^{page 275 note 1} Mr. Henry Hodges and Miss Elizabeth Pye of the Institute of Archaeology, London, kindly identified the material of the string.

^{page 275 note 2} Beck, H. C., ‘Classification and Nomenclature of Beads and Pendants’, Archaeologia, lxxvii (1927), pl. 11Google Scholar, Long beads Group 1 D1.a. For the spacer beads, see pl. 11, Disc beads Group 1 A1.b.

^{page 275 note 3} Strong, D. E., Catalogue of the Carved Amber in the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities, British Museum (1966), pp. 14–15.Google Scholar

^{page 275 note 4} Merrifield, R., ‘Coins from the bed of the Waibrook and their significance’, Antiq. J. xlii (1962), 38–52.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 275 note 5} The late Professor Donald Strong kindly examined the necklace and identified the beads as amber and he too thought that it was of Roman date.

^{page 275 note 6} For England, Wroxeter would seem to have so far yielded the largest number of plumbatae (six in all), the first recorded find there being that illustrated in Anderson, Corbet, The Roman City of Uriconium at Wroxeter, Salop. (1867), pl. XIIIGoogle Scholar. Another recent find from elsewhere is an example from Doncaster.

^{page 276 note 1} The replica plumbatae were made by Mr. E. Smith at the Tower of London Armouries, and the throwing experiments took place in the Tower moat.

^{page 276 note 2} Conservation was undertaken by Mr. M. Corfield.

^{page 276 note 3} Vegetius, Book ii. Plumbatae are also mentioned by the fourth-century anonymous writer of de rebus bellicis who illustrates these weapons as short and fleched (although the illustrations are, of course, medieval versions).

^{page 276 note 4} Sir Payne-Gallwey, Ralph, The Crossbow (1903), pp. 243–6.Google Scholar

^{page 276 note 5} It is hoped to carry out additional experiments, both to see if the range can be extended, and to determine whether there is any significant differ ence between the use of fleched and unfleched shafts.

^{page 277 note 1} In fact, attempts by one of us (P.B.), subsequent to the Tower experiments, to increase the range of throw by using a string method similar to that described by Payne-Gallwey has led to an approximate doubling of the range (to 70–80 yards). Also, Mr. Russell Robinson feels that it should be stressed that with long and constant practice the legionary would have developed a technique for throwing this weapon. He suggests that until such training is simulated no clear idea can be formed of how far or accurately the plumbata could be thrown.

^{page 277 note 2} This is the second claw-beaker to be found at Mucking; for the other see Antiq. J. xlviii (1968), 217 ff.Google Scholar, fig. 3b, pl. LII.

^{page 278 note 1} Haberey, W., ‘Spätantike Gläser aus Gräbern von Mayen’, Bonner Jahrbücher, 147 (1942), 254Google Scholar, Taf. 37; Doppelfeld, O., Römisches und fränkisches Glas in Köln (1966), pp. 134, 135Google Scholar.

^{page 278 note 2} Fremersdorf, F., ‘Zur Geschichte des fränkischen Russelbechers’, Wallraf Richartz Jahrbuch N. F. 11/III, 1933/1934, Abb. 2Google Scholar; Doppelfeld, , op. cit., 1966, Farbtafel IIGoogle Scholar.

^{page 278 note 3} Fremersdorf, , op. cit., 1933/1934, Abb. 1.Google Scholar

^{page 278 note 4} Chapman, H. and Johnson, A. E., ‘Excavation at Aldgate and Bush Lane House 1972’, Trans. London and Middlesex Arch. Soc. xxiv (1973), 70Google Scholar. The report on the medieval material from Bush Lane is forthcoming in the above Journal.

^{page 278 note 5} Sussex Archaeological Collections, cviii (1970), 39–49Google Scholar; Britannia, iv (1973), 321Google Scholar, 333; Current Archaeology, iv. 6 (1973), 185–8Google Scholar.

^{page 280 note 1} Unpublished.

^{page 280 note 2} Archaeologia Aeliana, 3rd ser., vi (1910), 238.Google Scholar

^{page 280 note 3} Hoopell, R. A., Vinovia (London, 1891), pp. 21 and 63.Google Scholar

^{page 280 note 4} Proc. London and Middlesex Arch. Soc. xviii (1955), 62–4.Google Scholar

^{page 280 note 5} Reference untraced.

^{page 280 note 6} Apulum, ix (1971), 632Google Scholar, illustrates nine spacers found in the bath building, one still pierced by iron nail, but without scale.

^{page 280 note 7} That is, nipped with pincers along the edge. In making a stained-glass window such grozing is employed to produce quarries of an exact size to fit the shape of the leading, and it may be that the Roman glaziers used it to fit the panes exactly into wooden or metal frames, the edges of which may not always have been absolutely straight. Grozing always produces a bevelled edge and this would help in obtaining an exact fit.

^{page 281 note 1} Kisa, A., Das Glas im Altertume (1908), pp. 362–5.Google Scholar

^{page 281 note 2} Kisa says 60 × 30 cm. It is in fact 53·5 × 35·5 cm. For this pane see Harden in Jope, E. M. (ed.), Studies in Building History (1961), p. 49Google Scholar, pl. iv a.

^{page 281 note 3} Mau, A. (trans. Kelsey, F. W.), Pompeii: its Life and Art (New York, 1899), pp. 273, 351.Google Scholar

^{page 281 note 4} Daremberg, and Saglio, , Dictionnaire des Antiquités, v, 947Google Scholar, s.v. Vitrum, xiv, ‘Verre à vitre’.

^{page 281 note 5} Fremersdorf, F., Dos naturfarbene sogenannte blaugrüne Glas in Köln (Denkmäler, Röm. Köln. V, 1958), 58Google Scholar. Dr. T. E. Haevernick also, whom I consulted by letter, tells me that she knows of no complete panes in the Rhineland.

^{page 281 note 6} It is possible that more careful sorting of large groups of fragments found in close proximity to each other in controlled excavations might yield useful results.

^{page 281 note 7} Dr. J. P. Wild, F.S.A., informs me that excavation was directed by Mr. Adrian Challands for the Lane Valley Research Committee, with the kind permission of Mr. David Powell of Sacrewell Farm.

^{page 282 note 1} Toynbee, J. M. C., Art in Roman Britain (2nd edn., 1963), no. 163, pls. CLXVI–CLXVIII.Google Scholar

^{page 282 note 2} Ibid., no. 42a, pl. XLIV.

^{page 282 note 3} Briltannia, iii (1972), 331.Google Scholar

^{page 282 note 4} Reports in preparation.

^{page 282 note 5} Sir Fox, Cyril, Pattern and Purpose (1958), p. 102 and pl. 57A.Google Scholar

^{page 284 note 1} Antiquity, xxxiv (1960), 35.Google Scholar

^{page 287 note 1} Antiq. J. liii (1973), 6.Google Scholar

^{page 287 note 2} Scharf, G., Catalogue of Pictures belonging to the Society of Antiquaries (1865), pp. 12–14.Google Scholar

^{page 287 note 3} MS. Notes on the Society's paintings (held in the Society's Library).

^{page 287 note 4} Rickert, M., Painting in Britain, The Middle Ages (1954), p. 202.Google Scholar

^{page 287 note 5} e.g. Exhibition of British Primitive Paintings, 1923.

^{page 287 note 6} Fletcher, John, Burlington Magazine, cxvi (1974), 250–8.Google Scholar

^{page 287 note 7} See account published in Country Life, 28th March 1974, pp. 728–30.

^{page 287 note 8} Ph.D. Thesis, ‘Figure Painting on Rood Screens in Churches of Norfolk and South Devonshire’, University of London, 1937.Google Scholar

^{page 287 note 9} Op. cit. in n. 3.

^{page 287 note 10} Transcript of MS. notes by Kerrich in the Society's Library. These refer to a third ancient table ‘cut in pieces to eke out the other two, to fit them for doors to a cupboard’. There is of course no evidence that the third table was associated with the painting of the Four Scenes.

^{page 288 note 1} Loc. cit. sup.

^{page 288 note 2} Atkinson, T. D., Monastic Buildings of Ely (1933), p. 177.Google Scholar

^{page 289 note 1} Quoted by Wall, J. Charles, Shrines of British Saints (1905), pp. 57–8.Google Scholar

^{page 289 note 2} Mynors, R. A. B., Catalogue of MSS. of Balliol College (1963), pp. xxiv–xlv.Google Scholar

^{page 289 note 3} Bentham, J., History & Architecture of the Conventual & Cathedral of Church of Ely (1771), pp. 176–8.Google Scholar

^{page 290 note 1} Registration number P. 1973. 7–2. 1, Department of Prehistoric and Romano-British Antiquities.

^{page 291 note 1} Merrifield, R., ‘Coins from the Bed of the Walbrook and their significance’, Antiq. J. xlii (1962), 38–52.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 291 note 2} Registration numbers 1934. 12–10. 98–100, and 1953. 10–2. 1–3.

^{page 291 note 3} Painter, K. S., ‘Greek and Roman wooden writing tablets in the British Museum’, B.M.Q. xxxi (1967), 103–10Google Scholar. It should be noted that the Department of Manuscripts is now part of the British Library, and that Romano-British material is now in the Department of Prehistoric and Romano-British Antiquities. See also Richmond, I. A., ‘Three Roman writing-tablets from London’, Antiq. J. xxxiii (1953), 206–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

^{page 291 note 4} Registration number P. 1973. 7–2. 386, Department of Prehistoric and Romano-British Antiquities.

^{page 291 note 5} Boon, G. C., ‘Roman Glass in Wales’, Annales du 4^e Congrès des ‘Journées Internationales du Verre’ 1967, n.d. (1969), p. 97.Google Scholar

^{page 292 note 1} Fremersdorf, F., ‘Die römischen Gläser mit Schliff, Bemalung und Goldauflagen aus Köln’, Die Denkmäler des römischen Köln, viii, (1967), 171–2Google Scholar and pls. ccxxx–ccxxxi.

^{page 292 note 2} Frazer, A., ‘The Cologne Circus Bowl: Basileus Helios and the Cosmic Hippodrome’, in Sandler, L. F., ed., Essays in Memory of Karl Lehmann (1964), pp. 105–13.Google Scholar

^{page 292 note 3} The dark-blue beaker, now in the Museum of Antiquities of the University and the Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle upon Tyne, was illustrated Archaeologia Aeliana, 3rd ser., xi (1914), xxiGoogle Scholar, and described as ‘from Pompeii’, and published by Dorothy Charlesworth in ‘Roman Glass from Northern Britain’, ibid., 4th ser., xxxvii (1959), 54 and 56 and pl. v, 4, as ‘said to come from the fort at South Shields’. However, Dr. D. J. Smith, F.S.A., Lecturer in Archaeology and Keeper of the Museum of Antiquities, Newcastle upon Tyne, informs me that no provenance for this piece has been recorded in the Donations Book of the museum.

^{page 292 note 4} Boon, G. C., op. cit., pp. 95Google Scholar and 97 and fig. 2.

^{page 292 note 5} I am indebted to Mr. G. C. Boon, F.S.A., Assistant Keeper, Department of Archaeology, National Museum of Wales, Cardiff, for this suggestion and for the decipherment of the inscription ḄUGADDI under the chin of the London beaker. I am also grateful to Mr. P. C. Compton of the British Museum for his drawing of the beaker.

^{page 292 note 6} I am grateful to Mr. K. S. Painter for asking me to talk about these lamps. Also acquired at the same time ( Christie's Sale Catalogue, 11th July 1973, Lot 13Google Scholar ) were a bronze lamp-hook from King William Street (P. 1973. 7–2. 12), a clay lamp-holder (P. 1973. 7–2. 9) from the same site, a clay open lamp or crucible, wheel-made, from Old Jewry (P. 1973. 7–2. 10), and a clay candlestick from Leadenhall Street (P. 1973. 7–2. 11).

^{page 295 note 1} Grid reference SO 645060.

^{page 295 note 2} Department of Prehistoric and Romano-British Antiquities, registration number P. 1973. 8–1. 1 to 8.

^{page 295 note 3} A report on the bronze coins will be published by Rhodes, J. F. in Numismatic ChronicleGoogle Scholar. The deposition date of 359 is indicated by the absence of the Spes Reipvblice type, the last type of Constantius and Julian Caesar, which would be expected after that date. I am indebted to Dr. J. P. C. Kent for this information.

^{page 295 note 4} Weights 10.9 gm., 7.9 gm., 3.1 gm., 2.2 gm.

^{page 295 note 5} Smith, R. A., ‘Late-Keltic Pins of the Hand Type’, P.S.A.L., 2nd ser., xx (1903-1905), 344Google Scholar; Stevenson, R. B. K., ‘Pins and the Chronology of the Brochs’, P.P.S. xxi (1955), 282Google Scholar; Fowler, Elizabeth, ‘Celtic Metalwork of the Fifth and Sixth Centuries A.D.’, Arch. J. xx (1963), 98Google Scholar; Stevenson, R. B. K., ‘Metalwork and some other objects in Scotland and their cultural affinities’, in Rivet, A. L. F. (ed.), The Iron Age in Northern Britain (Edinburgh, 1966), p. 17Google Scholar.

^{page 295 note 6} Stevenson, R. B. K., P.P.S. xxi (1955), 288–92.Google Scholar

^{page 296 note 1} , R. E. M. and Wheeler, T. V., Report on Excavation of the Prehistoric, Roman and Post-Roman Site at Lydney Park, Gloucestershire (Reports of the Research Committee of the Society of Antiquaries of London, no. ix), (Oxford, 1932), p. 83 and fig. 18, nos. 63 and 64.Google Scholar

^{page 296 note 2} Smith, , op. cit., p. 349, fig. 7 and p. 351.Google Scholar

^{page 296 note 3} Fowler, , op. cit., fig. 7, 6, and p. 152.Google Scholar

^{page 296 note 4} Fowler, , op. cit., p. 152.Google Scholar

^{page 296 note 5} Fowler, , op. cit., fig. 7, 5, and pp. 123, 126, and 152.Google Scholar

^{page 296 note 6} Fowler, , op. cit., p. 127.Google Scholar

^{page 297 note 1} Clarke, R. Rainbird, ‘The Iron Age in Norfolk and Suffolk’, Arch. J. xcvi (1939), 68 and pl. XVII.Google Scholar

^{page 297 note 2} I should like to acknowledge the great help given by Mr. J. W. Brailsford, Dr. J. P. C. Kent, Mr. K. S. Painter, and Mr. J. F. Rhodes in the preparation of this note. I am also most grateful to Mr. P. C. Compton for his drawing of the Oldcroft pin.

^{page 297 note 3} Salmon, J., Rycote Chapel, Oxfordshire, H.M.S.O., 1967 (Official Guide-Book).Google Scholar

^{page 298 note 1} Hirth, G., Kulturgeschichtlkhes Bilderbuch vier Jahrhunderten i (1923), pl. CCXCIIGoogle Scholar. This is inscribed, ‘Divitie turpes, et quos opulentia jungit falluntur misere vafro cacodemonis astu’, which may be translated as ‘Those whom sordid riches and affluence unite (in marriage) are miserbly deceived by the crafty subtley of the devil' or ‘cacodemonis’ may be ‘cacodemoni’—sprit of evil.

^{page 298 note 2} Ibid. pl. ccxci. This is signed ‘H. Goltzius invenit. J. Sanredam sculpt’ and is inscribed, ‘Conjugium quod turpis amor, fedusque cupido copulat, instabile est, et mox peritura voluptas’, and can be translated as ‘The marriage which is joined by sordid love and filthy lust is unstable, and (carnal) pleasure will soon die’ if ‘fedus’ is taken as ‘foedus’ and ‘cupido’ taken as lust, not the boy ‘Cupid’.

^{page 298 note 3} Bartsch, A., Le Peintre Graveur, iii, 246Google Scholar : Jean Saenredam, Engravings, nos. 84–6. 'Les trois sortes de mariage. Suite de trois estampes.

1. Le marriage qui se fait dans la seule vue de plaisir, et au quel préside I'Amour…

2. Celui dont le principal motif sont les richesses, et qui est I'ouvrage du demon…

3. Celui qui ne se contracte que par un prinicipe d'amour pur et chaste, et qui est béni par Jésus Christ…'

We are indebted ro Mr. Reginald Williams of the British Museum for his location of these engravings.

^{page 298 note 4} Schiderboeck, Amsterdam 1618, f. 196b.

^{page 298 note 5} , Thieme-BeckerAllgemeines Lexison der bildende Künstler, xiv, 349.Google Scholar

^{page 298 note 6} Salmon, J., op. cit.Google Scholar

^{page 299 note 1} The D.N.B. and Thieme-Becker's Kunstler Lexicon, etc. have this date; and two early copies of King's Cathedralls I have seen in the Bodleian are certainly dated 1656. Now, in Vol. I of Dugdale's Monasticon, published in 1655, out of about 60 illustrations, nearly 50 are identical with King's Cathedrall etchings. So it seems that Dugdale must have either ‘borrowed’ the plates before King published, or, more probably, got King to make the drawings specially for his Monasticon, and then allowed him to publish them the following year as a separate work.

There was a second edition of King's Cathedralls in 1672, the plates of which are easily recognized by English titles being poorly added to the original Latin ones.

^{page 300 note 1} There was no south aisle, its place being taken by the cloister.

^{page 300 note 2} Boyle, J. R., Guide to County Durham (1892), p. 207Google Scholar. Gone by 1662, when Bishop Cosin inquired after them (Greenwell, William, Durham Cathedral (9th edn., 1932), p. 37, note)Google Scholar.

^{page 302 note 1} McIntyre, J., Richmond, I. A., ‘Tents of the Roman Army and Leather from Birdoswald’, in Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological Society Transactions, N.S. xxxiv (1934), 62 ff. and 68 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 305 note 1} Dr. G. C. Dunning has kindly drawn my attention to parallels published by him as chimney-pots, possibly medieval, but which can now also be regarded as Roman (Jope, E. M. (ed.), Studies in Building History (1961), pp. 83–4, 92, and fig. 5. 4).Google Scholar

^{page 307 note 1} Candido di Gagliano, cited in Pigli, M., Italian Civilization in Ethiopia (1936), p. 11.Google Scholar

^{page 307 note 2} The head of the hand cross resembles a coptic example in bronze, possibly of twelfth-century date, in the Musée du Louvre, no. A.F. 5181.

^{page 307 note 3} Religious Art in Ethiopia (1973)Google Scholar [Institüt für Auslandsbeziehungen, Stuttgart], n. 65.

^{page 307 note 4} Ibid., n. 63.

^{page 307 note 5} Daoud, M., The Liturgy of the Ethiopian Church, Cairo (1959?), pp. 6–7.Google Scholar