corder, P. and Richmond, I. A., ‘A Romano-British interment with bucket and sceptres from Brough, East Yorkshire’, Antiq. J. xviii (1938), pp. 68–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

65 C. Johns in Potter, T. W., ‘The Roman occupation of the Central Fenland’, Britannia, xii (1981), pp. 102–4Google Scholar, fig.10 and pl. via.

66 For Venus with a dove beside her see Zwierlein-Diehl, op. cit. (note 21), 11, p. 203, no. i486, pl. 145, a chalcedony-onyx intaglio; Toynbee, J. M. C., Death and Burial in the Roman World (London, 1971)Google Scholar, pl. 79—marble tombstone showing a woman as Venus Victrix accompanied by a dove; and see below, note 68.

67 Kirk, J. R., ‘Bronzes from Woodeaton, Oxon.’, Oxoniensia, xiv (1949), pp. 30–1Google Scholar, nos. 4 and 5 (pl. vd and e). The second of these in particular may be a pigeon or dove, and it is of interest that the temple has yielded two Venus figurines, ibid., nos. 1 and 2 (pl. iva and b). For another pigeon-like bird from Brize Lodge Farm, Ramsden, see C.B.A. Group 9, Newsletter 11 (1981), p. 138, fig. 39. For the Willingham Fen birds see Alföldi, A., ‘The bronze mace from Willingham Fen, Cambridgeshire’, J.R.S. xxxix (1949), p. 19 and pl. IIGoogle Scholar, an owl and another bird, the former probably from a sceptre. For the birds from Felmingham Hall see Gilbert, H. M., ‘The Felmingham Hall hoard, Norfolk’, Bull. Board Celt. Stud., xxviii (1978), pp. 168–70Google Scholar, fig. 4d and e, the former originally mounted on an iron shaft. Although described as a dove by Toynbee the identification cannot be sustained with any confidence.

68 Aelian, iv. 2.

69 Johns, C., Sex or Symbol. Erotic Images of Greece and Rome (London, 1982), pp. 67–71Google Scholar, col. pls. 13 and 14.

70 Ginsberg-Klar, M. E., ‘The archaeology of musical instruments in Germany during the Roman period’, World Arch, xii (1981), pp. 313–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 317–18. For the Felmingham Hall rattle see Boon in Antiq. J. lxiii (1983), pp. 363–4Google Scholar. For the spear-sceptre see Gilbert, op. cit. (note 67), pp. 166 (fig. 3a), 179–80; also M. J. Green, A Romano-British Ceremonial Bronze Object Found near Peterborough, Peterborough City Museum monograph no. 1 (1975), for a similar spear-sceptre found at Milton, near Peterborough.

71 Toynbee, J. M. C., Art in Roman Britain (London, 1962), pp. 124–5, no. 4, pl.4Google Scholar; Henig, M. and Wilson, P. R., ‘A bronze figurine from Bainesse Farm, Catterick’, Antiq. J. lxii (1982), pp. 370–2, pl. livGoogle Scholar.

72 Note 67, figurines from Woodeaton and Ramsden.

73 Johns, C. and Potter, T., The Thetford Treasure. Roman Jewellery and Silver (London, 1983), pp. 84–5Google Scholar. no. 7, pl. 14.

74 The inscription seems first to have been published in Letronne, M., Recueil des inscriptions grecques et latines de l'Égypte, 1 (Paris, 1842), pp. 1 ffGoogle Scholar. For other references, see Hirschfeld, G. and Marshall, F. H., The Collection of Ancient Greek Inscriptions in the British Museum, iv (Oxford, 1893), no. 1063Google Scholar; Marshall, F. H., Catalogue of the Jewellery, Greek, Etruscan, and Roman, in the Departments of Antiquities, British Museum (London, 1911 and 1969), no. 2111Google Scholar; and Rowe, A., Discovery of the Famous Temple and Enclosure of Serapis at Alexandria (Cairo, 1946), p. 10, n. 3, p. 11, n. 2Google Scholar. The reg. no. of the plaque is 1895. 10–30.1.

75 Rowe, op. cit. (note 74), p. 11.

76 Hall, J. J., The Life and Correspondence of Henry Salt, ii (London, 1834), p. 114Google Scholar.

77 Described in Burke, B., The General Armory (London, 1884), p. 940Google Scholar. Our Fellow Ronald Lightbown informed me of the French origin of t h e imitation book.

78 Phil. Trans. Royal Soc. London, cv (1815), pp. 97–124 (I am grateful to our Fellow Donald Harden for this reference).

79 Rowe, op. cit. (note 74), pp. 6, 5–7.

80 Science, cxxxiii (1961), pp. 1824–6.

81 Hughes, M. J., P.P.S. xxxviii (1972), pp. 98–107Google Scholar.

82 Rowe, op. cit. (note 74), pp. 1–2, 3; Wace, A. J. B. in J.H.S. lxv (1945), p. 106Google Scholar.

83 Rowe, op. cit. (note 74), pl. x.

84 Ibid., pp. 51, 55, 56 and 59; Wace, op. cit. (note 82), p. 108.

85 Rowe, op. cit. (note 74), pp. 11, 12–13; Tod, M. N. in J. Egyptian Arch., xxviii (1942), pp. 53 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar: it is Rowe's view that one of the plaques might be glass; Tod describes it as porcelain (faience) and green stone has also been suggested; it now appears to be lost.

86 Wace, op. cit. (note 82), p. 108.

87 A facsimile of the gold plaque was sent to Corfu in 1838. Our Fellow John Goodall suggested to me that the loss of the Ionian Islands as a British possession may have prompted the non-delivery of the plaque to the University of Corfu.

88 Sothebys: Sale of Medieval, Gothic, Renaissance and Baroque Works of Art and Tapestries, 17th April 1980, lot 14.

89 British Museum, Department of Prehistoric and Romano-British Antiquities, reg. no. P.1983.10–3.1.

90 Henkel, F., Die rbmischen Fingerringe der Rheinlande (Berlin, 1913)Google Scholar.

91 Published in the Illustrated London News, 2nd October 1948. See also Thomas, C., Christianity in Roman Britain to A.D. 500 (London, 1981), p. 131Google Scholar and fig. 13.5. At the time of writing, the present whereabouts of the Brentwood ring remains unknown: the British Museum (P & RB Department) possesses photographs and a plaster impression of the ring.

92 R.C.H.M., Dorset, ill, pt. 1 (1970), p. 94.

93 The motif is commented upon in Thomas, op. cit. (note 91), p. 92.

94 Several examples of Chi-Rho monograms from Roman Britain are illustrated and compared, ibid., figs. 4–7.

95 The analysis of the ring by X-ray fluorescence was carried out in the British Museum Research Laboratory by Michael Cowell.

96 Johns and Potter, op. cit. (note 73); analyses are listed on p. 57.

97 Thomas, op. cit. (note 91). There are numerous references to Icklingham throughout the work.

98 C. J. is very grateful to Martin Henig, F.S.A., Jack Ogden, David Buckton and Donald Bailey, F.S.A., who have discussed the ring with her, and to Philip Compton for his drawing of the object.

99 Analysis was undertaken by Mrs. S. C. La Niece and M. R. Cowell of the Research Laboratory, Department of Scientific Research and Conservation, British Museum.

100 Information kindly proffered by R. P. J. Jackson.

101 Ross, A., Pagan Celtic Britain (London, 1967), pp. 118–19, 199–200Google Scholar.

102 Gervase, Abbot of Westminster, Hugh of Bury St. Edmunds, Walter, Abbot of Battle, and Robert of St. Albans are early examples: see, op. cit. (note 55), nos. 364 and 365; Birch, W. de G., Catalogue of Seals in the British Museum (London, 1887), no. 2617Google Scholar; and Registrum Antiquissimum, Lincoln Record Society, xxviii (1933), ed. C. W. Foster, no. 322, pl. v, opp. P. 13.

103 See Heslop, T. A., ‘English seals from the mid ninth century to 1100’, J.B.A.A. cxxxiii (1980), p. 12Google Scholar.

104 The diameter of the matrix varies a little, but 58 mm. is the average measurement. The handle projects a further 8 mm. and at its deepest the stone measures 15 mm. We are grateful to Paul Williamson at the Victoria and Albert Museum and Robin Sanderson of the British Geological Survey for their help in attempting to identify the stone. It is a ‘pale greyish buff granular limestone … too coarse grained to be one of the local (south Worcs.) White Lias lithographic limestones. There is the possibility that it could be one of the minor types of Jurassic limestone from the Cotswold belt’ (Robin Sanderson, letter to Paul Williamson dated 15th March 1984).

105 The others belonged to Wulfric and Godwin, both men of thegnly or equivalent rank since each holds a sword as an indication of status, and Godgyth, a nun. At this period, before the use of seals to authenticate charters in England, their primary function was probably for closing letters, though in the first two instances, and that of the Evesham matrix, they could also have been used on writs; see Heslop, op. cit. (note 103), passim.

106 Directed by Kevin Blockley and Marion Day, sponsored by the Avon County Council and financed by the Manpower Services Commission. See Blockley, K. and Day, M., Marshfield 1982: Interim Report on the Excavation of an Iron Age and Romano-British Settlement (Bristol, 1983)Google Scholar.

107 The final report on the 1982–3 excavations will be published in the B.A.R. series.

108 Allen, D. in Frere, S. (ed.), Problems of the Iron Age in Southern Britain, London Inst. Arch. Occ. Pap. 11 (1961), p. 302Google Scholar; Frere, S., Veralamium Excavations, 1, Soc. Antiq. London Res. Rep. xxviii (1972), p. 160Google Scholar.

109 Although the difference is only 17 g. and the experiment makes no great claim to accuracy.

110 Frere 1972 (op. cit., note 108), p. 160.

111 e.g. R. Goodburn in Frere 1972 (op. cit., note 108), p. 124, fig. 37.92.

112 Bushe-Fox, J. P., Excavations at Richborough, iv, Soc. Antiq. London Res. Rep. xvi (1949), p. 131, pl. XXXVIII, no. 133Google Scholar; Cunliffe, B. W. (ed.), Excavations at Richborough, v, Soc. Antiq. London Res. Rep. xxiii (1968), pl. xlvii, no. 214Google Scholar.

113 Watkins, M. in Heighway, C. and Garrod, P., ‘Excavations at Nos. 1 and 30 Westgate Street, Gloucester: the Roman levels’, Britannia, xi (1980), pp. 107–9Google Scholar, fig. 15 no.10, where the function of the sliding weight is apparently misunderstood.

114 Boon, G. C., Silchester: the Roman Town of Calleva (Newton Abbot, 1974), p. 292Google Scholar, fig. 34, nos. 3–4.

115 Webster, G. in Jarrett, M. J. and Wrathmell, S., Whitton. An Iron Age and Roman Farmsteadin South Glamorgan (Cardiff, 1981), p. 182Google Scholar, fig. 72.48.

116 Merrifield, R., The Roman City of London (London, 1965), pl. 128Google Scholar.

117 Inv. nos. B559, B755 and B759.

118 Justine Bayley is responsible for the analytical work, and Brian Spencer for the discussion and distribution list. The latter were originally compiled in anticipation of the publication of the Perth mirrors, and are here made available by courtesy of Dr. N. Fojut of the Scottish Development Department (Ancient Monuments).

119 We are grateful to Mr. Nutt for permission to exhibit and publish the object, and to the staff of the Archaeology Section of the Essex County Council Planning Department for passing it to Chelmsford Archaeological Trust for identification.

120 Ancient Monuments Laboratory (AML) Report 4160, February 1984; analysis by X-ray fluorescence (XRF).

121 Confirmed by XRF.

122 Detected by XRF.

123 Identified by X-ray diffraction (XRD).

124 Material of a similar appearance on a mirror from Winchester has been identified as such by XRD (AML Report 4161).

125 AML Report 3014.

126 For help in compiling this list we are much indebted to Professor M. Biddle, F.S.A., S. Bird, Dr. J. Collis, Mrs. A. R. Easson, N. Griffiths, Dr. S. Margeson, G. Marsh, M. Rhodes and Dr. P. Robinson.

127 Bruce, J. C., The Roman Wall (London, 1867), p. 431.Google Scholar

128 Colchester and Essex Museum; an unpublished collection of drawings for a history of Colchester, p. 173.

129 Seaby's Coin and Medal Bulletin, no. 781 (September 1983), V274.

130 In excavations by Professor M. Biddle, to whom we are grateful for information.

131 AML Report 4161 and information from Professor Biddle.

132 City Museum, St. Albans.

133 Museum of London ace. nos. A13735 and 1883: records of the Billingsgate finds are with the Museum's Medieval Department.

134 Castle Museum; ex inf. Dr. S. Margeson.

135 Excavated by L. A. S. Butler in 1964; ex inf. Alison Goodall. For a note on the site, see Wilson, D. M. and Hurst, D. G., ‘Medieval Britain in 1964’, Med. Arch, ix (1965), p. 214Google Scholar.

136 N. Q. Bogdan, Excavations at Perth High Street, 1975–77 (forthcoming), small find L2404. See also notes 118 and 144.

137 Roman Baths Museum, BATRM A299; illustrated by Wacher, J., The Coming of Rome (London, 1980), p. 144.Google Scholar

138 Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto, 927. 66.3,4.

139 ,Ibid., 926. 26.5.

140 Devizes Museum.

141 AML Report 3014; object AM 749175.

142 As in the Bath example, op. cit. (note 137). One of these, from Billingsgate, has an additional perforated lug, presumably for suspending the mirror (pl. liiib).

143 AML Reports 3014, 4161.

144 See note 136; SF C7079. This is now matched by another from Billingsgate.

145 These particular finds from Swan Lane and Billingsgate are deposited with the Department of Urban Archaeology, Museum of London.

146 Hume, A., Ancient Meols: Antiquities found near Dove Point (London, 1863), p. 361Google Scholar; cf. Dept. Medieval and Later Antiquities, British Museum 83.5–1.1.

147 Barrelet, J., La Verrerie en France (Paris, 1953). p. 42Google Scholar.

148 Those depicted in fifteenth-century Flemish paintings are discussed in van Buchem, H. J. H., ‘Convexe Spiegeltjes’, Numaga, xxiii (1976), pp. 12–22Google Scholar. We must thank Dr. G. Lloyd-Morgan, F.S.A., for this reference.

149 Best illustrated by pilgrim signs from Aachen: Köster, K., ‘Gutenbergs Strassburger Aachenspiegel-Unternehmen van 1438/1440’, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch, 1983, pp. 24–44Google Scholar.

150 Fairholt, F. W., ‘Satirical songs and poems on costume’, English Poetry and Ballads, Percy Soc. xxvii (1899), p. 12Google Scholar.

151 Lopez, R. S. and Raymond, I. W., Medieval Trade in the Mediterranean World (London, 1955). p. 134Google Scholar.

152 Marquess of Bute MS. 150, f. 32b; Catalogue of the Bute Collection, Sotheby's sale, 13th June 1983, p. 20, where the lady is described as holding a pair of spectacles, listening.

153 Randall, L. M., Images in the Margins of Gothic Manuscripts (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1966)Google Scholar, passim, but especially under ‘hybrid man with mirror’ and ‘hybrid woman with mirror’.

154 Public Record Office, E122/71/8, 1114. We are indebted to Vanessa Harding for this reference.

155 Scheurleer, D. F. Lunsingh, Chinese Export Porcelain (London, 1974), pl. 29Google Scholar.

156 Legg, J. Wickham, in English Church Life from the Restoration to the Tractarian Movement (1914), p. 165Google Scholar, quotes: ‘Luke Heslop Archdeacon of Buckingham, was born and baptized on St. Luke's day 1738.’

157 I am indebted to Mr. Donald Findlay, who copied the inscriptions, in the preparation of this note.

158 Whatever the ancient name of such a vessel may have been, it was certainly not patera, a handleless libation-dish held in the right hand, as countless sculptures, paintings and coins show, with the fingers fitting into the concave underside, and the ball of the thumb over the rim. Patella, patena or patina may be excluded, as may trua, leaving trulleus or trulleum as possibilities. Cf. Hilgers, W., Lateinische Gefässnamen (Düsseldorf, 1969)Google Scholar, s.w.; but over patera he is confused.

159 Directed for the National Museum of Wales by Mr. David Zienkiewicz.

160 Tinning is necessary if food, etc., is not to be tainted with copper, and many trullei still exhibit it. The copper pans in kitchen use down to recent years were scoured with silversand and needed re-tinning at intervals; see our Lewis, Fellow Lesley's The Private Life of a Country House (Newton Abbot, 1980), p. 132Google Scholar. The metal of the Caerleon vessel has not been analysed, but would doubtless prove similar to that of the parallels at Nijmegen: cf. den Boesterd, M. H. P. and Hoekstra, E., Oudheidk. Mededeel. n.s. xlvi (1965), pp. 112–13Google Scholar, nos. 28–9, two Gaulish Gödaker pans with 11–12 per cent tin and 3½–7 per cent lead; the numbers correspond to den Boesterd, M. H. P., Description of the Collections in the Rijksmuseum G. M. Kam at Nijmegen, v: The Bronze Vessels (Nijmegen, 1956)Google Scholar.

161 The hoards are: (1). Glyndyfrdwy, Corwen: Arch. Comb. lxxxii (1927), pp. 129–40Google Scholar; (2). Plas Uchaf, Abergele: Davies, E., The Prehistoric and Roman Remains of Denbighshire (Cardiff, 1929), pp. 39–42Google Scholar; (3). Llanberis: Arch. Camb. xcviii (1945), pp. 129–33Google Scholar, cf. Arch. Ael. ser. 4, xlvii (1969), p. 5; (4). Ynys Gwrtheyrn, Llanenddwyn, Mer.: Wales, R.C.A.H.M., Merioneth Inventory (1921), pp. 103–4Google Scholar; and (5). Llechwedd-du Bach, Harlech: Arch. Camb. lxxx (1925), pp. 190–6Google Scholar. Another trulleus was found separately at Llystyn-gwyn, Caerns.: Arch. Camb. xc (1935), pp. 304–6Google Scholar. In addition there is the Welshpool ‘cenotaph’, Boon in Antiq. J. xli (1961), pp. 13–31Google Scholar. A few fragments from the forts will be found in Eggers, H. J.' list, Jahrb. d. Röm.-Germ. Zentralmuseums Mainz, xiii (1966)Google Scholar. Brecon also yielded a small cup of Dr. 35 shape, published Y Cymmrodor, xxxvii (1926), pp. 111–12. This list excludes later Roman material.

162 Cichorius, C., Die Reliefs der Trajanssaule (1886–1900)Google Scholar, Taf. vii.4; cf. Richmond, I. A., Pap. British School at Rome, xiii (1935), p. 7Google Scholar, on fig. 1.

163 Dimensions: bowl 13 8 cm. diam. at rim, 9:5 cm. at base, 6–4 cm. high; handle 11.7 cm. long, including the ring, 5–4 cm. diam. Capacity to line engraved just inside the rim, 650 ml., well over a Roman sextarius (547 ml.). One of the Glyndyfrdwy pans (note 161 above) had a graduated interior with lines at 560, 1170, 1720 and 2200 ml. Work needs to be done on such measurements.

164 Norling-Christensen, H., Aarbeger (1952), p. 192Google Scholar. Phase I has a tiny ledge or shoulder between body and base; I I has only a boundaryline. The type is named after a grave-find in Uppland, east-central Sweden.

165 Webster, G., Trans. Birmingham Arch. Soc. lxxx, 1962 (1965), pp. 143–4Google Scholar, pl. 30 My thanks are due to Warwick Museum for supplying the photograph here published, and I am grateful to Dr. Webster for drawing my attention to this vessel.

166 Bosanquet, R. C. (ed. I. A. Richmond), Arch. Ael. ser. 4, xii (1936), pp. 139–51Google Scholar.

167 Loc. cit. note 161.

168 Tassinari, S., La Vaisselle de bronze, romaine et provinciale, au Musie des Antiquitis Nationales, xxix^e suppl. à Gallia (1975), pp. 30–1Google Scholar, with a list of parallels, pl. iv. 15. Cf. also den Boesterd, op. cit. (note 160), pp. I –II, and list.

169 e.g. ibid., p. 10; Tassinari, op. cit., p. 30.

170 Op. cit. (note 166), p. 149.

171 Op. cit. (note 167), p. 178.

172 See the mouldings drawn by SirFletcher, Banister, A History of Architecture on the Comparative Method (London, 1946 edn.), 125H, p. 128Google Scholar. Welwyn: Archaeologia, lxiii (1912), pl. 2Google Scholar; Newstead: Curie, J., A. Roman Frontier Post and its People (Glasgow, 1911), pl. 56Google Scholar.

173 Chr. Blinkenberg, Mém. Soc. Roy. des Antiquaires du Nord, n.s. (1896–1901), p. 311, no. 13. I thank the Copenhagen authorities for so swiftly producing the photograph here published. Note: Tassinari, op. cit. (note 168), p. 31, refers to a vessel in private hands with stamp MATVRO-F, also Gödåker type.

174 e.g. on the Glyndyfrdwy pan by Cipius Nicomachus, cf. note 161 above.

175 On the eye as apotropaion, see in general Elworthy, F. T., The Evil Eye (London, 1895), pp. 126–43Google Scholar.

176 A Gödåker I pan stamped c֗app֗ fvsci (C.I.L. xiii.3.11, 10027(8)), shown in Mutz, A., Die Kunst des Metalldrehens bei den Römern (Basel, 1972), Bild 27CrossRefGoogle Scholar; no oculi. A Nijmegen pan (den Boesterd, op. cit. (note 160), no. 29) may have an oculus, but the drawing is too small to be sure. A bucket foot from Zohor has oculi engraved around annulets: Kraskovskà, L'udmila, Roman Bronze Vessels from Slovakia, B.A.R. S44 (Oxford, 1978)Google Scholar, pl. xv, 4.

177 Glyndyfrdwy, loc. cit. note 161. Traced line, cf. Ekholm, Aarbeger (1940), p. 147, fig. 6.

178 Op. cit. note 165, pp. 142, 145–6.

179 cf. a Maryport stone, long lost, as edited by Hiibner (after Gruter), C.I.L. vii, 410, LV[.]CA; R.I.B. 1, 866, prints the text as Camden gives it, with one Horsley, C., Britannia Romana (London, 1732), p. 285Google Scholar, comments: ‘whether LVCA be the whole name or only a part, is uncertain’.

180 Holder, P. A., The Roman Army in Britain (London, 1982), p. iiiGoogle Scholar.

181 Birley, E., Arch. Camb. cii (1952), pp. 17–19Google Scholar. The linking of diplomas with legionary commands was first suggested by Cheesman, G. L., The Auxilia of the Roman Imperial Army (Oxford, 1914), pp. 49–50Google Scholar. The diploma of 103, C.I.L. xvi, 48, and see Nash-Williams, V. E., The Roman Frontier in Wales, ed. Jarrett, M. G. (Cardiff, 1969), p. 15Google Scholar, likewise for possible locations.

182 Holder, P. A., The Auxiliafrom Augustus to Trajan, B.A.R. S70 (Oxford, 1980), pp. 167–8Google Scholar.

183 Webster, G., Rome Against Caratacus (London, 1981), p. 75Google Scholar; cf. my Isca, 3rd edn. (Cardiff, 1972), pp. 20–2.

184 Hygini qui dicitur De Metatione Castrorum liber (ed. Grillo, , Leipzig, 1977)Google Scholar, fig. 11. Cf. the comparative plans of legionary fortresses on the verso of the National Museum of Wales's Plan of Caerleon (1968), all to the same scale; Neuss ‘Koenenlager’ is fig. G. Cf. also H. von Petrikovits, Die Innenbauten romischer Legionslager wdhrend der Prinzipatszeit (Opladen, 1975), pp. 56–7 and Taf. 6.

185 Ibid.

186 cf. Petch, D. on Starr, C. G.'s notion (The Roman Imperial Navy (Cambridge, 1941), p. 165 n. 105)Google Scholar, in Nash-Williams op. cit. (note 181), pp. 35–6.

187 e.g. for bronze vessels, cf. the trullei in Radnoti, A., Die römischen Bronzegefässe von Pannonien, Diss. Pann. ii, 6 (1938), pl. xvii, pp. 37–8Google Scholar, and the camp-kettles from Newstead (Curie, op. cit. (note 172), p. 274, fig. 37), although not all refer to the centuria or turma: one inscribed Turma Crispi Nigri is clearly communal property, like the Usk. pelvis (below). For pottery, the samian dish inscribed with the name of a b(ucinator), or bugler, of a particular century, from Segontium, evaluated by myself in Nash-Williams, op. cit. (note 181), p. 61, and shown in the first edn. (1954, pl. xva). By contrast the inscription on a ‘mortarium’ from Usk, Pelveis contubernio Messoris (M. Hassall in G. C. Boon and idem, Report on the Excavations at Usk 1965–1976: the Coins, Inscriptions and Graffiti (Cardiff, 1982), p. 58, with fig. 6) suggests the provision of cooking-gear for that smallest unit by the century. But neither at Holt nor among the Caerleon ware is there any pottery-stamp giving the respective legion or any part of it; they are all names. Only tiles and bricks bore the collective title.

188 Annales, 1.17. On stoppages see Watson, G. R., The Roman Soldier (London, 1969), pp. 102–3Google Scholar, and our Fellow Dr.Breeze, D. J., in Britannia, vii (1976), pp. 93–5Google Scholar: I am grateful to him for other comments. Among weapons occasionally marked as army property note the spearhead, Curie, op. cit. (note 172), p. 188, pl. 36.4, which belonged to a turma.

189 A helmet from St. Albans at Colchester has three inscriptions, one relating to a primus pilus, or chief centurion, and two relating to centuries: R. P. Wright, cited by Webster, Graham, Arch.J. cxv, 1958 (1960), p. 90Google Scholar. Other examples are to be found in Klumbach, H., Die römischen Helme aus Niedergermanien (Cologne, 1974)Google Scholar. Legio XXX is mentioned on no. 27, but the significance of the inscription is not quite clear; likewise the record of LEG VIII AVG on a shield-boss from the Tyne (B.M., Guide to the Antiquities of Roman Britain (London, 1922), fig. 98): it is part of an elaborate panelled decoration, unlike the unobtrusive identification-century and personal name—along one edge. Klumbach's no. 40 refers to a turma.

190 loc. cit. note 162.

191 It is curious that so few of the vessels published seem to carry serial numbers. Our Fellow R. P. Wright has published two skillets with numerals reading i xxii and i xxv which he thought referred to the possession by ‘messunit I ’ of 22 and 25 vessels (Arch. Ael. ser. 4, xlvii (1969), p. 2 and fig. 2); and only two cups, in the surviving ten pieces of the great Plas Uchaf hoard (see note 161 above), bear numerals and a name—indus lx and indv lxi. Den Boesterd, op. cit. (note 160), no. 77, gives another isolated example.

192 TG 2243 2376. I am grateful to Dr. Knowles for lending me the bronze and for providing information on the site. I would also like to thank Sarah Pollard of the Institute of Archaeology, Oxford, for cleaning and conservation work, Colin Robinson for the drawings, and our Fellow Robert Wilkins for the photographs.

193 Hartley, B. R. in Collingwood, R. G. and Richmond, I., The Archaeology of Roman Britain (London, 1969), p. 241Google Scholar. Style C.

194 The opening was almost certainly plugged in antiquity.

195 Webster, G., Arch. J. cxv (1958), pp. 94 and 97Google Scholar, no. 225, fig. 8; Cunliffe, B., Excavations at Fishbourne 1961–1969, Soc. Antiq. London Res. Rep. xxvi, xxvii (1971), p. 118, no. 144, fig. 50Google Scholar; examples from Silchester (lion protome with horse head) and Piercebridge, information from our Fellows G. C. Boon and P. R. Scott; Faider-Feytmans, G., Les Bronzes romains de Belgique (Mainz, 1979), pp. 146–7Google Scholar, nos. 270, 271, 273, pl. 104; id., Recueil des bronzes de Bavai, viii^e supp. à Gallia (Paris, 1957), pp. 107–9, nos. 247–55, pls. xli-xlii; Espérandieu, E. and Rolland, H., Bronzes antiques de la Seine-Maritime, xiii^e supp. à Gallia (Paris, 1959), pp. 76–7Google Scholar, nos. 163–7, pl. li; Menzel, H., Die römischen Bronzen aus Deutschland, 1: Speyer (Mainz, 1960), pp. 29–30Google Scholar, nos. 46–7 and 50–51, pl. 39; id., ii: Trier (Mainz, 1966), p. 89, no. 219, pl. 66; Kaufmann-Heinimann, A., Die römischen Bronzen der Schweiz, 1: Augst (Mainz, 1977), pp. 132–4Google Scholar, nos. 219, 221, 222, pls. 140–4.

196 Faider-Feytmans, Recueil (op. cit., note 195), nos. 253–5; Kaufmann-Heinimann, op. cit. (note 195), no. 222; Boon, op. cit. (note 114), pp. 205–6, fig. 32.6.

197 Leibundgut, A., Die romischen Bronzen der Schweiz, iii: Westschweiz, Bern und Wallis (Mainz, 1980), pp. 125–6Google Scholar, no. 164, pls. 154–5.

198 Borrill, H. in Partridge, C., Skeleton Green. A Late Iron Age and Romano-British Site, Britannia Monograph series no. 2 (London, 1981), pp. 315–16Google Scholar, on lion-headed studs.

199 Henig, M., A Corpus of Roman Engraved Gemstones from British Sites, B.A.R. 8, 2nd edn. (Oxford, 1978), p. 319Google Scholar, no. appx. 220, frontispiece and pl. xxxii; Drury, P. J., Antiq. J. liii (1973), p. 273Google Scholar, no. 2. Cf. Henig, M., ‘Death and the Maiden: funerary symbolism in daily life’, in J. Munby and M. Henig, Roman Life and Art in Britain, B.A.R. 41 (Oxford, 1977), pp. 356–8Google Scholar.

200 Toynbee, J. M. C., Art in Roman Britain (London, 1962), p. 197Google Scholar, no. 179, pl. 208.

201 Henig, M. and Munby, J., Oxoniensia, xxxviii (1973), p. 386, pl. xxxGoogle Scholar; Reinach, S., ‘Les carnassiers androphages dans l'art galloromain’, Revue celtique, xxv (1904), pp. 208–24Google Scholar; de Kisch, Y., Gallia, xxxviii (1980), pp. 319–20, fig. 7Google Scholar.

202 Britannia, xiii (1982), p. 370, pl. xxxvi.

203 The conservation of the brooch was carried out by the Ancient Monuments Laboratory of the Dept. of the Environment, to whom thanks are due.

204 Med. Arch., xvi (1972) and xvii (1973)Google Scholar; Current Archaeology, lix (1977), p. 364Google Scholar.

205 Brulet, R. and Ghenne-Dubois, M.-J., ‘Autour de la tombe de Childéric’, Archeologia, clxxxix (April 1984), p. 37Google Scholar. The authors are extremely grateful to M. Raymond Brulet for information prior to this publication.

206 Haseloff, G., Die germanische Tierornamentik der Völkerwanderungszeit (Berlin, 1981) (hereafter Haseloff 1981)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, Taf. 22.1. See also Haseloff, G., ‘Salin's Style I’, Med. Arch. xvii (1974), pp. 1–15CrossRefGoogle Scholar (hereafter Haseloff 1974).

207 Haseloff 1981, Taf. 22.2.

208 Haseloff 1981, p. 23; Haseloff 1974, pp. 12–13.

209 Haseloff 1981, pp. 27–33, Taf. 9; Haseloff 1974, pp. 7–8, ii, pl. iiia.

210 Haseloff 1981, p. 36; Haseloff 1974, pp. 12–13.

211 Haseloff 1981, Taf. 13; Haseloff 1974, pl. vib and e.

212 Haseloff 1981, Taf. 11.1.

213 Haseloff 1981, Taf. 11.4.

214 Haseloff 1981, Taf. 15; Haseloff 1974, pl. vie.

215 Haseloff 1981, Taf. 18.

216 Haseloff 1981, Taf. 21.

217 Haseloff 1981, Taf. 14.2.

218 Haseloff 1981, Taf. 12.2.

219 Haseloff 1981, Taf. 12.1; Haseloff 1974, pl. ivc.

220 Haseloff 1981, Taf. 14.1.

221 Haseloff 1981, Taf. 10.2; Haseloff 1974, pl. via.

222 Haseloff 1981, pp. 141–57,170–3; Haseloff 1974, pp. 13–14.

223 Leeds, E. T., A Corpus of Early Anglo-Saxon Great Square-Headed Brooches (Oxford, 1949), pl. 11Google Scholar.

224 Hines, J., The Scandinavian Character of Anglian England in the Pre-Viking Period, B.A.R. 124 (Oxford, 1984), pp. 186–8Google Scholar.

225 Bede, Historia Ecclesiastica, 1.15; see also Arnold, C. J., The Anglo-Saxon Cemeteries of the Isle of Wight (London, 1982)Google Scholar.

226 Welch, M. G., Early Anglo-Saxon Sussex, B.A.R. 112 (Oxford, 1983), figs. 39d and 29bGoogle Scholar.

227 Andersson, J. G., ‘Selected Ordos bronzes’, Bull. Mus. Far Eastern Antiq, Stockholm, v (1933), pp. 143–54Google Scholar, 16 pls.; F. Bergman, ‘Lou-Ian wood-carvings and small finds discovered by Sven Hedin’, ibid., viii (1935), pp. 71–144, 16 pls.; and O. Karlbeck, ‘Selected objects from ancient Shou-chou’, ibid., xxvii (1955), pp. 41–130, 64 pls.

228 Barnard, N., Bronze Casting and Bronze Alloys in Ancient China, Monumenta Serica Monograph xiv (1961)Google Scholar; Barnard, N. and Tamatsu, S., Metallurgical Remains of Ancient China (1975)Google Scholar; and Tylecote, R. F., A History of Metallurgy (1979)Google Scholar. None permits identification of the objects analysed, and so the results need to be used with caution.

229 F. Schjøth, The Currency of the Far East (1929); reprinted as Chinese Currency (1976); Sotheby's Catalogue of English and Foreign Coins, 6th December 1983, lot 266.

230 Very few of the Chinese numismatic books are available in English libraries, but illustrations from them can be found in Coole, A. B., Encyclopedia of Chinese Coins, 7 vols. (1967–81)Google Scholar. Examples of comb money are in vol. V (1976), pp. 552–8. The text is uncritical and needs to be used with extreme caution.

231 Silvana Editoriale, 7000 Years of Chinese Civilization (1983), n. 1.

232 A. Salmony, Sino-Siberian Art (1933), pl. xlii.i.

233 Tallgren, A. M., Collection Tovostine des antiquités préhistoriques de Minoussinsk (1917), pp. 216–18, pl. v: 6–7, 15–19Google Scholar; ‘La Pontide préscythique après l'introduction des métaux’, Eurasia Sept. Antiqua, ii (1926), pp. 189, 193Google Scholar.

234 Willets, W., Foundations of Chinese Art (1965), p. 53, fig. 4Google Scholar; University of Kyoto, Far Eastern Archaeological Society, Archaeologia Orientalis, i (1929), p. 12, pl. xxxv.3.

235 Sekino, T., Archaeological Researches on the Ancient Lolang District, Chosen Government General, Special Report of the Service of Antiquities, 4 (1927), p. 37Google Scholar, fig. 10, pls. part 1 n. 62.