^{page 45 note 2} Garrod, D. A. E. and Bate, D. M. A., The Stone Age of Mount Carmel, i, 109, Oxford, 1937Google Scholar.

^{page 45 note 3} de Mortillet, G., Origine de la navigation et de la pêche, Paris, 1867Google Scholar.

^{page 45 note 4} Sauvage, H. E. in Lartet, E. and Christy, H., Reliquiae Aquitanicae, 219–25, London, 1865–75Google Scholar.

^{page 45 note 5} E. Piette, ‘Etudes d'ethnographie préhistorique’, L'AntAropologie, t. vi, 276–92. Note especially pp. 284 ff.

^{page 45 note 6} Breuil, H. and de St.-Périer, R., Les Poissons, les Batraciens et les Reptiles dans l'art quaternaire, Paris, 1937, pp. 11–12Google Scholar.

^{page 45 note 7} Piette, op. cit. 286.

^{page 46 note 1} de St.-Péerier, R., ‘Engins de pĉche paléolithiques’, L'Anthropologie, xxxviii, 1928, 17–22Google Scholar.

^{page 46 note 2} e.g. specimens from the Grimaldi caves. Rivière, E., Paléoethnologie: de l' antiquiti de l'homme dans les Alpes-Maritimes, Paris, 1887, pl. x, nos. 5–8Google Scholar.

^{page 46 note 3} Klunzinger, C. B., Bodenseefische, deren Pflege und Fang, Stuttgart, 1892, S. 119–21Google Scholar.

^{page 46 note 4} For Mesolithic gorges see Sarauw, G. F. L., ‘En Stenalders Boplads i Maglemose ved Mullerup’, Aarbøger, 1903Google Scholar, fig. 23, and Westerby, E., Stenalderbopladser ved Klampenborg, Copenhagen, 1927Google Scholar, fig. 30. Neolithic: Reinerth, H., Die Füngere Steinzeit der Schweiz, Augsburg, 1926Google Scholar, fig. 4, nos. 1, 2, and Gjessing, H., Rogalands Stenalder, Stavanger, 1920, 93Google Scholar. Bronze Age: Siret, L., Les Premiers Âges du métal dans le sud-est de l'Espagne, Antwerp, 1887, pl. 25, no. 95Google Scholar. Early Iron Age: Kostrzewski, J., Osada bagienna w Biskupinie w pow. znińskim, Poznań, 1936Google Scholar, Tab. XLV, 5.

^{page 47 note 1} Manninen, I., Die Finnisch-Ugrischen Völker, Leipzig, 1932, S. 339–40Google Scholar und Abb. 285.

^{page 47 note 2} Examples of wooden gorges (hains) from the Gironde are exhibited in the Pitt-Rivers Museum at Oxford, to the Curator of which I am indebted for allowing me to examine the important collection of fishing-gear assembled by the late Henry Balfour.

^{page 47 note 3} In Wilcocks, J. C., The Sea-fisherman, or Fishing Pilotage, Guernsey, 1865, pp. 93–5Google Scholar, the advice is given: ‘When you feel the eel, do not check him, but give him two or three minutes to gorge, then strike smartly, and you will fix the needle across his throat.’

^{page 47 note 4} Breuil, H., ‘Petits instruments magdaléniens à pointe bifide ou tridentée de Bruniquel et quelques autres gisements’, L'Anthropologie, xix, 1908, 183–90Google Scholar.

^{page 48 note 1} Professor V. G. Childe has directed my attention to barbless fish-hooks from the cave Hoyo de la Mina, near Malaga, which are, however, of uncertain age. According to Obermaier, H. (Fossil Man in Spain, New Haven, 1925, 192Google Scholar), the cave yielded ‘abundant Neolithic material’ as well as flints possibly belonging ‘to the final phase of the Palaeolithic’.

^{page 48 note 2} Op. cit.

^{page 48 note 3} del Río, H. Alcalde et al. , Les Cavernes de la Région Cantabrique, Monaco, 1911Google Scholar, fig. 61 and pl. XLIII.

^{page 48 note 4} Rau, C., Prehistoric Fishing in Europe and North America, Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, vol. xxv, Washington, 1884, p. 11CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

^{page 48 note 5} Op. cit. 223.

^{page 48 note 6} For references see Proc. Prehist. Soc. 1939,268.

^{page 48 note 7} e.g. Lord, J. K., The Naturalist in Vancouver Island and British Columbia, 2 vols., London, 1866, pp. 64–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

^{page 49 note 1} Op. cit. 74–5.

^{page 49 note 2} Op. cit.

^{page 49 note 3} ‘Des Reptiles et des Poissons trouvés dans les grottes de Menton (Italie)’, C. r. de l'Ac. des Sc., 1886, t. ciii, 1211–13, Paris.

^{page 49 note 4} Mosso, A., The Dawn of Mediterranean Civilization (transl.), London, 1910, pp. 205–9Google Scholar. T. Zammit has since mentioned examples from the Maltese temples in his Prehistoric Malta. The Tarxien Temples, Oxford, 1930, pp. 56–7Google Scholar.

^{page 49 note 5} Childe, V. G., Skara Brae, London, 1931, p. 96Google Scholar.

^{page 49 note 6} See specimens in the Ethnographic department (Room 41, case 1) of the National Muséum at Helsingfors.

^{page 49 note 7} H. Breuil and R. de St.-Périer, op. cit., fig. 7, 6 bis.

^{page 50 note 1} Op. cit., 1886.

^{page 50 note 2} Thus representations of what appear to be skin-boats occur at Rödöy and Forselv in Nordland and at Evenhus in Nord-Tröndelag. Gjessing, G., Nordenfjelske Ristninger og Malinger av den arktiske Gruppe, Oslo, 1936Google Scholar, pl. viii b and pl. LXXVII ; Arktiske Helleristninger i Nord-Norge, Oslo, 1932Google Scholar, pl. xiv.

^{page 50 note 3} E. A. Golomshtok, ‘The Old Stone Age in European Russia’, Trans. Am. Phil. Soc., N.S. xxix, pt. 11, pp. 191–468, Philadelphia, 1938. See p. 399.

^{page 50 note 4} According to Golomshtok, op. cit., pp. 289–93, bones of Salmo sp. and Salmo trutta laborax were obtained from layer IV of the shelter, which also yielded mammoth, reindeer, cave bear, cave hyena, and beaver.

^{page 50 note 5} See J. Jankó, Herkunft der Magyarischen Fischerei, Dritte asiatische Forschungsreise des Grafen Eugen Zichy, Bd. i, Budapest, 1900, S. 516, figs. 504, 505.

^{page 50 note 6} V. T. Sirelius (Die Volkskultur Finnlands. I. Jagd und Fischerei (transl.), Berlin und Leipzig, 1934) illustrates a wooden specimen from Alaveteli (Abb. 177) and an iron one from Kangasniemi (Abb. 183).

^{page 50 note 7} A wooden specimen used for catching burbot and collected by the late Henry Balfour from Sandträsk, Västerbotten, is exhibited in the Pitt-Rivers Museum at Oxford.

^{page 51 note 1} Pälsi, S., ‘Über steinzeitliche Hakenfischgeräte in Finland’, Finska Fornminnesföreningens Tidskrift, xxvi (1912), 195–204Google Scholar, Helsingfors. See especially Abb. 14–19.

^{page 51 note 2} Op. cit., S. 98–9.

^{page 51 note 3} Op. cit., figs. 479–81.

^{page 51 note 4} Breuil, 1908, op. cit.

^{page 52 note 1} ‘Excavations in the Mugharet el-Kebarah’, J.R.A.I., lxii (1932), 271–6Google Scholar. See p. 272 and pl. XXVIII.

^{page 52 note 2} Viz. Mullerup (Sarauw, op. cit. 260–3); Ögaarde (Mathiassen, T., Stenalderbopladser i Aamosen, Nordiske Fortidsminder, iii, 3, Copenhagen, 1943Google Scholar, fig. 41, no. 6); and Sværdborg (Broholm, H. C., ‘Nouvelles trouvailles du plus ancien âge de la pierre. Les trouvailles de Holmegaard et de Sværdborg’, Mém. de la Soc. Roy. des Ant. du Nord, 1926–31, 1–128Google Scholar, fig. 60).

^{page 52 note 3} e.g. from the Havel lakes, Brandenburg (R. Stimming, ‘Die Ancyluszeit in der märkischen Havelgegend’, Archiv. Anthrop. xxi, 109–21, Abb. 206–21).

^{page 52 note 4} Childe, V. G., New Light on the Most Ancient East, London, 1934, fig. 12Google Scholar.

^{page 52 note 5} Brunton, G., The Badarian Civilization, London, 1928Google Scholar, pl. xxiv, 16, 17.

^{page 52 note 6} Menghin, O., Weltgeschichte der Steinzeit, Vienna, 1931Google Scholar, Taf. XLI, 16.

^{page 53 note 1} ‘The Primitive Fish-hook’, Sport with Gun and Rod in American Woods and Waters (edited by Mayer, A. M.), i, 337–50, Edinburgh, 1884Google Scholar. See pp. 340–2.

^{page 53 note 2} Krause, E., ‘Vorgeschichtliche Fischereigeräte und neuere Vergleichsstücke’, Z.für Fischerei, Bd. xi, 133–300, Berlin, 1904Google Scholar. See Abb. 394.

^{page 53 note 3} SirPetrie, Flinders, Tools and Weapons, London, 1917Google Scholar, pls. xliii, xliv.

^{page 53 note 4} E. Mackay, Report on Excavations at Jemdet Nasr, Iraq, Field Museum of Natural History Anthropology Memoirs, vol. i, no. 3, Chicago, 1931. See nos. 2481–2 and pl. lxxv, 4.

^{page 53 note 5} Oriental Institute Communication, no. 17, Chicago, 1934, p. 89Google Scholar and fig. 81.

^{page 53 note 6} The Halafian culture, which according to Professor V. G. Childe may well go back to c. 5000 B.C., had a well-developed metallurgy (‘The Orient and Europe’, Am. J. of Archaeology, xliv (1939), 10–26Google Scholar; see pp. 12–13). The hammering of copper wire must go back well into the 6th millennium B.C. on this chronology.

^{page 53 note 7} On the existing chronology the Maglemose culture is usually dated to approx. 6800–5000 B.C. (J. G. D. Clark, The Mesolithic Settlement of Northern Europe, Cambridge, 1936, p. 53), but the Zealand sites from which the fish-hooks came date from late in this time.

^{page 54 note 1} Ghirshman, R., Fouilles de Sialk près de Kashan, i, Paris, 1938Google Scholar. For the Sialk sickle-handles see p. 19 and pls. vii and viii 1–3. Cf. Natufian examples from the Mugharet el-Kebarah (Turville-Petre, op. cit., pl. xxvii) and the Mugharet el-Wad (Garrod, op. cit., pl. xiii, 1, 3).

^{page 54 note 2} C. Rau, op. cit., fig. 188.

^{page 54 note 3} Ibid., fig. 212.

^{page 54 note 4} Bone specimens from Purakanui, Otago, in various stages of manufacture, are exhibited in the Pitt-Rivers Museum at Oxford.

^{page 55 note 1} J. Jankó, op. cit., figs. 500, 501, 504, 505.

^{page 55 note 2} Steindorff, G., Das Grab des Ti, Leipzig, 1913Google Scholar, Taf. cxi.

^{page 55 note 3} C. B. Klunzinger, op. cit. 210–22.

^{page 55 note 4} F. M. Davis, An Account of the Fishing Year of England and Wales, Fishery Investigations, series II, vol. xv, no. 2, London, 1936. Seep. 112 and fig. 85A.

^{page 55 note 5} Becker, C. J., ‘Fund af Ruser fra Danmarks Stenalder’, Aarbøger, 1941, 131–49Google Scholar. See p. 144 f.

^{page 55 note 6} E. Krause, op. cit., Abb. 537.

^{page 55 note 7} Ibid., S. 254.

^{page 55 note 8} Keller, F., The Lake Dwellings of Switzerland and other parts of Europe, London, 1878, p. 353Google Scholar.

^{page 55 note 9} Becker, C. J., ‘Et 6000-aarigt Fiskeredskap’, Fra det Gamle Gilleleje, 1943, 70–87Google Scholar.

^{page 55 note 10} C. J. Becker, op. cit. 1941, 131–5.

^{page 56 note 1} C. J. Becker, op. cit. 1941, 138–9.

^{page 56 note 2} Ibid. 136–7.

^{page 56 note 3} S. Pälsi, ‘Ein steinzeitlicher Moorfund bei Korpilahti im Kirchspiel Antrea, Län Wiborg’, Finska Fornminnesför. Tidskr. xxviii, no.2, Helsingfors, 1920.

^{page 56 note 4} J. Ailio, ‘Fragen der russischen Steinzeit’, F.F.T. xxix, 3–14. See S. 7–8.

^{page 56 note 5} Indreko, R., Über die vorgeschichtliche Fischerei in Estland, Abhandl. der Fischereikammer, no. 2, Tallinn, 1937Google Scholar, fig. 3, no. 3.

^{page 57 note 1} e.g. two gangs each of five men are depicted in wall-paintings of the XIIth dynasty at Beni Hasan, Egypt. Newberry, P. E., Beni Hasan, Pt. I, London, 1893Google Scholar, pl. xii.

^{page 57 note 2} F. A. Smitt, A History of Scandinavian Fishes, 2nd ed., 2 vols., Stockholm, 1893–5. See p. 1003.

^{page 57 note 3} Went, A. E. J. (‘The Galway Fishery. An Account of the Modes of Fishing together with Notes on other matters connected with the Fishery’, Proc. Roy. Irish Acad. xlix, Sect. C, 187–219, Dublin, 1944)Google Scholar states (p. 211) that he could not trace references to pike earlier than the 16th century.

^{page 57 note 4} J. Jankó, op. cit. 192–3 and Abb. 116.

^{page 57 note 5} According to R. Stimming (op. cit. 115), the noose or sling at the end of a forked stick is still used in Brandenburg for catching pike in spring and autumn when the water is sufficiently clear. The same writer, as a youth, used to grab pike in his bare hands as they lay spawning on the flooded water-meadows.

^{page 57 note 6} F. A. Smitt, op. cit. 1005.

^{page 57 note 7} Klemm, G., Allgemeine Culturwissenschaft. Die materiellen Grundlagen menschlicher Cultur. Das Feuer. Die Nahrung. Getränke. Narkotica, Leipzig, 1855Google Scholar. See S. 110.

^{page 57 note 8} Rust, A., Das Altsteinzeitliche Rentierägerlager Meiendorf, Neumünster, 1937Google Scholar. See S. 57.

^{page 57 note 9} Rust, A., Die alt- und mittelsteinzeitlichen Funde von Stellmoor, Neumünster, 1943Google Scholar. See S. 58.

^{page 58 note 1} Gross, H., ‘Die ältesten Spuren des Menschen Bemerin Nordostdeutschland’, Nachr.f. Deutsche Forzeit, Jg. 13, H. iv, 73–80, Leipzig, 1937Google Scholar. See S. 77.

^{page 58 note 2} Op. cit. 231 ff.

^{page 58 note 3} The so-called ‘bone-culture’ of Kunda in northern Esthonia was exploded by the excavation of the settlement of Lammägi on the margin of the old lake, which yielded other aspects of the material equipment of the inhabitants, including artefacts of flint and stone. See Indreko, R., ‘Vorläufige Bemerinkungen über die Kunda-Funde’, Sitzungsberichte d. gelehrten Estnischen Ges. 1934, 225–98Google Scholar, Tartu, 1936.

^{page 58 note 4} Thompson, P. W., ‘Pollenanalytische Untersuchungen von Mooren und lakustrinen Ablagerungen in Estland’, Geol. Fören. Stockholm Förh. xlviii, 1926, 489–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

^{page 58 note 5} R. Indreko, op. cit. 1936, S. 283.

^{page 58 note 6} Ymer, 1917, p. 453.

^{page 58 note 7} See pp. 64–5.

^{page 59 note 1} Winge, H. in Johansen, K. Friis, ‘En Boplads fra den ældste Stenalder i Sværdborg Mose’, Aarbøger, 1919, 106–235, CopenhagenGoogle Scholar. See p. 128. On the other hand, M. Degerböl (T. Mathiassen, op. cit. 1943, 192) suggests that the heads were numerous merely because more liable to survive than other bones.

^{page 59 note 2} i.e. forms 2–8 of J. G. D. Clark, op. cit. 116.

^{page 59 note 3} Scheffer, J., The History of Lappland (transl.), London, 1674, p. 107Google Scholar.

^{page 59 note 4} For references see p. 675 of Bonnerjea, B., ‘La Pêche chez les peuples Finno-Ougriens’, L'Anthropologie, t. xlix, 661–96, Paris, 1939–40Google Scholar.

^{page 61 note 1} R. Indreko, op. cit. 1934, 269–71.

^{page 61 note 2} M., and Péquart, S.-J., Téviec. Station-nécropole mésolithique du Morbihan, Arch. Inst. Pal. Humaine, Mém. 18, Paris, 1937Google Scholar. See pp. 99–100.

^{page 61 note 3} Ibid., pls. XII–XIII, nos. 1–3.

^{page 61 note 4} Movius, H. J., The Irish Stone Age, Cambridge, 1942CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Seep. 128.

^{page 61 note 5} Squalus squatina, S. galeus, S. acanthias.

^{page 61 note 6} Anderson, J., ‘Notes on the Contents of a Small Cave or Rock-shelter at Druimvargie, Oban; and of three Shell-mounds in Oronsay’, Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot, xxxii, 298–313, Edinburgh, 1898Google Scholar. See p. 311.

^{page 61 note 7} Bishop, A. Henderson, ‘An Oronsay Shell-mound—a Scottish Pre-Neolithic Site’, Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot., xlviii, 52–108, Edinburgh, 1914Google Scholar. See p. 106.

^{page 61 note 8} Anderson, J., ‘Notice of a Cave recently discovered at Oban …’, Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot., xxix, 211–30, Edinburgh, 1895Google Scholar. Seep. 228.

^{page 61 note 9} e.g. Cancer pagurus and Portuna puber from Cnoc Sligeach, Oronsay.

^{page 61 note 10} A. Henderson Bishop, op. cit. 104.

^{page 61 note 11} Day, F., The Fishes of Great Britain and Ireland, 2 vols., London, 1880–4, i 255Google Scholar.

^{page 61 note 12} Ibid, i, 235.

^{page 62 note 1} Martin, Martin, A Description of the Western Islands of Scotland, 1934 ed., StirlingGoogle Scholar. See p. 200.

^{page 62 note 2} Madsen, A. P. et al. , Affaldsdynger fra Stenalderen i Danmark, Copenhagen, 1900, pp. 81–2Google Scholar.

^{page 62 note 3} Degerböl, M., ‘Subfossile Fisk fra Kvartærtiden i Danmark’, Vidensk. Medd. fra Dansk naturh. Foren., Bd. cviii, 103–60, Copenhagen, 1945Google Scholar. See p. 140 f.

^{page 63 note 1} Brögger, A. W., Vistefundet. En ældre stenalders Kjökkenmödding fra Jæderen, Stavanger, 1908Google Scholar. For a recent opinion on the age of the site, see Shetelig, H. and Falk, H., Scandinavian Archaeology, Oxford, 1937, p. 34Google Scholar, n. 2.

^{page 63 note 2} Brögger, A. W., ‘From the Stone Age to the Motor Age. A sketch of Norwegian cultural history’, Norsk Geografisk Tidskr., Bd. vii, 77–97, Oslo, 1939Google Scholar. See pp. 91–3.

^{page 63 note 3} H. J. Movius, op. cit. 1942, 251.

^{page 63 note 4} Ibid. 252–4 (with references) and fig. 59.

^{page 64 note 1} e.g. Glenluce, Wigtownshire (see Appendix III) and Gullane Sands, Haddingtonshire (see Childe, V. G., The Prehistory of Scotland, 1935Google Scholar, passim).

^{page 64 note 2} e.g. Dyserth Castle, Flint (see Appendix II B) and Merthyr Mawr, Glamorgan (Fox, C., ‘A Settlement of the Early Iron Age …’, Arch. Camb. 1927, 44–66Google Scholar.

^{page 64 note 3} Althin, C.-A., ‘En fångstplats vid Sandhammaren’, Medd. frän Lunds univ. hist, museum, 1946, 39–59Google Scholar.

^{page 64 note 4} Bolin, S., ‘Medieval Agrarian Society in its Prime: Scandinavia’, The Cambridge Economic History of Europe, i, 467–92, Cambridge, 1941Google Scholar, pp. 482–3.

^{page 64 note 5} A. W. Brögger, op. cit. 1939, 82.

^{page 64 note 6} e.g. the well-known bronze one from the lake-dwelling of Peschiera in north Italy (P. Keller, op. cit. 1878, pl. cxix, 1, 3) and an iron version from the later Iron Age of Esthonia (H. Moora, Die Forzeit Estlands, Tartu, 1932, Abb. 50, 9).

^{page 64 note 7} e.g. a Wendish specimen from Ketzin (E. Krause, op. cit., Abb. 96, 97).

^{page 64 note 8} e.g. from La Tène (Vouga, P., La Tène, Leipzig, 1923Google Scholar, pl. xxiii, 15).

^{page 64 note 9} H. Fernholm, ‘Ljusteriske, En översikt över redskap och metoder’, Folk-Liv, 1942, t. vi, 50–72. See pl. xiii a.

^{page 65 note 1} E. Krause, op. cit. 175 ff., gives many early references. Other useful ones include: British Isles (Evans, E. E., Irish Heritage. The Landscape, the People and Their Work, Dundalk, 1942, p. 147Google Scholar; M. Martin, op. cit. 200; Peate, I. C., Guide to the Collection of Welsh Bygones, Cardiff, 1929, p. 45Google Scholar and pl. xxix, 1–3); Switzerland (C. B. Klunzinger, op. cit. 115–17); Hungary (J. Jankó, op. cit. S. 481 ff.); Prussia (H. Busse, ‘Fisch-Speere aus der Spree-Gegend bei Fürstenwalde, Kreis Lebus’, Verh. d. Berliner Ges. f. Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, 1899, 296–7); Sweden (von Buch, L., Travels through Norway and Lapland during the years 1806, 1807 and 1808, London, 1813, pp. 350–1Google Scholar; H. Fernholm, op. cit.); Finland (Manninen, I., Die Finnisch–Ugrischen Völker, Leipzig, 1932, S. 27Google Scholar and Abb. 18 j); Russia (B. Bonnerjea, op. cit. 675 ff.).

^{page 65 note 2} e.g. from Italy (U. Rellini, La Più Antica Ceramica Dipinta in Italia, Rome, 1934, fig. 7) and the Ukraine (S. Magoura in V. Kozlowska and P. Kourinny, La Culture de Tripolje en Ukraine, Kiev, 1926, fig. 7). As to the fish-hooks from the mound of Vinĉa, barbed and unbarbed specimens occurred in equal numbers, but it may be noted that the former appear to have been confined to the upper levels. Of the dozen examples illustrated, six were barbed and six unbarbed: all the former came from the upper six metres, whereas half the latter were found in the lower four metres (Vassits, M. M., Preistoriska Vinĉa, vol. iv, tab. lxxvii, and p. 159, Belgrade, 1936Google Scholar).

^{page 65 note 3} Op. cit. 219–20.

^{page 65 note 4} e.g. Meersburg (E. Krause, op. cit. Abb. 347), Moosseedorf (ibid., Abb. 350), and Wangen (ibid., Abb. 348–9).

^{page 65 note 5} C. Rau, op. cit., fig. 188.

^{page 65 note 6} Ibid., pp. 128–9.

^{page 65 note 7} e.g. from Kolind (Mathiassen, T. et al. , Dyrholmen. En stenalderboplads paa Djursland, Copenhagen, 1942Google Scholar, fig. 20, no. 2) and from Ordrup and Sölager (Becker, C. J., ‘En Stenalderboplads paa Ordrup Næs i Nordvestsjælland’, Aarbøger, 1939, 199–280Google Scholar; p. 261).

^{page 66 note 1} Viz. Ranten, Västergotland (Montelius, O., Får Forntid., Stockholm, 1919Google Scholar, fig. 30), and Alnäs Västergaard, Östergotland (Montelius, O., Minnen från vår Forntid. i, Stockholm, 1917, no. 623Google Scholar).

^{page 66 note 2} Metal fish-hooks did not appear in numbers in Europe until the Late Bronze Age. A barbless copper hook may, however, be cited from the Painted Pottery site of Priesterhügel (V. G. Childe, op. cit. 1929, fig. 66, no. 34).

^{page 66 note 3} Mackay, E., Report on Excavations at Jemdet Nasr, Iraq, Chicago, 1931Google Scholar, pl. LXXV, 4.

^{page 66 note 4} U. 8672 and U. 8967.

^{page 66 note 5} C. Rau, op. cit., figs. 196–9, 200–1, 215. The specimen from Chesterfield Inlet, Hudson's Bay, actually had an internal barb, due to European contacts, as well as an external bait barb.

^{page 66 note 6} Sir Flinders Petrie, op. cit. 1917, pls. xliii and xliv, illustrates a good series of Egyptian fish-hooks, among which are barbed specimens from Amarna (XVIIIth dyn.) and Gurob (XVIIIth-XIXth dyn.).

^{page 66 note 7} Mackay, E. (Report on the Excavation of the ‘A’ Cemetery at Kish, Mesopotamia, Pt. II, Chicago, 1929Google Scholar, pl. xxxix, 4) illustrates a barbed metal hook from the ‘A’ mound at Kish and compares it with one from the Early Dynastic site at Fara (p. 166).

^{page 66 note 8} Mackay, E., The Indus Civilization, London, 1935, p. 129Google Scholar and pl. P, 10.

^{page 66 note 9} Barbless fish-hooks, usually with a pointed shank, are common from Bronze Age contexts in Greek lands, e.g. from Palaikastro (Bosanquet, R. C. and Dawkins, R. M., The Unpublished Objects from the Palaikastro Excavations 1902–3, London, 1923, pl. xxv)Google Scholar, Phylakopi III (Edgar, C. C. et al. , Excavations at Phylakopi in Melos, London, 1904Google Scholar, pl. XXXVIII, 10), and Eutresis (Goldman, H., Excavations at Eutresis in Boeotia, Cambridge, Mass., 1931Google Scholar, fig. 286, 6). Some barbless hooks occurred, also, at the Classical Greek site of Olynthus, among many other barbed ones (D. M. Robinson, Excavations at Olynthus, Baltimore, 1941, pl. cxvii). In the Alps and neighbouring areas barbless hooks occurred in Late Bronze Age contexts, both from lake-dwellings (F. Keller, op. cit. 1878, pl. c, 21 and pl. clvii, 12; Chantre, E., Âge du Bronze, Paris, 1875Google Scholar, pl. lxiii, 8, 9, 11) and from hoards (E. Chantre, op. cit., pl. Xliii, 7). A barbless fish-hook occurred in a late Lausitz grave at Přelouč, Czechoslovakia (Schránil, J., Die Vorgeschichte Böhm ens und Mährens, Berlin, 1928Google Scholar, Taf. xxviii, no. 11).

^{page 67 note 10} e.g. from La Tène (P. Vouga, op. cit., pl. xxiii, nos. 1–3); R. Indreko (op. cit. 1937, fig. 4, no. 4) illustrates one from the Middle Iron Age of Esthonia; a number of barbless iron fish-hooks were found at the great Polish stronghold of Gniezno (Kostrzewski, J., Gniezno, Biblioteka prehistoryczna, t. iv, Poznań, 1939, p. 46Google Scholar and tab. L, 13–16); a barbless iron hook came from the 11th-century town of Aranaes in Västergotland, Sweden (Schnittger, B. and Rydh, H., Aranaes. En.1100—tals borg i Västergotland, Stockholm, 1927, pl. x, 5Google Scholar).

^{page 67 note 11} The wooden fish-hooks of modern European folk-culture are invariably barbless.

^{page 67 note 1} A. Brinkmann and H. Shetelig, Ruskenesset, En stenalders jagtplass, Norske Oldfund, iii, Christiana, 1920, p. 34 and pl. viii, 54–6.

^{page 67 note 2} J. Böe, Boplassen i Skipshelleren, Bergens Mus. Skr. Nr. 17, Bergen, 1934, pl. vi.

^{page 67 note 3} S. Pälsi, op. cit.

^{page 67 note 4} Ebert's Reallexikon, xi, Taf. 25.

^{page 67 note 5} J. Böe, op. cit. 36.

^{page 67 note 6} Koudriavtsev, P., ‘Les Vestiges de l'homme préhistorique de l'âge de la pierre près du village Volosova, district et gouvernement de Vladimir’, Congr. int. d'arch, et d'anthr. préhist., II^e sess., Moscow, 1892, t. ii, 233–62Google Scholar, fig. 29.

^{page 68 note 1} V. V. Fedorov, ‘Quelques particularités des engins de pêche en pierre néolithiques’, Sovétskaya Arkheológiya, iii, 101–12.

^{page 68 note 2} Seven out of ten of the hooks from the Norwegian site of Viste were broken.

^{page 68 note 3} As pointed out by Vogt, E. (Geflechte und Gewebe der Steinzeit, Basel, 1937, p. 36Google Scholar), some of the netting recovered from the Swiss lake-villages may have been used for domestic purposes.

^{page 69 note 1} Bark and wood floats were found at Robenhausen, Wauwyl, and many other Neolithic and Bronze Age sites in the Alpine area (E. Krause, op. cit. 242–3 and Abb. 473–9). Bark floats were found at the Early Iron Age site at Biskupin (Kostrzewski, J., Osada bagienna zu Biskupinie w pow. znińskim., Poznań, 1936Google Scholar, Tab. xlvii, 3, 5) and at the early historical site of Gniezno (J. Kostrzewski, op. cit. 1939, Tab. lxxii).

^{page 69 note 2} Banner, J., ‘Die neolithische Ansiedelung von Kökénydomb’, Dolgozatok, vi (1930), 107–58Google Scholar, pp. 117, 137; Taf. vi, 8–12. A similar pear-shaped weight is illustrated from Lipovac in eastern Yugoslavia by V. J. Fewkes (‘Neolithic Sites in the Moravo-Danubian Area (Eastern Yugoslavia)’, Bull. Am. School of Prehistoric Research, no. 12,48 and pl. 11, 43).

^{page 69 note 3} F. Keller, op. cit. 1878, 150–1 and pl. xxxviii, 14.

^{page 69 note 4} It is likely that clay rings may have been used for several purposes. E. T. Leeds has suggested that examples from the Saxon village near Sutton Courtenay on the Thames served as loom-weights (Archaeologia, lxxiii, 180). On the other hand, his rejection of the net-weight explanation on the score of the rings having been found in a house is hardly convincing in view of the Khafaje discovery.

^{page 69 note 5} Frankfort, H., Tell Asmar and Khafaje. The First Season's Work in Eshnunna 1930/i, Chicago, 1932Google Scholar, figs. 41–2. Similar clay rings were found at Mohenjo-Daro (Mackay, E., Further Excavations at Mohenjo-Daro, 2 vols., Delhi, 1938, p. 435Google Scholar).

^{page 69 note 6} Bulleid, A. and Gray, H. St. G., The Glaston bury Lake Village, Glastonbury, 1911Google Scholar, i, 243 and fig. 47.

^{page 69 note 7} Schumacher, K., Siedlungs- und Kulturgeschichte der Rheinlande. Bd. i, Die vorrömische Zeit, Mainz, 1921Google Scholar, S. 234 and Abb. 7.

^{page 69 note 8} G. Topelius, ‘Ett fiskstängsel från stenåldern’, Finska Fornm. Tidskr. xxvi, 227–32.

^{page 70 note 1} Nikander, G., ‘Allmendewasser und -weise in den Dorfschaften von Schwedisch-Österbotten’, Folk-Liv, 1938, 48–76Google Scholar.

^{page 70 note 2} L. Rütimeyer, Die Fauna der Pfahlbauten der Schweiz, Zürich, 1862, S. 114. Also F. Keller, op. cit. 1878, 52 and 207.

^{page 70 note 3} C. B. Klunzinger, op. cit. 22–3.

^{page 70 note 4} As Keller remarked (op. cit. 1878, 201–2), the food refuse discarded from the lake-dwellings must have acted as a kind of ground-bait and this no doubt accounts for the ease with which the piledwellers of Lake Prasias are said by Herodotus (v, 16) to have secured fish by opening trap-doors and letting down baskets, presumably weels (see p. 55 f.).

^{page 70 note 5} E. Krause, op. cit., Abb. 418, 432.

^{page 71 note 1} C. Rau, op. cit. 50–1 and figs. 52–4; E. Krause, op. cit. 231 and Abb. 435. J. Kostrzewski (op. cit. 1936, Tab. xlvi, I, 4) interpreted similar objects as chocolate whisks.

^{page 72 note 1} Rütimeyer, L., Ur-ethnographie der Schzaeiz, Basel, 1924Google Scholar, S. 302–8.72 2 G.Klemm, op. cit. 103.

^{page 72 note 3} J. K. Lord, op. cit. 68–75.

^{page 72 note 4} Mahr, A., ‘New Aspects and Problems in Irish Prehistory’, Proc. Prehist. Soc. 1937, 262–436Google Scholar, pp. 283 ff.

^{page 72 note 5} H. J. Movius, ‘A Neolithic Site on the River Bann’, Proc. Roy. Irish Acad. xliii, C (1936–7), 17–40.

^{page 72 note 6} H. J. Movius (op. cit. 1942, 244) suggested that the flakes might have formed parts of multipronged fish-spears, but it is the essence of leister prongs that they should be resilient.

^{page 72 note 7} Op. cit. 1866, i, 74.

^{page 72 note 8} Op. cit. 270.

^{page 73 note 1} Childe, V. G., The Danube in Prehistory, Oxford, 1929, p. 34Google Scholar.

^{page 73 note 2} Information from Mr. C. A. Ralegh Radford, F.S.A., who noted the bones in the museum Belgrade.

^{page 73 note 3} Fewkes, V. J. et al. , ‘Excavations at Starčevo, Yugoslavia, Seasons 1931 and 1932’, Bull. Am. School of Prehist. Research, no. 9 (1933), 33–54Google Scholar 48.

^{page 73 note 4} Childe, V. G., The Dawn of European Civilization, 3rd ed., London, 1939, fig. 43Google Scholar.

^{page 73 note 5} V. G. Childe, op. cit. 1929, fig. 17.

^{page 73 note 6} F. von Tompa, ‘25 Jahre Urgeschichtsforschung in Ungarn 1912–1936’, Ber. der Röm. Germ. Komm. 1934/5, 27–127, Taf. 13, nos. 10, 14.

^{page 73 note 7} V. G. Childe, op. cit. 1929, 29–30; op. cit. 1939, 86.

^{page 73 note 8} J. K. Lord, op. cit. i, 175–83.

^{page 73 note 9} F. A. Smith, op. cit. 1031–5; F. Day, op. cit. 245 ff.

^{page 73 note 10} M. Degerböl, op. cit. 133.

^{page 73 note 11} Lithberg, N., Die Steinzeit Gotlands, Stockholm, 1916, S. 49Google Scholar.

^{page 73 note 12} F. Day, op. cit. 248. For further facts about the preferences and scruples which affect the consumption of fish, see The Fisheries Exhibition Literature, vol. i, London, 1884, pp. 61–2Google Scholar.

^{page 74 note 1} Petrie, G., ‘Notices of ruins of ancient dwellings at Skara, Bay of Skaill, in the parish of Sandwick, Orkney, recently excavated’, Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot., vii, 1866–7, 201–19Google Scholar.

^{page 74 note 2} Stenberger, M., Das Grabfeld von Västerbjers auf Gotland, Stockholm, 1943Google Scholar, Abb. 14. According to information kindly given me by Dr. Stenberger, the sex of the skeleton of the Stone Cist period from Kiaby in Scania, with which three hooks were found (Kjellmark, K., ‘Markgravar och boplatsfynd in Kiaby i Skåne’, Fornvännen, 1940, 18–24Google Scholar), was probably that of a man.

^{page 74 note 3} N. Lithberg, op. cit. 1916, S. 123.

^{page 75 note 1} Fredsjö, A., ‘En fiskescen på en bohuslänsk hällristning’, Göteborgs och Bohusläns Fornminnesförenings Tidskrift, 1943, 61–71Google Scholar.

^{page 75 note 2} Newberry, P. E., Beni Hasan, Pt. I, London, 1893Google Scholar, pl. xxix.

^{page 75 note 3} Odyssey, xii, 251 ff.

^{page 75 note 4} Shetelig and Falk, op. cit. 306.

^{page 75 note 5} Hjort, Hydrographic-Biological Studies of the Norwegian Fisheries, Christiania, 1896, p. 6Google Scholar.

^{page 76 note 1} Nordgaard, O., ‘Traek av fiskeriets utvikling Norge’, Kgl, norske Videns. Selsk. Skr. 1908, no. 1, Trondhjem, p. 67Google Scholar.

^{page 76 note 2} A. Brinkmann and H. Shetelig, op. cit. 26.

^{page 76 note 3} e.g. from the Iron Age level at Skipshelleren (J. Bøe, op. cit., pl. iv, fig. 45) or from the site at Kjelmöy, dating from the Viking period (Solberg, O., ‘Ein neuer eisenzeitlicher Fund aus Ost Finmarken in Norwegen’, Prähist. Zeit. iii, 347–55, Leipzig, 1911, Abb. 4 c)Google Scholar.

^{page 76 note 4} Such hooks occurred, for example, at Aakvik, the Lillehelleren cave near Björnerem on Mien, Haugshulen on Leka, Hegger rock-shelter, Kjelmsö, Nyelv, Ruskenesset, Skipshelleren, and Skjåvika.

^{page 76 note 5} Von Buch, op. cit. 289–90.

^{page 76 note 6} A. Nummedal, ‘Bopladsfund paa Halmöy og Dönna’, Det Kgl. Norske Vidensk. Selsk. Skr. 1919, no. 5, Trondhjem, fig. 16 a.

^{page 76 note 7} e.g. Kjelmsö (O. Solberg, op. cit., Abb. 4 c, d).

^{page 76 note 8} Gjessing, G., Arktiske Helleristninger i Nord-Norge, Oslo, 1932, pl. xiGoogle Scholar.

^{page 78 note 1} G.Gjessing, Nordenfjelske Ristninger og Malinger av den arktiske Gruppe, Oslo, 1936, pli. LXXGoogle Scholar.

^{page 78 note 2} Op.cit. 187–9.

^{page 79 note 1} M. Degerbol, op. cit. 119.

^{page 79 note 2} Lithberg, N., Gotlands Stenålder, Stockholm, 1914, p. 130Google Scholar.

^{page 79 note 3} e.g. herring are sometimes taken in basket traps in the Firth of Forth. See Mitchell, J. M., The Herring. Its Natural History and National Importance, Edinburgh, 1864, p. 95Google Scholar.

^{page 79 note 4} e.g. references in Anglo-Saxon documents dating respectively from c. A.D. 1038 and 1061–5. Robertson, A. J., Anglo-Saxon Charters, Cambridge, 1939Google Scholar, Documents xci and cxvii. For earlier references see J. M. Mitchell, op. cit. 131.

^{page 79 note 5} S. Bolin, op. cit. 482–3.

^{page 79 note 6} J. M. Mitchell, op. cit. 131–2.

^{page 79 note 7} Ibid. 100.

^{page 80 note 1} Schwantes, G., Geschichte Schleswig-Holsteins. Bd. I. Vorgeschichte, Neumünster, 1939, S. 101–3Google Scholar. In response to a letter, Prof. Schwantes kindly had the bones identified.

^{page 80 note 2} Broholm, H. C., ‘Nouvelles trouvailles du plus ancien âge de la pierre. Les trouvailles de Holmegaard et de Sværdborg’, Mém. de la Soc. Roy. des Ant. du Nord, 1926–31, 1–128, Copenhagen, p. 29Google Scholar.

^{page 80 note 3} M. Degerböl, op. cit. 120.

^{page 80 note 4} G. F. L. Sarauw, op. cit. 194.

^{page 80 note 5} M. Degerböl in T. Mathiassen, op. cit. 1943, 192.

^{page 80 note 6} Friis Johansen, op. cit. 128.

^{page 80 note 7} Degerböl in T. Mathiassen, op. cit. 1943, 169.

^{page 80 note 8} Z. für Ethnologie, 1886, 125–9.

^{page 81 note 1} Madsen et al., op. cit. 81; M. Degerböl, op. cit.

^{page 81 note 2} M. Degerböl, op. cit. 1945, 114, 136, 147; T. Mathiassen et al., op. cit. 1942, 123–4.

^{page 81 note 3} M. Degerböl, op. cit. 1945, 136.

^{page 81 note 4} Ibid. 137.

^{page 81 note 5} Ibid. 134, 136, 146.

^{page 81 note 6} Ibid. 136.

^{page 81 note 7} Ibid. 137, 146.

^{page 81 note 8} Ibid. 133, 135, 146, 151.

^{page 81 note 9} Ibid. 114, 134, 136, 146, 148.

^{page 81 note 10} Ibid. 119, 120, 133, 134, 136, 137, 146, 151; J. C. Becker, op. cit. 1939, 261.

^{page 81 note 11} Ibid. 135, 146.

^{page 82 note 1} Ibid. 120, 134, 136, 137, 142, 146.

^{page 82 note 2} Ibid. 137.

^{page 82 note 3} H. Rydh, Stora Karlsö under Forntiden, Stockholm, 1931, 27; Schnittger, B. and Rydh, H., Grottan stora Förvar på Stora Karlsö, Stockholm, 1940Google Scholar, pl. x.

^{page 82 note 4} N. Lithberg, op. cit. 1916, 49; Nihlén, J., Gotlands Stenåldersboplatser, Stockholm, 1927, 92Google Scholar.

^{page 82 note 5} M. Stenberger, op. cit. 1943, 86–7, 107.

^{page 82 note 6} N. Lithberg, op. cit. 1916, 53 and 127; Lundberg, E. B., ‘Undersökningarna pa Visbyboplatsen 1936–7’, Fornvännen, Bd. xxxvii, 1942, 161–74Google Scholar, p. 169.

^{page 82 note 7} This determination is queried by M. Degerböl, 1945.

^{page 82 note 8} N. Lithberg, op. cit. 1916, 46. ^{page 82 note 9}. Nihlén, op. cit. 84 and fig. 60.

^{page 82 note 10} Henrici, P. in Alin, J., ‘En bohuslänsk Kökkenmödding p˚ Rotekärrslid, Dragsmark’, Göteborgs och Bohusläns fornminnesforenings Tidskr. 1935, 1–42Google Scholar, pp. 14–17 and 41–2.

^{page 82 note 11} Janson, S., ‘En boplats från yngre stenåldern vid Rörvik i Kville socken’, Göteborgs och Boh.forn. Tidskr. 1936, 74–6Google Scholar; P. Henrici, ‘Benfynd från boplatsen vid Rörvik’, ibid. 82–91.

^{page 82 note 12} Frödin, O., ‘En svensk kjökkenmödding’, Ymer, 1906, 17–35Google Scholar.

^{page 82 note 13} Gjessing, G., Norges Steinalder, Oslo, 1945, p. 196Google Scholar and fig. 50, 1.

^{page 82 note 14} A. W. Brögger, op. cit. 1908.

^{page 82 note 15} T. Helliesen, Stavanger museums aarshefte, 1900.

^{page 83 note 1} G. Gjessing, op. cit. 1945, 135, 198.

^{page 83 note 2} J. Böe, op. cit. 1934.

^{page 83 note 3} A. Brinkmann and H. Shetelig, op. cit. 1920.

^{page 83 note 4} Nummedal, A., ‘Björneremsfundet forhistoriske hulefund fra Mien i Romsdalen’, Det Kgl. Norske Vidensk. Selsk. Skr. 1912, nr. 12, TrondhjemGoogle Scholar.

^{page 83 note 5} Nummedal, A., ‘Dalehelleren og Valseshulen. To stenalders bopladser ved Kristiansund’, Det Kgl. Norske Vidensk. Selsk. Skr. 1910, nr. 11Google Scholar.

^{page 83 note 6} Hougen, B., ‘En stenalders boplads pa Hegge Skatval’, Det Kgl. Norske Vidensk. Selsk. Skr. 1929,Google Scholar nr. 7.

^{page 83 note 7} Rygh, K., Det Kgl. Norske Vidensk. Selsk. Skr. 1911Google Scholar, nr. 5.

^{page 83 note 8} Petersen, T., ‘Hestneshulen. Beretning om undersökelsen av en forhistorisk boplads paa Hitteren’, Det Kgl. Norske Vidensk. Selsk. Skr. 1910, nr. 2Google Scholar.

^{page 83 note 9} Nummedal, A., ‘Bopladsfund paa Halmöy og Dönna’, Det Kgl. Norske Vidensk. Selsk. Skr. 1919, nr. 5Google Scholar.

^{page 83 note 10} Petersen, T., ‘Haugshulen paa Leka. Et nyt hulefund fra ældre jernalder’, Det Kgl. Norske Vidensk. Selsk. Skr. 1916, nr. 4Google Scholar.

^{page 83 note 11} A. Nummedal, op. cit. 1919.

^{page 83 note 12} G. Gjessing, op. cit. 1945, fig. 31; also, Træn-Funnene, Inst. f. Sammenl. Kulturforskn. Ser. B, xli, pl. xxix, Oslo, 1943.

^{page 83 note 13} Gjessing, G., ‘Der Küstenwohnplatz in Skjåvika. Ein neuer Fund aus der jüngeren Steinzeit der Provinz Finmarken’, Acta Archaeologies, ix, 1938, 177–204Google Scholar.

^{page 84 note 1} Irish Nat. J. 1936, 32–7; 1938, 107, 109, iii.

^{page 84 note 2} P.R.I.A., 3rd ser., vi (1901), 353Google Scholar.

^{page 84 note 3} H. J. Movius, op. cit. 1943, 128.

^{page 84 note 4} Ulster J. of Arch. 1943, 44.

^{page 84 note 5} P.R.I.A., 3rd ser., i, no. 5 (1891), 617; also J.R.S.A.I. lxvi (1936), 161Google Scholar.

^{page 84 note 6} P.S.A.S. xxxii, 310–11.

^{page 84 note 7} P.S.A.S. xlviii.

^{page 84 note 8} P.S.A.S. lxv, 208.

^{page 84 note 9} P.S.A.S. xxxii, 299.

^{page 84 note 10} P.S.A.S. xlix, 70.

^{page 84 note 11} P.S.A.S. lxxi, 152–3.

^{page 84 note 12} Ibid. 359.

^{page 84 note 13} J. Anderson, Scotland in Pagan Times, ii, 202, fig. 219.

^{page 84 note 14} P.S.A.S. xlii, 309.

^{page 84 note 15} P.S.A.S. lxvii, 135–6 and lxviii, 318.

^{page 84 note 16} J. Anderson, op. cit. i, 215.

^{page 84 note 17} Ibid. 221.

^{page 85 note 1} P.S.A.S. xxix, 227–8.

^{page 85 note 2} P.S.A.S. lxviii, 349.

^{page 85 note 3} P.S.A.S. xlii, 253–94.

^{page 85 note 4} Information from Mr. A. D. Lacaille.

^{page 85 note 5} P.S.A.S. vii, 211, 213; also V. G. Childe, op. cit. 1931, 96.

^{page 85 note 6} Arch. Cambr. 1915, 78–9.