¹ See Belting-Ihm, C., ‘Spätrömische Buckelarmringe mit Reliefdekor’,. Jahrbuch des römischgermanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz, x (1963), 97–117.Google Scholar

² ?Hellenistic: Deppert-Lippitz, B., Goldschmuck der Römerzeit im romisch-germanischen Zentral-museum (Bonn, 1985), pl. 11, nos. 27–8.Google Scholar Islamic: Segall, B., Katalog der Goldschmiede-Arbeiten [Benaki Museum] (Athens, 1938), pl. 53, no. 318Google Scholar.

³ Bastien, P. and Metzger, C., Le Trésor de Beaurains (dit d'Arras) (Wetteren, 1977), pl. v,Google Scholar nos. B8 and Bio.

⁴ Reg. no. 1986.11–15.1.

⁵ Reg. nos. 1924.5-14.1-14.

⁶ Reg. nos. 1924.1-3.1-27. I am grateful to Roger Bland for details of these coins.

⁷ Op. cit. (note 3).

⁸ Ibid.

⁹ Reg. no. 1924.5-14.3.

¹⁰ Johns, C. and Potter, T., The Thetford Treasure (London, 1983), pl. 4, no. 27.Google Scholar

¹¹ Heurgon, J., Le Trésor de Ténès (Paris, 1958), pl. V, no. 2.Google Scholar

¹² Inv.no. 1977.272: Annual Report of the Visitors of the Ashmolean Museum 1976-1977 (Oxford, 1978), pl. IIIb,Google Scholar once in the de Clercq Collection: Ridder, A. de, Collection de Clercq, vii:Google ScholarLes Bijoux et les pierres gravées (Paris, 1911), pl. XI, no. 1272Google Scholar; ibid., nos. 1274 and 1296 are not dissimilar.

¹³ Tacitus, , Agricola, 21.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Cunliffe, B., Excavations at Fishbourne, 1961-1969, Soc. Antiq. Res. Rep. 27, 2 vols. (London, 1971), 1, 87–8Google Scholar for the so-called ‘Audience Chamber' which may have served as the main triclinium. For a report on the glass by D. B. Harden and J. Price see ibid., II, 317-68, pls. xxv-xxviii.

¹⁵ Ward-Perkins, J. and Claridge, A., Pompeii A.D. 79, Royal Academy of Arts Exhibition Catalogue (London, 1976), cat. no. 18.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Tassinari, S., La Vaiselle de bronze romaine et provinciale au Musée des Antiquités nationales, Gallia Suppl. 29 (Paris, 1975), 59–60,Google Scholar no. 151 (Cher-bourg); Faider-Feytmans, G., Les Bronzes romains de Belgique (Mainz, 1979), 180Google Scholar and pl. 149, no. 370 (Tienen-Avendoren). It comes from a second-century tomb but the askos was old when deposited and i s dated to the first century. For this simple type see also , Ward-Perkins and Claridge, , op. cit. (note 15), no. 267 (Pompeii)Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Pernice, E., ‘Bronzen aus Boscoreale’, Archäologischer Anzeiger (1900), 185,Google Scholar no. 11 = id., Die Hellenistische Kunst in Pompeji, iv: Gefssse und Geräte aus Bronze (Berlin and Leipzig, 1925), 14Google Scholar Abb. 18.

¹⁸ Raev, B. A., ‘Die Bronzegefüsse der römischen Kaiserzeit in Thrakien und Mosien’, Bericht der Römisch-Germanischen Kommission, lviii (1977), 639,Google Scholar no. 68a and Taf. 34, 6.

¹⁹ Christie's sale 16 July 1986, lot 121.1 am grateful to Mr Jack Ogden, F.S.A., for subsequently making the object available for me to study and to Miss Catherine Johns, F.S.A., for comments on this paper in draft.

²⁰ See Ovouarov, Demetri, ‘O Naleoune Geroonov B Drevnee Phrakee’. Thracia, iii (Sofia, 1974), 345–52.Google Scholar The object is also illustrated in Cahn, H. A. and Kaufman-Heinimann, A. (eds), Der Spätrömische Silberschatz von Kaiseraugst (Derendigen, 1984), Taf. 33 and p. 124Google Scholar.

²¹ Ibid.

²² Sherlock, D., ‘Roman Folding Spoons’, Trans. London & Middlesex Arch. Soc. xxvii (1975), 250–5.Google Scholar

²³ Bushe-Fox, J. P., Excavations at Richborough, No. 4, Soc. Antiq. London Res.Rep. 16 (London, 1949), pl. 37,Google Scholar nos. 126-7.

²⁴ Christie's sale 2 July 1982. See Potter, T. W., Antiq. J. lxii (1982), 375–7Google Scholar.

²⁵ See Cahn, and , Kaufman-Heinimann, op. cit. (note 20) 124.Google Scholar

²⁶ For a silver fork and matching spoon of the late fourth to early fifth century from Syria see Ross, M. C., Catalogue of the Byzantine and Early Mediaeval Antiquities in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection (Washington, D.C., 1962), no. 3.Google Scholar A three-pronged fork was formerly on display in the British Museum (see Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities, British Museum, Guide to Greek and Roman Life (London, 1929), 111, no. 322).Google Scholar A two-pronged fork with handle ending in the shape of a hoof is in the Museum für Kunst und Gewerbe, Hamburg (1908.94). I hope to deal with the subject of Roman forks in a future article.

²⁷ For illustrations of Roman ‘surgical forks’ see Lewis, Bunnell, ‘Roman Antiquities, at Baden (Switzerland) and Bregenz’, Arch. J. lxiv (1907), pl. IIGoogle Scholar (facing 157). There is, however, no fork in the set of almost forty Roman medical instruments from Italy published by Jackson, Ralph in Britannia, xvii (1986), 119–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁸ Antiq. J. lxiii (1983), 274,Google Scholar pl. XXXVII and figs. 16, 18 and 19.

²⁹ Manning, W. H., Catalogue of the Romano-British Iron Tools, Fittings and Weapons in the British Museum (London, 1985), 95Google Scholar and fig. 25. To his foreign comparanda may be added the interesting piece from the Iron Age to Roman oppidum of Sanzeno in Italy: Nothdurfter, J., Die Eisenfunde von Sanzeno in Nonsberg, Römisch-Germanische Forschungen 38 (Mainz, 1979), 90–2,Google Scholar 155, Abb. 20 and Taf. 78.

³⁰ Saalburg Jahrbuch, xxi (1963-1964), 83–4,Google Scholar and xxvi(i969), 139-41, Abb. 9, 10.

³¹ Pitt-Rivers, A., On the Development and Distribution of Primitive Locks and Keys (London, 1883).Google Scholar

³² The excavations form part of the Shrewsbury Heritage Project, and I am extremely grateful to the archaeologists, N. Baker and M. A. Cooper, and to the landowners, British Rail, for allowing me to publish the bowl.

³³ Information kindly given me by Malcolm Cooper, who with Nigel Baker is co-editing a full excavation report to appear as a monograph in the Trans. Shropshire Arch. Soc.

³⁴ I am most grateful to Justine Bayley and Paul Wilthew of the Ancient Monuments Laboratory, English Heritage, and to Graham Martin of the Victoria and Albert Museum's Conservation Department for examining the bowl. More precise information on the constituents of the bowl (obtainable only by analysing a small sample) would be of the greatest interest, for the results could be compared with contemporary coins and plate and with other hallmarked medieval silver in order to throw light on medieval refining methods and sources of metal. It is unfortunate that none of the few analyses of medieval plate so far carried out (mostly by the Assay Office, Goldsmiths' Hall; some by the Victoria and Albert Museum) has been published. Pieces approximately comparable in date but unmarked are the Ramsey Abbey censer and incense boat of c. 1325-50 and the Studley bowl of c. 1400, all in the Victoria and Albert Museum, and the Anathema cup, bearing London marks for 1481-2, belonging to Pembroke College, Cambridge; all are made of silver of approximately sterling standard, with copper, lead, gold, and bismuth in differing proportions.

³⁵ P, J. E.. and How, G. P., English and Scottish Silver Spoons and…Hallmarks, 3 vols. (London, 1952-1957),Google Scholar discuss and illustrate the leopard's head mark (in, chap. VI (1), 1-13). Their contention that the mark was confined to London is unproven and unlikely: see Campbell, M. L. ‘English goldsmiths’, in Blair, J. and Ramsay, N. (eds.) English Medieval Industries (forthcoming) andGoogle ScholarHare, S., Touching Gold and Silver, Goldsmiths’ Hall Exhibition Catalogue (London, 1978), 14–15Google Scholar.

³⁶ Kenyon, R. L., ‘The Shrewbury mint under Henry III’, Numis Chron. 3rd ser. xix (1899), 112–23;Google ScholarWells, W. C., ‘The Shrewsbury mint in the reign of Richard I…‘, Numis. Chron. 5th ser. xii (1932) 214–35.Google Scholar The leopard's head mark for Shrewsbury suggested by How op. cit. (note 35), III, chap, vi (9), 86-7, is purely conjectural.

³⁷ Alexander, J. and Binski, P. (eds.), Age of Chivalry: Art in Plantagenet England 1200-1400, Royal Academy of Arts exhibition catalogue (London, 1987), nos. 208Google Scholar and 215. An even closer parallel is the deeply dished pewter saucer, with domed base and narrow rim, found in an early fourteenth-century context in Exeter: Allan, J. P., Medieval and Post-medieval Finds from Exeter 1971-80 (Exeter, 1984), 345,Google Scholar no. 157, and fig. 192. Another continental parallel was found on the site of De Nieuwendoorn Castle near Krabbendam (Netherlands) which was destroyed in 1360: Dubbe, B., Tin en tinnegieters in Nederland (De Tijdstroom Lochem, 1978), 462, pl. 49Google Scholar.

³⁸ Exhibition catalogue, Les Fastes du Gothique. he Siècle de Charles V (Galeries nationales du Grand Palais, Paris, 1981-1982), no. 198Google Scholar with illustrations. A different type of medieval silver bowl—used for drinking—survives in some numbers: Andersson, A., Medieval Drinking Bowls of Silver Found in Sweden (Stockholm, 1983)Google Scholar; Arminjon, C. and Muel, F., ‘Un ensemble exceptionnel d'orfevrerie civile medievale’, Bulletin Monumental, cxlii (1984), 133–58-CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁹ Lewis, R. (ed.), Middle English Dictionary (Michigan, 1986), s.v. saucer.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Furnivall, F. J. (ed.), Early English Meals and Manners, Early English Text Soc. Old Ser. 32 (London, 1868)Google Scholar; sauces for flesh (35-7), for fish (56-9), for fowl (159).

⁴¹ Public Record Office, London, E 372/172, m. 54/1, quoted in translation by Rees, W., Caerphilly Castle and its Place in the Annals of Glamorgan (Caerphilly, 1974), IIIGoogle Scholar.

⁴² Clarke, A. and Holbrooke, F. (eds.), Rymer's Foedera, 4 vols. (London, 1818), II (1), 204.Google Scholar

⁴³ Simon Islip bequeathed plate for use in the refectory in 1366: Stevenson, J. (ed.), The Church Historians of England (London, 1856), IV(I), 306–7Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Owen, H. and Blakeway, J., History of Shrewsbury, 2 vols. (London, 1825), 1, 146–7,Google Scholar 156-7, 163, 168, 171, 175-8 (Richard II).

⁴⁵ Temporarily on loan to the Department of Metalwork, Victoria and Albert Museum.

⁴⁶ Hope, W. H. St John, Stall Plates of the Knights of the Order of the Garter 1348-1485 (Westminster, 1901), pl. 44.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Stratford, J., ‘The manuscripts of John Duke of Bedford’, in Williams, D. (ed.), England in the Fifteenth Century Woodbridge, 1987), 329–50.Google Scholar Mrs Stratford is editing one of the Bedford inventories and I am grateful to her for telling me that nothing like the badge is mentioned. Two bronze seal matrices charged with arms are in the British Museum: Tonnochy, A., Catalogue of British Seal Dies in the British Museum (London, 1952), nos. 26,Google Scholar 28 and pls.

⁴⁸ It may have been attached for example to a girdle or to spur leathers, for which latter sugges -tion I thank Claude Blair; see Byrne, B., ‘Spurs of King Casimir III and other fourteenth-century spurs’, J. Arms & Armour Soc. iii (1959-1961), 106–15,Google Scholar pl. xxxBB, and C. Blair, ‘Medieval swords and spurs in Toledo’, ibid., 41-52, pl. XVI.

⁴⁹ Lucas, A. and Harris, J. R., Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries (4th edn., London, 1962), 342–3.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Partington, J. R., Origins and Development of Applied Chemistry (London, 1935), 117.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Needham, S. P., ‘Neolithic and Bronze Age settlement on the buried floodplains of Run-nymede’, Oxford J. Arch, iv (1985), 125–37.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵² e.g. Filippakis, S. E., Perdikatsis, B. and Paradellis, T., ‘An analysis of blue pigments from the Greek Bronze Age’, Stud. Conserv. xxi (1976), 143–53-53.Google Scholar

⁵³ e.g. Harding, A. F., ‘The earliest glass in Europe’, Archeologické Rozhledy xxiii (1971), 188–200.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ We are grateful to Catherine Johns for her assistance and interest. She points our that the card is an old British Museum display card.

⁵⁵ Bushe-Fox, J. P., First Report on the Excavations of the Roman Fort at Richborough, Kent (1926),Google ScholarSecond Report… (1928),Google ScholarThird Report… (1932),Google ScholarFourth Report… (1949) andGoogle ScholarCunliffe, B. (ed.), Fifth Report… (1968), Soc. Antiq. London Res. Rep. 6, 7,10, 16 and 23Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ e.g. , Bushe-Fox 1928, op. cit. (note 55), 43Google Scholar and pl. xvii, no. 12; Cunliffe, , op. cit. (note 55), 90Google Scholar and pl. xxxii, no. 75 (this is likewise tinned).

⁵⁷ Bushe-Fox, 1928, op. cit. (note 55), 44-5Google Scholar and pl. xviii, no. 20; Cunliffe, op. cit. (note 55), 91Google Scholar and pl. xxxiii, no. 82.

⁵⁸ , Bushe-Fox 1926, op. cit. (note 55), 46Google Scholar and pl. xv, no. 25.

⁵⁹ Henig, M., A Corpus of Roman Engraved Gemstones from British Sites, Brit. Arch. Rep. 8 (2nd edn., Oxford, 1978), 281Google Scholar and pl. lix, no. 803, and see 60 n. 60; id., ‘Graeco-Roman art and Romano-British imagination’, J. Brit. Arch. Ass. cxxxviii (1985), 19 and pl. iiiF. I take issue with Ager, B. M., ‘The smaller variants of the Anglo-Saxon quoit brooch’, Anglo-Saxon Stud. Arch. & Hist, iv (1985), 1–58,Google Scholar in that I see stylistic and iconographic links between the art of the quoit brooches of types A-C and some late Romano-British metalwork. Ager was writing before the Thet-ford Treasure was discovered and the Amesbury and Wantage rings have never been considered by students of the art of the migration period. Of course this does not affect Ager's argument for a Germanic/South Scandinavian origin for the quoit-brooch form itself.

⁶⁰ 67, a reference I owe to Catherine Johns.

⁶¹ Henig, , op. cit. (note 59), 281Google Scholar and pl. lix, nos. 801 and 802; for the Wantage ring see Akerman, J. Y., Proc. Soc. Antiq. London. 2nd ser. iv(i), 38–39.Google Scholar It was exhibited on 12 December 1867.

⁶² Henig, , op. cit. (note 59), 280Google Scholar and pl. lviii, no. 790; id. in Hinchliffe, J. and Green, C. Sparey, Excavations at Brancaster 1974 and 1977,Google ScholarAnglian, E.Arch. 23 (Dereham, 1985), 195–8, no. 2Google Scholar.

⁶³ Henig, M., Antiq. J. lvi (1977), 242–3, pl. xxxixaGoogle Scholar (silver, monogram); J. M. C. Toynbee in Cunliffe, , op. cit. (note 55), 98–9 and pl. xlii, no. 160Google Scholar (copper alloy, christogram); Smith, C. Roach, Antiquities of Richborough, Reculver and Lympne (London, 1850), 89,Google Scholar no. 6 (copper alloy, bird). Th e silver ring with raised bezel is catalogued by Henig, , op. cit. (note 59), 279Google Scholar and pl. xxii, no. 788, and Taylor, G. and Scarisbrick, D., Finger Rings from Ancient Egypt to the Present Day (Oxford, 1978), 43, no. 223Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ Rigold, S. E., ‘Litus Romanum–the shore forts as mission stations’, in Johnston, D. E. (ed.), The Saxon Shore, Counc. Brit. Arch. Res. Rep. 18 (London, 1977), 70–5Google Scholar esp. 71-2 and fig. 35.

⁶⁵ For annular/quoit brooches see Ager, , op. cit. (note 59), 7Google Scholar and fig. 6e (from Steine); cf. also the ring and dot on the wider Fairford brooch, ibid., 23 and fig. 29k, no. 43.

⁶⁶ Meaney, A. L. and Hawkes, S. C., Two Anglo-Saxon Cemeteries at Winnall, Winchester, Hampshire, Soc. Med. Arch. Monograph ser. 4 (London, 1970), 11,Google Scholar fig. 6, grave 8, nos. 2 and 3 in Winnall II cemetery (see ibid., 49, for late seventh-century dating); S. C. Hawkes in Brodribb, A. C., A. R. Hands and D. R. Walker, Excavations at Shakenoak Farm, near Wilcote, Oxfordshire, Part III: Site F (Oxford, 1972), 69–70Google Scholar and fig. 30, no. 139.

⁶⁷ Boardman, J., Athenian Black Figure Vases (London, 1974), pl. 285.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Harden, D. B., ‘Glass and glazes’, in Singer, C.et al., A History of Technology, 11 (Oxford, 1956), fig. 309.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ British Library, Additiona l MS 24189, ‘The Travels of Sir John Mandeville’, fo. 16; Harden, , op. cit. (note 68), fig. 310Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ Abramić, M., ‘Eine römische Lampe mit Darstellung des Glasblasens’, Bonner Jahrbücher, clix (1959), 149–51;Google ScholarPrice, J., ‘Glass’, in Strong, D. and Brown, D. (eds.) Roman Crafts (London, 1976), fig. 203Google Scholar.

⁷¹ Baldoni, D., ‘Una lucerna con raffigurazione di officina vitraria: alcun e considerazioni sulla lavorazione del vetro soffiato nell'antichità’, J. Glass Stud, xxix (1987), 22–9.Google Scholar

⁷² Price, J., ‘Some Roma n glass fro m Spain’, Annales du 6^me Congrès de I'Association Internationale pourl'Histoire du Verre (1974), 80–4;Google ScholarLang, J. and Price, J., ‘Iron tubes from a late Roman glassmaking site at Mérida (Badajoz), in Spain’, J. Arch. Sci. ii (1975), 289–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷³ The Wootton linch-pin was purchased with the help of a grant from the Beecroft Bequest which we gratefully acknowledge. We also wis h to thank Mrs Covell, the finder, and Mr J. E. Godfrey, the landowner, for their help in allowing the museum to acquire this object.

⁷⁴ Ward-Perkins, J. B., ‘Two early lynch pins from Kings Langley, Herts., and from Tiddington, Stratford on Avon’, Antiq. J. xx (1940), 358–67.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷⁵ Manning, W. H., Catalogue of the Romano-British Iron Tools, Fittings and Weapons in the British Museum (London, 1985), 72–4,Google Scholar fig. 20.

⁷⁶ id., Catalogue of the Romano-British Ironwork in the Museum of Antiquities, Newcastle upon Tyne (Newcastle, 1976), 32.

⁷⁷ Tomalin, D. J., Roman, Wight, a Guide Catalogue (Newport, Isle of Wight, 1987), 77, fig. F51.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Ward-Perkins, J. B., op. cit. (note 74).Google Scholar

⁷⁹ M, R. E.. and Wheeler, T. V., Verulamium, a Belgic and Two Roman Cities, Soc. Antiq. London Res. Rep. 11 (Oxford, 1936), 217–18, pl. LXII.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Hawkes, C. F. C. and Hull, M. R., Camulodunum. First Report on the Excavations at Colchester 1930-39, Soc. Antiq. London Res. Rep. 14 (Oxford, 1947), 331,Google Scholar pl. xcix, no. 7 (also figured in Wheeler, and Wheeler, , op. cit. (note 79))Google Scholar.

⁸¹ Oswald, A., ‘A Roman linch-pin’, Antiq. J. xviii (1938), 176–7.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁸² The infamis digitus is described by Ovid, in dealing with the Lemuria (9 May ) ‘Signaque dat digitus medio cum pollice iunctis’ (…and he makes a sign with his thumb in the middle of his closed fingers): Fasti, v, 433. This is shown e.g. on an amulet from Bonn showing the infamis digitus together with a phallus: Menzel, H., Die Römischen Bronzen aus Deutschland, III Bonn (Mainz am Rhein, 1986), 161,Google Scholar Taf. 140, 447. The use of the phallus as a char m against the evil eye is discussed in detail by Johns, Catherine, Sex or Symbol, Erotic Images of Greece and Rome (London, 1982), 61–75.Google Scholar

⁸³ It was found by Mr Dennis Hill of Scunthorpe. We are grateful to him for sending it to the Borough Museum and Art Gallery, Scunthorpe, for study. The photograph was kindly provided by our Fellow, Robert Wilkins, Institute of Archaeology, Oxford.

⁸⁴ Coin evidence shows that the site was occupied in the Iron Age and throughout the Roman period. Large amounts of Roman pottery and of building debris indicate that it was a settlement, but its status cannot as yet be ascertained.

⁸⁵ cf. Toynbee, J. M.C., Art in Britain under the Romans (Oxford, 1964),Google Scholar pls. If (Welwyn mask) and Ilk (coin of Cunobelin).

⁸⁶ ead., Art in Roman Britain (London, 1962), 124,Google Scholar no. 2, pl. 2; for the thick lips, compare thos e of the Kirmington sceptre which we exhibited in 1986, Antiq. J. Ixvi (1986), 388–9Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ Toynbee, , op. cit. (note 86), 147,Google Scholar no. 44, pl. 46.

⁸⁸ ead., op. cit. (note 86), 109-10, and see 88-9 and pl. XXc for the Richborough Silenus.

⁸⁹ Faider-Feytmans, G., Les Bronzes romains de Belgique (Mainz, 1979), 139,Google Scholar no. 250, pi. 100, noting its ‘visage à expression grave et concentrée; Menzel, H., Die Römischen Bronzen aus Deutschland. III Bonn (Mainz, 1986), 99–100,Google Scholar no. 233, pls. 108 and 109; Wheeler, R. E. M. and Wheeler, T. V., Report on the Excavation of the Prehistoric, Roman and Post-Roman Site in Lydney Park, Gloucestershire, Soc. Antiq. London Res. Rep. 9 (London, 1932), 91, no. 141, pl. xxxaGoogle Scholar.

⁹⁰ See Turner, E. G., ‘A curse tablet from Nottinghamshire’, J. Roman Stud, liii (1963), 122–4;CrossRefGoogle ScholarLondon Museum Catalogue, London in Roman Times (London, 1946), 54Google Scholar and fig. 9, no. 1.

⁹¹ I am indebted to Mr G. F. Bryant, F. S. A., for providing me with details of Nattes' drawing of Habrough church.

⁹² Stevens, F., ‘An early chessman from Old Sarum’, Antiq. J. xiii (1933), 308–10.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁹³ MacGregor, A. G., Bone, Antler, Ivory and Horn, the Technology of Skeletal Materials since the Roman Period (Beckenham, 1985), 138, fig. 73d.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ ibid. I am indebted to Dr Arthur MacGregor, F.S.A., for providing me with further information about this find.

⁹⁵ Dunning, G. C., ‘Heraldic and decorated metalwork and other finds from Rievaulx Abbey, Yorkshire’, Antiq. J. xlv (1965), 60, fig. 7.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Dalton, O. M., ‘Early chessmen of whale's bone excavated in Dorset’, Archaeologia, lxxvii (1928), 77–86.CrossRefGoogle Scholar The development of the chess king fromits Indian originals is also illustrated by H. and Wichmann, S., Chess, the Story of Chess Pieces from Antiquity to Modern Times (London, 1960), pls. 1–14Google Scholar.

⁹⁷ MacGregor, , op. cit. (note 93).Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Dalton, , op. cit. (note 96).Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Northampton Mus.& Art Gallery J. ix (1971), 67–8, fig. 18.Google Scholar