Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-gbm5v Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-24T13:40:34.806Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Barbarian Disturbances in North Africa in the Mid-Third Century

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  08 May 2015

G.W. Clarke
G.W. Clarke*
Affiliation:
University of Melbourne
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

Gibbon describes the years that correspond with the lifetime of Cyprian of Carthage thus: ‘the whole period was one uninterrupted series of confusion and calamity’. On the whole the impression to be gained from the extant correspondence of Cyprian of Carthage (the eighty-two letters are to be dated between the years c.249 and 258) is not of this kind and this evidence ought to act in some degree as a brake on exaggerated descriptions of the chaos of the period. Cyprian can assume, without the slightest hint of doubt, uninterrupted ease of communications all around the Mediterranean, freely cross-referring to other public letters of his on the assumption that they must have come the way of his correspondents. Similarly he is prepared to claim of an open letter written by the Roman clergy that it ‘has been circulated throughout the entire world and has reached the knowledge of every Church and of all the brethren’. The official correspondence which Cyprian conducted is indeed of notable breadth and frequency—among the letters which we chance to have figure communications with Christian communities in Spain, in Gaul, in Cappadocia (all suggesting previous correspondence with these areas), and of course in Rome and elsewhere in Italy. As Metropolitan of the African Church he sends to Rome on one occasion a list of all the orthodox African bishops and their sees, no doubt in order to keep the Roman records up-to-date—and also their address-list for their communications. Furthermore, after the abortively threatening persecution of Gallus the regular meetings in Carthage of the African synod appear to have been resumed. At Carthage, at any rate, life appears to have been little affected by the military and administrative débâcle that was becoming evident in imperial circles and from Cyprian’s point of view the Mediterranean world still appeared to be very much a unity.

Type
Research Article
Information
Antichthon , Volume 4 , 1970 , pp. 78 - 85
Copyright
Copyright © Australasian Society for Classical Studies 1970

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Vol. i (Everyman), p. 248.

2 A good account of the inroads made into Roman territory at this period is to be found in Olmstead, A.T. ‘The mid-third century of the Christian era’, CP 37 (1942), 241 ff., 398ff.Google Scholar

3 E.g., he refers in Ep.55.4.2 to Ep. 19.2.3

4 Ep.55.5.2. The letter survives, Ep.30, composed by Novatian. Note also the universal decree of Pope Cornelius made ‘nobiscum et cum omnibus omnino episcopis in toto mundo constitutis’, Ep. 67.6.3; that implies universal communication.

5 Ep.67.

6 Referred to in Ep.68.

7 Ep.75.

8 Epp.9, 20, 27, etc.

9 According to the Chronicle of 395 (MGH Vol. ix, ed. Mommsen, p. 738), Cyprian wrote a hortatory epistle during the persecution of Decius to ‘Augustinum et Felicitatem qui passi sunt apud civitatem Capuensem, metropolim Campaniae’. This letter does not survive.

10 Ep.59.9.3.

11 Carthage was the metropolitan see of Africa Proconsularis, Numidia and the Mauretanias (Ep.48.3.2: ‘Sed quoniam latius fusa est nostra provincia, habet etiam Numidiam et Mauretaniam sibi cohaerentes …’). For a useful list of Council meetings, their dating (still controversial) and their agenda see Monceaux, P.Histoire littéraire de l’frique chrétienne depuis les origines jusqu’ à l’invasion arabe, Vol. 2 (Paris, 1902), pp. 47ff.Google Scholar

12 ‘de fratrum nostrorum et sororum captivitate’, Ep.62.1.1.

13 ‘de barbarorum manibus’, Ep.62.2.2. On the general connotations of the word ‘barbari’ in these contexts see Pflaum, H.-G.Les procurateurs équestres sous le Haut-Empire romain (Paris, 1950), pp. 131 ff.;Google Scholar also Speyer, W. and Opelt, I. ‘Barbar’ (Nachträge zum Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum), Jahrb.f. Ant. und Christ. 10 (1967), 251ff.Google Scholar

14 Ep. 70, PG xxxii 436:

15 PG x 1037 (Can.5).

16 Can. I, PG x 1020f. The fate of such women also concerned Cyprian; see n.63 below.

17 AE 1949, 255.

18 Euseb. HE vi 42.4.

19 This phrase suggests, by its being repeated in similar contexts, that it figured in liturgical formulae at the time. Cf. [Cyp.] Ep.79 (collective letter from Numidia): ‘ut nos adsiduis orationibus tuis in mentem habere digneris’, Acta Fruct. 3.3, ‘in mente me habere necesse est ecclesiam catholicam, ab oriente usque ad occidentem diffusam’, Inscr. Lat. Christ. Vet. (ed. Diehl) 2323–2331. See further on the point Strawley, J.H.The Early History of the Liturgy (Cambridge, 1913), pp. 135f.Google Scholar

20 Ep.62.4.2. ‘Sed et collegarum quoque et sacerdotum nostrorum qui et ipsi cum praesentes essent....’ For local Councils (as opposed to general Synods) compare the group of five bishops in Ep.49.2.1 (‘adfuerunt etiam episcopi quinque, qui et eo die praesentes fuerunt’), of nine bishops in Ep.59.10.2 (‘sententia novem collegarum nostrorum condemnati’), and the unspecified number in Ep. 1.1.1 (‘ego et collegae mei qui praesentes aderant et compresbyteri nostri’).

21 For these sufferings and plentiful parallels see Davies, J.G. ‘Condemnation to the Mines. A neglected chapter in the history of the persecutions’, Birm. Univ. Historical Journ. 6 2 (1958), 99ff.Google Scholar The bishops who reappear are Victor and Nemesianus. Note ILCV 2068 = CIL viii 20600 [Tocqueville, A.D. 359], a mensa recording ‘nomina marturu[m]’ which include ‘Cipriani, Nemesani … et Victo[…]’.

22 Sent.Episc.6 (CSEL iii 1.440). On the three episcopal Januarii for Africa at this time see von Soden, H. ‘Die Prosopographie des afrikanischen Episkopats zur Zeit Cyprians’, Königl. Preuss. Historischen Instit. in Rom 12 (1909), 247ff. at 253ff., 260.Google Scholar

23 For Privatus and his followers see Epp.36.4, 59.10 (condemned by a council of ninety bishops in the time of Cyprian’s predecessor Donatus).

24 Sent.Episc.5 (CSEL iii 1.438).

25 Sent.Episc.78 (CSEL iii 1.459). On the three episcopal Victores for Africa at this time see H. von Soden, op.cit., 255ff. Audollent, A.Carthage romaine (146 av. J.-Ch.—698 ap. J.-Ch.) (Paris, 1901), p. 489,Google Scholar n. 5, is unreasonably cautious on the bishoprics: ‘ni les noms des évêques à qui s’adresse saint Cyprien, ni le texte même de sa lettre ne fournissent de preuve décisive’.

26 The sententiae of this meeting record the names of those present and their sees (CSEL iii 1.435ff.).

27 Ep.59.10.1.

28 At the widest limits c.249–August 257 (when Cyprian was relegated to Curubis).

29 Aurelius Victor De Caes.33.3, ‘… uti … Francorum gentes disrepta Gallia Hispaniam possiderent vastato ac paene direpto Tarraconensium oppido, nactisque in tempore navigiis pars in usque Africam permearet’. See also Fiebiger, O. ‘Ein Frankeneinfall in Nordafrika’, Germania 24 (1940), 145f.,Google Scholar and Blazquez, J.M.Estructura Economica y Social de Hispania durante la Anarquia Militar y el Bajo Imperio (Madrid, 1964), pp. 163ff.Google Scholar

30 The restorations are those established by H.-G. Pflaum, op.cit. in n. 13, pp. 16off. The inscription concerned is AE 1939, 167.

31 By Thouvenot, R. ‘Une inscription latine du Maroc’, REL 16 (1939), 266ff.Google Scholar

32 Note the doubts entertained by Pflaum, op.cit., pp. 131 fF., and Seston, W.Dioclétien et la Tétrarchie, Vol. 1 (Paris, 1946), p. 118, n. 2 (dating the inscription to the end of the third century).Google Scholar

33 Though the name of the general (‘Furius Celsus’) can be rightfully suspected of fraudulence: see Syme, R.Ammianus and the Historia Augusta (Oxford, 1968), pp. 58f.Google Scholar

34 An altar is dedicated to confirm the colloquium held with the ‘gens Bavarum et Baquatum’; that sounds ominous. See further Thouvenot, R. ‘Rome et les Barbares africains’, Publ. du Sew. des Antiquités du Maroc 7 (1945), 166ff.Google Scholar

35 See Thomasson, B.E.Die Statthalter der römischen Provinzen Nordafrikas von Augustus bis Diocletianus, Vol. 2 (Lund, 1960), pp. 308f.,Google Scholar and Pflaum, H.-G.Les carrièies procuratoriennes équestres sous le Haut-Empire romain (Paris, 1960), pp. 842f.Google Scholar For the title ‘procurator pro legato’ see the discussion of Pflaum, H.-G.Proc. équest. pp. 12gff.Google Scholar

36 Thomasson, op.cit., pp. 309f.

37 The Baquates provided further misgivings in the time of Probus—peace is confirmed in AE 1921, 23 and AE 1920, 44 (both Volubilis: dated between October 277 and April 280). Ominous colloquia are ratified with the dedication of altars; the chieftains concerned were Julius Nuffizis and his brother Julius Mirzis. See further Chatelain, L. and Carcopino, J. ‘Observations sur les Baquates et les Bavares de Maurétanie’, Bull. arch, du Comité des Travaux hist, et scient. (1943–5), l00ff.Google Scholar

38 See D’Escurac-Doisy, H. ‘Un soulèvement en Maurétanie-Césarienne sous Sévère Alexandre’, in Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire offerts à André Piganiol, Vol. 3 (Paris, 1966), pp. 1191ff.,Google Scholar and Pflaum, H.-G.Carrières proc., pp. 808ff.Google Scholar

39 CIL, viii 9288 and 20863 (‘Victoriae Augustae ducatu instantiaque Claudi Constantis Proc. Aug.’ etc.).

40 For a discussion on the ducatus of Claudius Constans, Pflaum, Proc. équest., pp. 128f. Note the transference of a ‘vexillatio Maurorum Gaesariensiurnm’ to Lambaesis apparently on the discharge of the legion: CIL viii 2716 (Lambaesis). On the remaining militia see Carcopino, J. ‘Le “Limes” de Numidie et sa garde syrienne d’après des inscriptions récemment découvertes’, Syria 6 (1925), 118ff. at 136ff.Google Scholar

41 See RE xii 2 s.v. Legio, 1336 for damnatio, 1339 for restauratio (Ritterling). ILS 531 dates the restoration securely to 253 (‘e Raet[ia] Gemell[as] regressi’).

42 SHA Severus Alexander 58.4f. See MacMullen, R.Soldier and Civilian in the Later Roman Empire (Cambridge, Mass., 1963), pp. 13ff.,Google Scholar and Vita, A. di ‘II limes romano di Tripolitania nella sua concretezza archeologica e nella sua realtà storica’, Libya Antiqua 1 (1964), 65ff.Google Scholar

43 For banditry in Africa see R. MacMullen, op.cit., p. 266. Examples are CIL viii 2728 (Lambaesis, c. A.D. 152) where a librator, sent from Lambaesis to Saldae in Mauretania Caesariensis, colourfully states (ll. 11ff.) ‘Profectus sum et inter vias lattrones sum passus; nudus saucius evasi cum meis’; CIL viii 2495 (Burgi, A.D. 188) describing the establishment of a ‘burgum … speculatorium inter duas vias ad salutem commeantum’. Cyprian can use ‘latrones’ for literary illustration as a matter of course: Ep.57.4.3, ‘si relictis omnibus rebus suis fugerit et in latebris atque in solitudine constitutus in latrones forte incurrerit …’ and Ep.58.4.2, ‘si fugientem … latro oppresserit’.

44 AE 1950, 128 (Ksar-Duib). See Goodchild, R.G. and Ward Perkins, J.B. ‘The Limes Tripolitanus in the light of recent discoveries’, JRS 39 (1949), 81ff.Google Scholar at 91f. Birley, E. ‘The Governors of Numidia, A.D. 193–268’, JRS 40 (1950), 60ff.,Google Scholar and Thomasson, op.cit., Vol. 2 pp. 2l6ff.Google Scholar

45 See Birley, op.cit., 65 (though he incorrectly records him as being ‘attested 253’), Thomasson, op.cit., pp. 21gf. Both ILS 2296 and AE 1946, 39 (from Lambaesis) celebrate the restoration of the legion under the command of Veturius Veturianus.

46 Thomasson, op.cit., pp. 220f. The attempt by Birley to place the Numidian command of C. Pomponius Magnus in the late 250s (op.cit., 65) does not convince (cf. Thomasson, op.cit., pp. 232f., Barbieri, F.L’albo senatorio da Settimio Severo a Carino (193–285) (Rome, 1952), No. 425 and p. 601).Google Scholar

47 ILS 3000. See the comments of Pflaum, Proc, équest. pp. 131f.

48 ILS 2766. See the comments of H.-G. Pflaum, Carrières proc., pp. 909 ff.

49 CIL viii 21724 (the inscription might possibly be restored ‘sacr[is eo]rum prospere gestis’ and is, therefore, of doubtful validity; see Pflaum, Carrières proc., pp. 912f.).Google ScholarCamps, G. ‘Les Bavares, peuples de Maurétanie céarienne’, Revue Africaine 99 (1955), 241ff. at 268,Google Scholar conjectures that the tribesmen involved were Mazices (they were troublesome earlier, CIL viii 2786, Lambaesis). Camps curiously neglects Cyprian Ep.62 for his discussion of the events of the 250s (253ff.).

50 See Thomasson, op.cit., pp.22lff., Birley, op.cit., 65. The terminus ante is established by ILS 2767. The highly informative inscription concerned is ILS 1194 (Lambaesis).

51 For the areas inhabited by the Bavares see G. Camps, op.cit., 241ff.

52 It is tempting to associate ILS 8959 (Teniet-Meksen, in Eastern Maur. Caes.) with these events: ‘Bavarum gentes quorum omnis multitudo prostrata est interfectis Taganin Masmule et Faiem regibus, adpraehensis etiam Afram Fa … vasamen et … inim …’

53 Not the first nor the last time they were the cause of trouble (e.g. CIL viii 8924, Saldae, A.D. 290 ‘… Quinquegentaneos rebelles caesos multos etiam et vivos adprehensos sed et praedas actas repressa desperatione eorum …’).

54 The wording of ILS 1194 separates the ‘Fraxinenses’ from the invaders (‘item gentilibus Fraxinensibus qui provinciam vastabant’).

55 See Cichorius, C. ‘Gargilius Martialis und die Maurenkriege unter Gallienus’, Leipziger Studien zur classischen Philologie 10 (1886), 319ff., PIR 2 G 82.Google Scholar

56 ILS 2767 (‘ob insignem in cives amorem et singularem erga patriam adfectionem, et quod eius virtute ac vigilantia Faraxen rebellis cum satellitibus suis fuerit captus et interfectus’).

57 See D’Escurac-Doisy, H.P. ‘M. Cornelius Octavianus et les révoltes indigènes du IIIe siècle d’après une inscription de Caesarea’, Libyca 1 (1953), 181ff.,Google Scholar publishing the new information ( = AE 1954, 136). See also Pflaum, H.-G.Carrières proc., pp. 905ff., Thomasson, op. cit., pp. 279f.Google Scholar

58 ILS 4495 (Zuccabar) belongs to a subsequent period: ‘Diis patriis et Mauris conservatoribus Aelius v.p. praeses provinciae Mauretaniae Caes. ob prostratam gentem Bavarum Mesegneitsium praedasque omnes ac familias eorum abductas votum solvit’. The rank of Aelius Aelianus as perfectissimus implies a later date, Pflaum, Proc. équest., pp. 137f.,Google ScholarCarrières proc., pp.948 ff.

59 Thus Monceaux, op.cit. in n. 11, p. 79, ‘en 253’; Harnack, A. ‘Über verlorene Briefe und Aktenstücke, die sich aus der cyprianischen Briefsammlung ermitteln lassen’, Texte und Untersuchungen 23 (1902), p. 36, ‘ann. 253’;Google ScholarRomanelli, P.Storia delle province romane dell’Africa (Rome, 1959), p. 473,Google Scholar ‘probabilmente dell’autunno dello stesso anno 253’; Spannent, M.Tertullien et les premiers moralistes africains (Paris, 1969), p. 196.Google Scholar

60 Cyp. Ep. 1.2.

61 Acta Proconsularia Cypriani 2 (CSEL iii 3.CXI).

62 A date before the outbreak of the persecution of Decius (December 249?) cannot be formally excluded. But three, or at the most four, epistles can be—but need not be—ascribed to that period (out of a total of eighty-two).

63 Fear of lupanaria for virgins was a common theme in Christian martyr-literature, cf. Cyp. De mort. 15. The evidence of Ep.62 is not discussed by Koch, H. ‘Virgines Christi. Die Gelübde der gottgeweihten Jungfrauen in den ersten drei Jahrhunderten’, Texte und Untersuchungen 31 2 (1907), pp. 62ff.Google Scholar

64 For the sources of discontent see the articles by Kotula, T. ‘L’insurrection des Gordiens et l’Afrique romaine’, Eos 1 (1959–60), 197ff.,Google Scholar and ‘Sources du séparatisme africain au IIIe siècle de notre ère’, Travaux de la Soc. des sciences et des lettres de Wroclaw, ser. A, lxxiv (1961), 1ff. (with summary in French, 106ff.).

65 Cf. Haywood, R.M. in Frank, T.An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome, Vol. 4 (Paterson, N.J., 1959), p. 115:Google Scholar ‘The rest of the Third Century after the Gordian revolt saw frequent raids of the Moorish tribes. The proconsular province seems to have been free from this constant danger....’

66 Monumental edifices and public buildings are not being constructed and public inscriptions, whereas once multitudinous, are now rare phenomena: see, for example, Duncan-Jones, R.P. ‘Costs, outlays and summae honorariae from Roman Africa’, PBSR 30 (1962), 47ff. at 53f.Google Scholar

67 In his treatises, too, Cyprian is notably vague and rhetorical about these contemporary events. Thus even in the Ad Demetrianum (defending Christians against the charge of being the cause of the world’s present season of disasters) the only possible reflections are 5: ‘quod autem crebrius bella continuant’, 10: ‘hostem quereris exurgere … quasi non, etsi externa de barbaris arma et pericula conprimantur, ferocius intus et gravius de calumniis et iniuriis potentium civium domesticae inpugnationis tela grassentur’, 17 (on God’s vengeance on persecutors): ‘documentum recentis rei satis est quod sic celeriter quodque in tanta celeritate sic granditer nuper secuta defensio est ruinis rerum, iacturis opum, dispendio militum, deminutione castrorum’. (Does Chapter 17 refer to the downfall of the persecutor Decius? See the discussion by Koch, H.Cyprianische Untersuchungen [Bonn, 1926], pp. 140ff.).CrossRefGoogle Scholar There is no reference to be found in the generalities of the tractate De opere et eleemosynis.