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Honouring the Repairer of the Baths: A New Inscription from Kolossai

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  19 January 2015

Alan Cadwallader*
Affiliation:
The Australian Catholic University, Signadou Campus, Canberra, ACT, [email protected]

Abstract

Kolossai, an anciently-celebrated south-west Phrygian town, now lies dormant as a denuded mound three kilometres north of the modern Turkish town of Honaz. It is not over-endowed with published discoveries of material remains. In the last few years, two new inscriptions plus one recorded in an early epigrapher's notes and two new coins found in situ have been published. The total is now twenty-seven inscriptions and 157 or 158 coins. The most systematic material analysis of the site has focused on the surface pottery remains. The attempted compensation for this dearth by previous historians in over-reading the testimonia for the site is hardly satisfying, and one awaits with anticipation the fruit of those who are able to garner permission to survey the site completely and commence excavations. Meanwhile, each small discovery is valuable, and I am grateful to Professor Ender Varinlioğlu for permission to publish this inscription.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Australasian Society for Classical Studies 2012

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References

1 See Hdt. 7.30; Strabo 12.8.13; Plin, . NH 5.32.41Google Scholar; Chon, Nic.. Chron. 178.19Google Scholar.

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4 I am extremely grateful also to G.H.R. Horsley for his wise caution and prudent advice on the reconstruction and interpretation of the inscription and to the two anonymous readers of this paper whose close attention has unlocked new insights and generated several improvements.

5 Peter Fraser dubs this the sepulchral genitive’: Rhodian Funerary Monuments (Oxford 1977)4951Google Scholar.

6 Cadwallader, ‘Two New Inscriptions’ (n. 2) 112-18. Two Greek inscriptions from Kolossai (IGR IV.468, 469Google Scholar) illustrate the familiar Latin formula, albeit to emperors (Trajan, Hadrian) which may attract the classification of a ‘votive dative’, indicative of the emperor's unique proximity to the divine: see Price, S.R.F., ‘Gods and Emperors: The Greek Language of the Imperial Cult’, JHS 104 (1984) 7995CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Elsewhere, the ascription to Tyche, to the emperor (Alexander Severus) and to the honoured individual could all be combined (in the dative): TAM V.758Google Scholar.

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8 The iota adscript adds an archaic gravity to the text. It is found only in lines 1-2; compare line 5.

9 Aulock, Von, Münzen md Städte Phrygiens (n. 2) vol. 2, §470Google Scholar provides an example of a coin with an image of Tyche. Louis Robert's reconstruction of the text of IGR IV.870Google Scholar almost certainly establishes the naming of Tyche in the inscription: Inscriptions’, in des Gagniers, J.et al., Laodicée du Lycos: le Nymphée, Campagnes 1961-1963 (Quebec 1969) 269, 277-8Google Scholar cf. BE 1970.584Google Scholar. There is a report of a gem, now lost, with an inscription, , but I am reliant upon secondary citations: see Meyboom, P.G.P., The Nile Mosaic of Palestrina (Leiden 1995) 210 n. 37Google Scholar; Riemann, H., ‘Iupiter Imperator’, RM 90 (1983) 242Google Scholar; Demargne, J., ‘Monuments figures et inscriptions de Crète’, BCH 24 (1900) 239 no. 2CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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14 As in AS 1960, 51 no. 100, where is taken by Stephen Mitchell as ‘home city’ (compare IStr 1009). This does not deny that Korambos may have held citizenship elsewhere, as indeed the Pisidian inscription just cited indicates. However, in that inscription a distinction is made between primary and other () ‘home cities’: see Mitchell, , ‘Three Cities in Pisidia’, AS 44 (1994) 134-5Google Scholar.

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26 Plato, , Laws 778cGoogle Scholar. He allows walls if houses form part of the ring (Laws 779b).

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30 Fulfilling Coulton's own criterion (135).

31 Good examples are found in S. Sahin, ‘Katalog der antiken Inschriften des Museums von Iznik (Nikaia) II.1-2 (IK 10.12Google Scholar) (Bonn 1981-1982) no. 1503, and Drew-Bear, , ‘Afyon Müzesi'nde bir heykel definesi’, Araştırma Sonuçları Toplantısı 10 (1993) 147-52Google Scholar; cf. IEph 1.139Google Scholar, TAM IV.57, 185, 215Google Scholar (honorific and funerary). For a similar benefaction, see IG III (1) 1452Google Scholar.

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38 Stephen Tracy finds a number of examples of master cutters and their apprentices in Athens, marked by a similarity of idiosyncratic practice with enough difference to substantiate different hands: see his Attic Letter-Cutters of229 to 86 B.C. (Berkeley 1990) 230-2Google Scholar.

39 Ibid. 238.

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43 Habinek, T.N., The Colometry of Latin Prose (Berkeley 1985) 43Google Scholar; but see also Threatte, L., The Grammar of Attic Inscriptions (Berlin 1980) 82Google Scholar, where interpuncts to separate names do occur in Attic inscriptions - Roman influence, however, cannot be discounted in Athens in late Hellenistic times.

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45 See von Aulock, , Münzen und Städte Phrygiens (n. 2) vol. 2, §§566578Google Scholar.

46 See Sartre-Fauriat, A., ‘Les notables et leur role dans l'urbanisme du Hauran à l'époque romaine’, in Petitfrere, C. (ed.), Construction, reproduction et represéntation des patiiciats urbains de l'Antiquité au XXe siècle (Tours 1999) 223-40Google Scholar; Goodchild, R.G. and Perkins, J.B. Ward, ‘The Limes Tripolitanus in the Light of Recent Discoveries’, JRS 39 (1949) 87-8Google Scholar.

47 That is, a little more than one year's subsistence level in the late first to early second centuries: see Zuiderhoek, , Politics of Munificence (n. 36) 4 n. 3Google Scholar. Note, however, the qualifications on monetary generalisations about subsistence existence in Friesen, S.J., ‘Poverty in Pauline Studies: Beyond the So-called New Consensus’, JSNT 26 (2004) 323-36Google Scholar.

48 There is, in addition, an amount (500 denarii) for an annual commemoration of the death of a woman's son, to be dated perhaps shortly after 212 CE (MAMA VI.42Google Scholar).

49 Magie, D., Roman Rule in Asia Minor (Princeton 1950) 986 n. 22Google Scholar. Compare also the study by Hertha Schwarz who finds, on the basis of an analysis of the regions of Bithynia and Lycia and of the city of Ephesos, that the second century was marked in Asia Minor by considerable economic advantage: Soll oder Haben? Die Finanzwirtschafì kleinasiatischer Städte in der römischen Kaiserzeit am Beispiel von Bithynien, Lykien und Ephesos (29 v. Chr.-284n. Chr.) (Bonn 2001) 318-19Google Scholar.

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53 Marijana Ricl suggests the name could be ‘a patronymic adjective’: A New Inscription from the Cayster Valley’, in Catling, R.W.V. and Marchand, F. (eds), Onomatologos: Studies in Greek Personal Names Presented to Elaine Matthews (Oxford 2010) 544 n. 62Google Scholar. is more widely attested: Paus. VI.16.2, CID 11.38Google Scholar.

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55 Louis Robert noted, but provided no comment on, ‘le caractère local’ of the name . He makes no reference to Homer. There may be something of indigenous origins in the tradition that Tudeides was a ‘tamer of horses’. See Noms indigènes dans L'Asie-Mineure Gréco-romaine (Amsterdam 1991 [1963]) 391 n. 8Google Scholar. Colvin, , ‘Names in Lycia’ (n. 54) 56Google Scholar, however, ties the name to the Lycian word for ‘son’ (tideimi).

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59 From whence came a hair-style: cf. ibid. 268.

60 Mert, I.K., Untersuchungen zur hellenistischen und kaiserzeitlichen Bauomamentik von Stratonikeia (Tübingen 2008) 122Google Scholar.

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65 Drew-Bear, T., Thomas, C.M. and Yıldızturan, M., Phrygian Votive Steles (Turkey 1999) 387Google Scholar.

66 The comment derives from a sweep through the Lexicon of Greek Personal Names. the son of is attested at Lindos: ASAA 2 (1916) 160 no. 77Google Scholar. However, it is also common from the Black Sea (e.g. CIRB 1287) to Anatolia (e.g. MAMA V.91Google Scholar).

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68 LGPN VA s.v.

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75 Such a mistake (albeit aided by editorial reconstruction) is attested in the papyri: BGU 3.869Google Scholar.

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80 Cadwallader, , ‘Two New Inscriptions’ (n. 2) 113-14Google Scholar.

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83 This intricate issue cannot be argued here. See generally Wolff, G., ‘Becoming Roman, Staying Greek: Culture, Identity and the Civilizing Process in the Roman East’, PCPS 40 (1994) 116-43Google Scholar; Swain, S., Hellenism and Empire: Language, Classicism and Power in die Greek World AD50-250 (Oxford 1996)Google Scholar.

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85 J.S. Morrison calls this a ‘regular Greek habit’: Meno of Pharsalus, Polycrates and Ismenias’, CQ 36 (1942) 75 n. 1Google Scholar. Sartre, Compare M., ‘Cultural Identity and Syrian Names’, in Matthews, , Greek Onomastics (n. 52) 224Google Scholar.

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102 Ibid. 13

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