¹ I am most grateful to Mr. Jack Ogden for bringing the bronze to my attention. It has subsequently been published in Smith, L. and Ogden, J., Bucephalus and Friends … The Horse in the Ancient World (exhibition catalogue: London, Nov./Dec. 1981), p. 13, no. 37.Google Scholar The photograph appears by courtesy of Nick Pollard and our Fellow, Robert Wilkins.

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¹⁵ I am most grateful to Catherine Johns, Dept. of Prehistoric & Romano-British Antiquities, British Museum, and the B.M. Research Laboratory for their help and assistance.

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¹⁷ The canister has recently been analysed by Dr. M. Hughes at the British Museum Research Laboratory.

¹⁸ I am very grateful to Professor Jocelyn Toynbee and Dr. Martin Henig for their comments on this mount.

¹⁹ Henig, M. ‘Continuity and change in the design of Roman jewellery’ in King, A. and Henig, M. (eds.), The Roman West in the Third Century, B.A.R. Int. Ser. 109 (Oxford, 1981), p. 129.Google Scholar

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³⁷ I am indebted to Mr. C. Henderson, Director of the Exeter Museums Archaeological Field Unit, for permission to exhibit the ring and to publish this note in advance of the final publication of the site. Mr. J. Allan, Miss C. Johns, and Mrs. L. Webster kindly supplied much useful information. The drawing of t he ring is by Mrs. Eva Wilson.

³⁸ Henderson, C. G. and Bidwell, P. T., ‘The Saxon Minster at Exeter’, in Pearce, S. M. (ed.), The Early Church in Western Britain and Ireland: Studies in Honour of C. A. R. Radford, B.A.R. British Series 102 (Oxford, 1982).Google Scholar

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⁴¹ Ibid., p. 56. See also Dalton, O. M., Catalogue of the Finger Rings … in the [British] Museum (London, 1912)Google Scholar; Oman, C. C., Catalogue of Rings (V. & A., London, 1930)Google Scholar; idem, ‘Anglo-Saxon finger-rings’, Apollo, xiv (1931), 104–8Google Scholar; Wilson, D. M., ‘The Poslingford ring’, British Museum Quarterly, xx (1956), 90–2.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁴⁴ See, for example, Henkel, F., Die römischen Fingerringe der Rheinlande und der benachbarten Gebiete (Berlin, 1913), nos. 309–11, etc.Google Scholar

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⁴⁷ To be published in Chichester Excavations, vol. 6.

⁴⁸ G. C. Boon, Roman Silchester (1957), fig. 36.4.

⁴⁹ Manning, W. H. in Neal, D. S., The Excavation of the Roman Villa in Gadebridge Park, Hemel Hempstead 1963–68, Society of Antiquaries Research Report No. 31 (1974), no. 345 and p. 159.Google Scholar

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⁵² Roach-Smith, C., Illustrations of Roman London (1859), pl. XXI.Google Scholar

⁵³ Francis, A. G., ‘On a Romano-British castration clamp used in the rites of Cybele’, Proc. Roy. Soc. Med. xix (1926), 95 ff.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Site described by P.R.W., figurine by M.H.

⁵⁵ Elgee, F. and Elgee, H. W., The Archaeology of Yorkshire (London, 1933).Google Scholar

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⁵⁷ I would like to thank Gill Andrews of the Central Excavation Unit and the General Secretary of our Society for agreeing to my studying and publishing the figurine, the Ancient Monuments Laboratory for the excellent photographs, and our Fellow, Donald Bailey, for first suggesting that the figurine was Vulcan when it was exhibited, prior to conservation and still partially caked in earth (M.H.).

⁵⁸ Wild, J. P., ‘Clothing in the north-west provinces of the Roman empire’, Bonner Jahrb. clxviii (1968), 186.Google Scholar

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⁶⁰ Brommer, F., Hephaistos. Der Schmiedegott in der antiken Kunst (Mainz, 1978), pp. 75–90. See pls. 42 and 43 for a marble adaptation from Ostia, which is very close to our bronze.Google Scholar

⁶¹ For bronzes in general, ibid., pp. 53–9, and pls. 19–28. For Southbroom, Boon, G. C., ‘Genius and Lar in Celtic Britain’, Jahrbuch R.G.Z.M. xx (1973), 268 no. 5, pl. 58 (= Brommer, fig. 26, 2) and for Carley Hill, Merlat, op. cit. (n. 59), p. 375, no. 371, pl. XL (= Brommer, pl. 23, 1).Google Scholar

⁶² Henig, M. and Wilkins, R., ‘A figurine of Vulcan’, Oxford Journal of Archaeology, I (1982), 119–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Toynbee, J. M. C., Art in Roman Britain (London, 1962), p. 140 and pl. 38, no. 34. The hat has lappets.Google Scholar

⁶³ Blagg, T., in Hill, C., Millett, M. and Blagg, T. (eds.), The Roman Riverside Wall and Monumental Arch in London (London and Middlesex Archaeological Society, Special Paper No. 3, 1980), pp. 164–6, fig. 90 and pl. 49Google Scholar; , V.C.H.Oxfordshire, 1 (1939), p. 336, fig. 41Google Scholar; Leach, J., ‘The smith god in Roman Britain’, Arch. Ael. ⁴ xl (1962), 35–6 and pl. iv, 1 and 2Google Scholar; Toynbee, J. M. C., ‘A Londinium votive leaf or feather and its fellows’, in Bird, J., Chapman, H. and Clark, J. (eds.), Collectanea Londiniensia. Studies in London Archaeology and History presented to Ralph Merrifield (London and Middlesex Archaeological Society, Special Paper No. 2, 1978), p. 137Google Scholar, nos. 19 and 20 = Brommer, op. cit. (n. 60), pp. 72–3, fig. 33. For tools, ibid., pls. 19, 2 and 23, 2, and 28, 1.

⁶⁴ Our Fellow, George Boon, cites him on the Tiberian ‘Pilier des Nautes’ in Paris. For Vulcan in Gaul, cf. Brommer, F., Der Gott Vulkan auf provinzial römischen Reliefs (Cologne, 1973), and idem (n. 60), passim.Google Scholar

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⁶⁶ Toynbee, op. cit. (n. 62), p. 149, no. 52 and pl. 55 (as especially pointed out to me by our Fellow, George Boon); Ellison, A., ‘Natives, Romans and Christians on West Hill, Uley’, in Rodwell, W., Temples, Churches and Religion in Roman Britain, B.A.R. 77 (Oxford, 1980), p. 324, fig. 15.6Google Scholar; Toynbee, op. cit. (n. 62), pp. 124–5, no. 4 and pl. 4; Boon, op. cit. (n. 61), pp. 265–9, pls. 57–9. On provincial bronzes in general, cf. Lindgren, C., Classical Art Forms and Celtic Mutations. Figural Art in Roman Britain (New Jersey, 1980)Google Scholar, and especially Boucher, S., Recherches sur les bronzes figurés de Gaule pré-romaine et romaine (École Française de Rome, 1976).Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Birley, A., The People of Roman Britain (London, 1979), pp. 130–1.Google Scholar See Wright, R. P., ‘Roman Britain in 1959. Inscriptions’, Journ. Rom. Studies, l (1960), 240, no. 22.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Reg. No. 1982.3–2,5: L. 11, W. 7·7 cm. Fabric: buff, micaceous clay with traces of a redbrown slip.

⁶⁹ Bailey, D. M., A Catalogue of the Lamps in the British Museum, II, Roman Lamps made in Italy (London, 1980), Q 1396. It is quite common to find the same scene used by different lampmakers.Google Scholar

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⁷¹ Inv. No. R 648A. I am grateful to Mme. C. Skinkel-Taupin for showing me this lamp.

⁷² The signatures of these three African makers usually stretch across the entire diameter of the base, often interrupting its edge, whereas the signatures of Italian makers of this shape of lamp are normally well in from the edge of the base.

⁷³ Sotgiu, G., Iscrizioni Latine delta Sardegna II, Instrumentum Domesticum. I. Lucerne (Milan, 1968), pp. 74–7.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ For example, C. Clodius Successus’ score is Italy 144, Africa 160, and he was almost certainly a central Italian lampmaker, and L. Munatius Adiectus (Italy 65, Africa 121) was also, in the present writer's opinion, Italian and not African. In a rather different field, Val Rigby has shown that if one went by the number of known stamps, the Gallo-Belgic potter Ivlios must have worked at Colchester, but he was, in fact, a Gaulish potter: C., A. and Anderson, A. S. (eds.), Roman Pottery Research in Britain and North-West Europe, I (Oxford, 1981), pp. 39–50.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ I did, however, once believe him to be Italian: Opuscula Atheniensia, vi (1965), 69, no. 241.Google Scholar

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⁷⁷ It should be noted that I do not agree with the views of Harris, W. V. in Journ. Rom. Stud.. lxx (1980), 126–45, on the exportation, or rather, the non-exportation of Roman lamps.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷⁸ Compare the dates given in Pavolini, op. cit. (n. 76), tabella 1, with those in Bailey, op. cit. (n. 69), type P.

⁷⁹ The fact that a CIVNDRAC lamp was found in the same columbarium in the Villa Wolkonsky in Rome as a IVNDRA lamp does not point to precise contemporaneity: Lanciani, op. cit. (n. 70), 202, lists several inscribed lamps found in this tomb and they include makers both of Standard Italian Loeschcke type VIII lamps (CLOHELI, MVNTREPTS, CLOSVC, CATILVEST, QNVMICEL, BASSA) and of Late Italian Loeschcke type VIII lamps (AMACHI, FLORENT, ERACLID, IVNDRA, BICAGAT) which, together with the one African CIVNDRAC, cover the entire second century and the first quarter of the third.

⁸⁰ The pendant was conserved by Karen Webster of Kent County Museum Service and preliminary analysis undertaken by Mavis Bimson and Mike Cowell of the British Museum Research Laboratory. I am grateful to them and to Paul Barford and T im Tatton-Brown of the Canterbury Archaeological Trust for information and valuable discussion.

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⁸⁶ I am most grateful to Dr. M. Cowell for carrying out this work.

⁸⁷ Registration number: P1982, 5–1, 1.

⁸⁸ Strong, D. E., Greek and Roman Gold and Silver Plate (1966), pp. 204 f.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ The main references are collected together by Milojčuć, V., ‘Zu den spätkaiserzeitlichen und merowingischen Silberlöffeln’, Ber. Röm.-Germ. Kom. xlix (1968), 111–38.Google Scholar For Thetford, Britannia, xii (1981), 389 f., and T. W. Potter and C. M. Johns, The Late Roman Treasure from Thetford, Norfolk, forthcoming.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ I am most grateful to Catherine Johns for suggesting this identification and for her observations about the collection as a whole.

⁹¹ Curie, A. O., The Treasure of Traprain (1923), p. 70Google Scholar; Dalton, O. M., Antiq. J. ii (1922), 90 (Dorchester).Google Scholar

⁹² Cf. Milojčić, op. cit. (n. 89), 146; and from London, Henig, Martin in Munby, J. and Henig, M. (eds.), Roman Life and Art in Britain, B.A.R. 41 (1977), pp. 352 f., together with discussion of fish upon such objects. I am grateful to David Sherlock for discussing this spoon with me.Google Scholar

⁹³ Potter, T. W. and Johns, C. M., ‘A Roman treasure from Thetford, Norfolk’, Illustrated London News, April 1981, 54–5.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ V.C.H., Oxon. 1, pp. 315 ff.; Taylor, M. V., ‘The Roman tessellated pavement at Stonesfield, Oxon.’, Oxoniensia, vi (1941), 1–8.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ I am very grateful to Dr. Martin Henig for his help and advice during the preparation of this note.

⁹⁶ Toynbee, J. M. C., Art in Roman Britain (London, 1962), p. 139.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Toynbee, J. M. C., Art in Britain under the Romans (Oxford, 1964), pp. 162–4Google Scholar; see also Henig, M., Antiq. J. lx (1980), 332.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Toynbee, op cit (n. 97), pl. 97, p. 424.

⁹⁹ Toynbee, J. M. C. in Brodribb, A. C. C., Hands, A. R. and Walker, D. R., Excavations at Shakenoak Farm, near Wilcote, Oxfordshire, part III, Site F (Oxford, 1968), p. 48, fig. 12.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ E., V. and Williams, A. N. Nash, Catalogue of the Roman Inscribed and Sculptured Stones found at Caerleon, Monmouthshire (1935), pp. 14–15Google Scholar, no. 29, pl. 6; R.I.B., no. 318. I am indebted to George Boon for his comments on the Stonesfield relief and for drawing my attention to its affinity with the Caerleon slab.

¹⁰¹ We would like to thank Mr. Jack Ogden and our Fellow, Mr. David Brown, for their cooperation. The text is by M.H. (in consultation with R.W.); the photographs are the work of R.W. The gem is now in the Ashmolean Museum.

¹⁰² See especially Cook, P. M. M., ‘A Roman site at Asthall, Oxfordshire’, Oxoniensia, xx (1955), 29–39.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Henig, M., A Corpus of Roman Engraved Gemstones from British Sites, B.A.R. 8, 2nd edn. (Oxford, 1978), p. 35, fig. 1 Shape F4. The description of the intaglio is of the impression, as is normal.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Bieber, M., The History of the Greek and Roman Theater (Princeton, N.J., 1961), p. 82.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ See for instance Zwierlein-Diehl, E., Die antiken Gemmen des Kunsthistorischen Museums in Wien, 1 (Munich, 1973), nos. 319, 320. Also note the seated dramatist in Henig, op. cit. (n. 103), no. App. 7.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Daremberg, C. and Saglio, E., Dictionnaire des antiquités grecques et romaines, III (Paris, 1904), p. 2069.Google Scholar A mosaic showing a woman with a pedum who is identified as KWMWΔIA was found in the House of Menander, Antioch, see Bieber, op. cit. (n. 104), p. 90, fig. 321. Levi, D., Antioch Mosaic Pavements (Princeton, N.J., 1947), p. 202Google Scholar, n. 22, rejects the identification of the staff as a pedum in favour of a device for the handling of theatre masks, but this is not convincing. It does not explain why such a staff should be the particular attribute of the Muse of Comedy.

¹⁰⁷ Henig, op. cit. (n. 103), no. 346. Illustrated in Wheeler, R. E. M., The Roman Fort Near Brecon (London, 1926), p. 121 and fig. 64 no. 4Google Scholar. The other gems are not yet published and I am grateful to Messrs. Mike Stone and Jack Ogden for information.

¹⁰⁸ Henig, op cit. (n. 103), nos. 153, 154 and App. 101.

¹⁰⁹ Pliny, N.H. xxxiv, 77. See Henig, op. cit. (n. 103), nos. 189–99, App. 110.

¹¹⁰ Ibid., no. 116: Lysons, S., Reliquiae Britannico-Romanae, II (London, 1817), pl. XXIII = D. J. Smith, ‘Mythological figures and scenes in Romano-British mosaics’ in Munby, J. and Henig, M. (eds.), Roman Life and Art in Britain, B.A.R. 41 (1977), p. 114, no. 25.Google Scholar

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¹¹² Rizzo, G. E., Prassitele (Milan, 1932), passim, and especially the head of the Olympia Hermes, pls. XCIX–CI.Google Scholar

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¹¹⁴ Henig, op. cit. (n. 103), no. App. 217.

¹¹⁵ Maaskant-Kleibrink, M., Catalogue of the Engraved Gems in the Royal Coin Cabinet, The Hague. The Greek, Etruscan and Roman Collections (The Hague, 1978), pp. 195 ff.Google Scholar, noting no. 599 for a figure of Bonus Eventus. A broken gem in Hanover provides a fairly near parallel both in style and subject. It is a nicolo showing a youth in profile studying a mask, probably allied to the satyr-Bonus Eventus type (n. 109 above). See Zazoff, P. (ed.), Antike Gemnten in deutschen Sammlungen, IV, Hannover, Kestner-Museum (Wiesbaden, 1975), no. 1566 (dated to the second century but probably a little earlier).Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Marsh, G. D., ‘Three “theatre” masks from London’, Britannia, x (1979), 263–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Jenkins, F. in Philp, B., The Excavation of the Roman Forts of the Classis Britannica at Dover 1970–1977 (Dover, 1981), p. 146 and fig. 30, no. 64Google Scholar. Marsh cites Martial, xiv, epigram 176 which may refer to such masks.

¹¹⁷ Henig, op. cit. (n. 103), passim, and Charlesworth, D., ‘A gold signet ring from Housesteads’, Arch. Ael. ⁴ xlvii (1969), 39–42.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ Henig, op. cit. (n. 103), no. 522.

¹¹⁹ Brown, P. D. C. and McWhirr, A. D., ‘Cirencester, 1966’, Antiq. J. xlvii (1967), 194–5, for possible theatre in Insula xxx.Google Scholar

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¹²¹ On the status of actors see Balsdon, J. P. V. D., Life and Leisure in Ancient Rome (London, 1969), pp. 279–88Google Scholar. Although the social position of actors was not high, and many of them were freedmen, some achieved considerable wealth.

¹²² Henig, op. cit. (n. 103), no 179. It is, of course, possible that the p is the Greek letter rho, but in view of the British findspot and probable manufacture in the western provinces where the patron, if not the gem engraver, is likely to have been a Latin speaker, I have preferred the reading given in the text.

¹²³ V.C.H., Kent, II, pp. 190–4. Cotton, C., The Greyfriars of Canterbury (Manchester, 1924)Google Scholar. The registration number of the seal is 1981, 11–2, 1.

¹²⁴ C. Cotton, op. cit., p. 19, and frontispiece. Also Birch, W. de Gray, Catalogue of Seals in the British Museum (London, 1887), no. 2862.Google Scholar

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¹²⁹ Some more recent information and addition of matrices to Hugh Kingsford's list of seals of Franciscan houses are: (a) Cambridge custody. Vicar of the Custos. The matrix of this is in the British Museum, see Tonnochy, A. B., Catalogue of Seal Dies (London, 1952)Google Scholar, no. 836. (b) Bedford. The bronze matrix of this house was sold at Christie's, 6th June 1913, lot 6. Its present whereabouts are unknown. (c) Newark, Nottinghamshire. Observants. The matrix of this seal was found in Canons Lodgings in Canterbury in 1747 and is now kept with Dr. John Bargrave's collection in Canterbury Cathedral (information from Mr. David Sturdy).

¹³⁰ The only evidence for the history of the matrix before 1913 is that an impression was taken from it by Mr. Doubleday in the early nineteenth century; see W. de Gray Birch, op. cit. (n. 124), no. 2391. The Dimsdale sale was at Christie's 6th June 1913, lot 37A. It was in Mr. Tolson's possession in 1927. It was subsequently sold at Sotheby's on 13th July 1978, lot 16. Its present British Museum registration number is 1981, 3–3, 1.

¹³¹ W. de Gray Birch, op. cit. (n. 124), no. 1999.

¹³² Ibid., no. 2390.