The defeat of Bardylis ‘the king of the Illyrians‘ was one of the decisive battles of ancient history. It ended forty years of military ascendancy by the Illyrians, during which huge losses had been inflicted on the Molossians, Amyntas III had twice been driven out of Macedonia, and Perdiccas III and 4,000 Macedonians had been killed ‘in a great battle’ of359B.C.(Diod. 16.2.5). One reason for that ascendancy was that the Illyrians adopted Greek hoplite equipment and tactics earlier than their opponents. The victory of Philip marked the beginning of Macedonia’s progress to a military supremacy, of which the marks were the infantry fighting with the pike (sarissa) and the cavalry exploiting a break in an enemy line. Evidence about the battle is provided only by Diodorus and Frontinus, and there are uncertainties about the background to the affair. I think that progress can be made if we ask the appropriate questions.

‘Illegitimacy has been called a social problem for the last two centuries and a moral problem from time immemorial’ (Laslett 1980: 1). Many studies of ancient Roman society have dwelt on morals, and many texts of Roman law give much detail on family law and the law of persons. By contrast with studies of modern law and society, however, there has been little focus on the ‘idea’ of illegitimacy in ancient Rome and no extended discussion of what was involved in being an illegitimate child in that society.

‘One of the unwritten chapters in the literary history of antiquity is that providing a comprehensive account of (ancient) translation.’ This statement still holds true after 20 years, and so this study will inevitably lack completeness; all it can aim at is to try to give an outline of what one might consider to be the most important issues concerning our theme.

To underline the vast quantity of material concerning our topic we might refer to a list entitled ‘Greek works translated into Latin before 1350’. This list is restricted to philosophical works only, omitting all other fields such as medicine, law, mathematics, theology, and liturgy. Nevertheless even this limited list gives the names of no less than 119 authors whose philosophical works in Greek were translated into Latin; the space needed for Aristotle alone runs to more than five pages. Thus it is easy to estimate what an enormous number of Latin translations there were, and what countless efforts must have been taken over more than one and a half millennia for this kind of literary work. One may add that there is a very helpful collection of some 90 testimonia covering the time of St. Augustine, in the book of Heinrich Marti, Übersetzer der Augustin-Zeit. There is also the basic study of Jiȓi Levỳ, which deals with modern theory, and outlines all the problems and all the facts of the art of translation.

Ancient historians offered various explanations for the war that broke out in 264 B.C. For Polybius a century later it was the Roman’s first step outside Italy in a drive to world hegemony; also a properly defensive counter to a looming Carthaginian threat to Italy. Much of later Roman historical tradition lauded it as due to pious fides towards a hapless ally, the ex-Italian Mamertines of Messana, under siege by Punic and Syracusan foes. That, it seems, was already the Roman line in 264 itself. At all events we find King Hiero of Syracuse chiding them then for ‘chattering about fides’ even as they allied themselves with the faithless brigands of Messana. For pro-Roman writers, the sanctity of alliances and the right of self-defence made a satisfying pair of historical justifications.

There can be no doubt that Valerius Maximus completed the Dicta et Facta Memorabilia during the reign of Tiberius (A.D. 14-37), although he refers to this emperor only in general terms, as ‘Caesar’, for example, in the preface to the work or, more usually, as princeps. Despite the fact that Tiberius is not named as such, there are references that note his status as ruler of Rome. First, it is made clear by Valerius that Augustus is dead, and, in addition, there are two specific exempla that show that Tiberius is the current princeps.

In Silvae 3.5, published towards the end of A.D. 94, Statius announced his intention to leave Rome and spend his remaining years in Naples, his birthplace. The tranquility offered by his native city seems particularly appealing to the poet. For here, he says, is a place where both the climate and the sea are gentle, and where it is possible to enjoy an untroubled life, in sharp contrast to the violence and litigiousness of Rome (3.5.83-88). Here too, graceful architecture is complemented by literary festivals which rival those of the capital (89-92). In addition, Naples was also the home of some of Statius’ patrons, most prominently Pollius Felix to whom this third book of Silvae is addressed, and whose newly built shrine to Hercules on his Surrentine estate is the subject of Silv. 3.1. The latter poem, it has been noted, seems to be intended as a counterweight to Silv. 3.5, with the aim of establishing Naples as a primary focus of the whole book.

The text of the De Mortibus Persecutorum, which is transmitted by just one manuscript, the Codex Colbertianus (C; BN 2627), can still be tidied up in places. In these notes I propose two new emendations, revive two old emendations, and support the transmitted text in one place against editors.

Sophia Schliemann is a familiar figure. The name readily conjures up a determined young Greek woman, who shared with her older German husband a passion for Homer and archaeology. We see her gamely putting up with the inconvenient realities of living at the site of an excavation — uncomfortable lodgings, often shared with exotic and undesirable fauna, blazing sun, freezing cold, rain and mud at Mycenae, and the relentless wind and dust of Troy. In recent years we have come to admire a woman who seemed easily to transcend the limitations imposed on her sex by the era and society in which she lived. She commanded groups of workmen at Troy, Mycenae and Orchomenos. Above all, we see her playing a crucial supporting role at the climactic moments of Heinrich’s excavations. At Troy she stood by his side and wrapped up Priam’s Treasure in her shawl. At Mycenae she got down on her hands and knees in the Shaft Graves and extricated the gold jewellery and masks from the mud.