² The lines were condemned by Coulon, Radermacher, Stanford, Leeuwen, v.. Erbse (Gnomon 28 [1956], 276)Google Scholar is, it seems, inclined to accept them. The critics have also referred to the fact that 1255 f. can very well be connected directly with 1261, Euripides’ ironical words.

³ On έχω with an Infinitive see LSJ s.v. εχω A III. Note also the particle άρα, for it underlines the fact that in the eyes of the chorus a criticism of Aeschylus is nearly inconceivable.

⁴ Cf. Ran. 357, where the great comic poet Kratinos is also likened to Dionysos: Κρατίνου το ταυροφάγου.

⁵ Just like άρα the word ποτε stresses the fact that an attack on Aeschylus is nearly inconceivable. On θαυμάζω followed by an interrogatory sentence, see LSJ s.v. &αυμάζω 6; K. G. B. II 2. 370 η.2.

⁶ See e.g. Cantarella, p. 195, who talks of ‘la monotonia metrico-musicale’.

⁷ I have treated this point in M.v.d. Valk, Eustathii Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem pertinentes, Vol. II (Lugd. Batav. 1976) § 149 (p. xxxiii) and § 160 (p. Ivi f). In the later part of the fifth century the views on rhetoric were already well known and important at Athens. Pindar already avoids monotony, for though he mostly uses the logaoidic rhythm, he tries to diversify matters by saying that he applies a tune which is Kastoreios, see Pind. Pyth. 2. 69; Isthm. 1. 16.

⁸ See also Coulon, ed. ‘labeur’. On this meaning of κόπος see LSJ s.v. II. In Homer war is often rendered by the circumlocution ἔρϒον Αρηος, πολέμου. Aeschylus makes the expression graver by speaking of κόπος, which is, moreover, one of his favourite words, cf. Groeneboom, Aeschylus’ Choephoren (Groningen 1949), 106 n. 7.

⁹ As for this meaning see Chantraine, Dictionnaire Etymologique (Paris 1968), 1. 563, s.v. ‘coup’.

¹⁰ This also appears from the fact that Kinesias was addressed in a comedy as Φιώτ' 'Αχιλλεϋ, see Nauck on Aesch. fr. 132.

¹¹ In connexion with it I observe that likewise in Ran. 1285 (= Aesch. Agam. 108), where the second part which concerns the μέλη begins, the beginning of a strophe is presented.

¹² As for the partitive genitive των ψήφων see K.G.B. 2.1. 345; v. Leeuwen 187, on 1263.

¹³ Nearly the same line occurs in Nub. 2. However, it is not an instance of self-parody, as Dover thinks (Aristophanes, Clouds [Oxford 1970], 92). The poet wishes rather to show here that Dionysos is completely nonplussed and therefore invokes the highest god, whom he calls, moreover, by one of his highest titles (βασιλεύς). In the Nubes Strepsiades, as one can easily state, is not nonplussed. He is rather at his wits’ end, the more so since because of his troubles he has already been awake for a long time. On χρήμα see Dover, 1.1.; Stanford 178; Wilamowitz, Aristophanes, Lysistrate² (Berlin 1964), 163, who says that in Ran. 759 and 795 the words πράγμα and χρήμα alternate (‘von demselben Handel’). This is not quite correct, for πράγμα is more stately and is therefore offered in Ran. 759 (see also Ran. 1099 μέγα το πράγμα), a passage which is more prominent.

¹⁴ v. Leeuwen (189) takes the view that by νεφροί the testicles are indicated here. In fact βουβωνιώ concerns the groins and νεφροί can sometimes indicate the testicles, see LSJ s.v. At least one can admit that the νεφροί are connected with sexual desires, see e.g. Ar. Lys. 962, where the words ποίος νεφρός open a list which treats of sexual intercourse (Lys. 962–6); Sud. ν 279 Adler.

¹⁵ See e.g. Nub. 1357 which says of Phidippides άρχαίον είναι εφασκε το κιδαρ'ιζειν.

¹⁶ See e.g. Valk, M.v.d., Textual Criticism of the Odyssey (Leiden 1949), 87; id. Researches on the Text and Scholia of the Iliad (Leiden 1963), 2. 483 f.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Radermacher (318) has also rightly referred to the fact that the metre of 1294 is the same as that of the well-known melody which is applied here. Note also the fact that two of the five lines have been taken from the opening choral song of the Agamemnon (108 and 111 f.), while also in 1276 this song had been adduced. We can state from this fact that in antiquity, too, the Agamemnon was one of the most popular plays of Aeschylus.

¹⁸ On the question see Stanford 179 f.; v Leeuwen and Koster, p. 1064, on Ran. 1094 take the view that an allusion has been made to the famous battle of Marathon. The explanation is far-fetched and artificial and must be dismissed. Moreover, one cannot understand why in that case the ιμονιοστρόφου μέλη were mentioned.

¹⁹ See Stephanus Byz. 168. 5 Meineke.

²⁰ In a later age these songs were called ιμαϊος, see Athen. 618 d; Callim. fr. 260. 66 Pfeiffer. Cantarella (195) speaks of ‘canzoni di facchino’.

²¹ See Stesich. fr. 200 Page: φκχιρε yàp αυτόν ϋδωρ αεί φορέοντα Atos κούρα βασιλεΰσιν. Stanford (180) objects that it is not the rope but the wheel which is turned (στρέφω) by the water-drawer, but this objection is too subtle.

²² On the image see Taillardat, No. 747; see e.g. also Plato, Phaedr. 248 bc; Soph. 222 a.

²³ On this point see also Jebb, Sophocles, Trachiniae 34, on Trach 200; Eur. Hipp. 73, 81; Barrett, Euripides, Hippolytos (Oxford 1964), 171.

²⁴ This appears in the old proverb: ό τι καλόν φiλον. On it see Eur. Bacch. 881; Dodds, E.R., Euripides, Bacchae (Oxford 1960), 187; Theognis 15–18;Google Scholar van Groningen, Theognis (Amsterdam 1966), 16. I further observe that the chorus had already said (1255 f.) that Aeschylus had composed κάλλιστα μέλη and so the audience was not likely to take exception as yet to his words that he had presented το καλόν (1298).

²⁵ The emendations of the older critics are too drastic. Palmer’s μέλι accepted by Stanford (180) seems attractive, the more so since the idea of λειμών already occurs in this passage. However, Euripides is treated mostly here in a scornful way and so it is unlikely that his poetry would have been indicated by the dignified μέλι, the honey which the poetical bee gathers from the flowers. Moreover, the emendation is unnecessary, see above.

²⁶ See Denniston 380 f. Denniston does not mention our passage. Perhaps he considered the text here to be doubtful. One might also think that μεν solitarium stresses here the word with which it is connected: ‘This man takes nota bene his cue from all kinds of things’.

²⁷ Coulon and Stanford accept for metrical reasons the emendation πορνωδιών. However, πορνιδίων of the MSS. can be accepted. As for the lengthening of the first i, see e.g. Acharn. 872 Βοίωτίδισν, and for -Ίδιον by the side of -ίδιον see Chantraine, , Formation des Noms (Paris 1933), 68ff.Google Scholar The word itself (see also Nub. 997) is a diminutive and so it is a contemptible word for the already contemptible πόρνη. Aristophanes presents on purpose first of all in his list the most contemptible word: Euripides derives his songs from despicable harlots.

²⁸ Coulon and v. Leeuwen offer rightly χορειών (accent); see LSJ χορεία II ‘dance-tune’.

²⁹ See Wilamowitz, , Griechische Verskuns²(Bad Homburg 1958), 226 n. 1,Google Scholar whose view was accepted by Newiger, Gnomon 32 (1960), 753. In Ar. fr. 114 Kock, Meletos is ridiculed as having been a παιδικὰ of Kallias.

³⁰ One may compare the slander about Kephisophon who was said to have influenced Euripides, cf. Ran. 944 and 1408. The ancient comic authors did not refrain from blackening their opponents with the strangest and wildest slander.

³¹ One might imagine that in our age Charlie Chaplin had accused the philosopher Heidegger of atheism.

³² Schol. Ran. 1302 even says: τα δε Καρικα αύλήματα ΰρηνώδη εστίν. However, the Carian music also occurred at symposia: see Athen. 665 d; Radermacher 319. The connexion with όρήνοι was especially attested, see Leeuwen, v. 192, on 1302.Google Scholar In Plato Rep. 3. 398 e άρμονίαι of dirges are mentioned: μιξολυδιστί and δυντονολυδιστι και τοιαϋταί τίνες. Among the last ones also the Carian music will have occurred.

³³ Already in the Iliad (10. 13) one can hear in the camp of the Trojans ούλων συριγγών τ ίνοπήν ομαδόν τ ανθρώπων. See also Hdt. 1.17, where the Lydian king is said to go to war υπό συριγγών τε καί πηκτίδων κα'ι αΰλοϋ γυναικηίου τε κα'ι άνδρη'ιου.

³⁴ In Duebner the words have been put between brackets. According to Duebner (535) the interpretation occurred, however, in a few MSS. which contained the Scholia.

³⁵ See e.g. my Researches (n. 16 above) 1. 446-8, where I have discussed this point.

³⁶ So I cannot accept the idea of Stanford ( 181, on 1302-3) that Καρικά might have here the meaning ‘cheap’. Cantarella on 1302 also wrongly says βάρβαρα.

³⁷ One might surmise that the pathetic statue of Laokoon and his sons, admired by Lessing and his contemporaries, but disapproved of by later critics, would have been praised by Euripides.

³⁸ Ancient as well as modern critics agree on the fact that Aristophanes was enabled to criticize Euripides here because of his Hypsipyle where castanets were used, cf. Schol. Ran. 1305 (309 b 26 Duebner); Phot. 180. 11–13 Porson; Wilamowitz, , Herakles 2. 115 Radermacher 319 f.; Stanford 181.Google Scholar

³⁹ See Leeuwen, v. 192; Radermacher 319 f.; Stanford181.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ See also e.g. the weighing-scene, (Ran. 1365 ff.)Google Scholar or the spook which appeared on the stage (Ran. 285 ff.).

⁴¹ As for 1307 επιτήδεια τάδ' εστ' αδειν μέλη, where αδειν — άδεσαι, see e.g. Jebb, Sophocles, Oedipus Coloneus 17, on O.C. 37; Wilamowitz, , Herakles 2. 111,on H.F. 454.Google Scholar

⁴² See Radermacher 320 f.; Stanford 182, on 1309–22; Rau, Paratragodia 127.

⁴³ The number twelve is often used to express completeness, a large number, cf. Ant. Class. 45 (1976), 420 n. 5. At present Aristophanes indicates by it that the prostitute knew all sexual tricks which were possible.

⁴⁴ As for this characteristic see especially Ran. 814–29 and my observations on it in Ant.Class. 1984. See also Taillardat No. 785. Likewise Schol. Ran. 1309 says: χαρακτηρίζει τα Έύριπίδου μέλη ώς εκλελυμένα

⁴⁵ On this stylistic detail see Wehrli, , Phyllobolia v.d. Münll 26(and also ibid. n. 4);Google ScholarValk, M.v.d., Eustathii Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem pertinentes (see n. 7 above), 2.Google Scholar xl; see also Finsler, G., Homer in der Neuzeit (Leipzig 1912), Index, p. 528;Google ScholarHighet, G., The Classical Tradition (Oxford 1951), 272 ff.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ In Soph. Aj. 1409 f. Ajax–s son is invited by Teucer to take part in the burial, but this has been done only so as to show that this son, who was later a well-known Athenian hero, can tread in the footsteps of his father. In Eur. Herakles the children of the hero, who are present on the stage, do not utter a single word. Only in Eur. Alc. 393 ff. as well as in Androm. 504 ff. do children say a few words, when their mothers are in mortal danger. This has, however, been done so as to heighten the pathetic effect.

⁴⁷ See Barrett, W.S., Euripides, Hippolytos (Oxford 1964), 184, on 121–30:Google Scholar ‘this trivial and homely information … it remains no less trivial’.

⁴⁸ On this point see Koster, , p. 1070,Google Scholar on Ran. 1310: ‘sed I.A. Lenaeis 405 nondum acta erat’.

⁴⁹ Thus Radermacher 322; Rau 129.

⁵⁰ Thus Bergler apud Kosterum, and Koster himself, cf. Koster, , 1.1.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Thus Stanford (183) says ‘perhaps … vaguely’.

⁵² I observe that Rau, Paratragodia 129, puts forward the view that the passage has been taken from Eur. Hypsipyle. See on it Rau, whose view is this time incorrect.

⁵³ It is interesting to note that the Byzantine Tzetzes could not identify the line; see Koster, p. 1072, on Ran. 318 and Koster ad loc. This has been caused by the fact that the Electra of Euripides did not belong to the set of plays with which the Byzantines were familiar.

⁵⁴ See Radermacher 322; Coulon ad loc.; Rau 130.

⁵⁵ Schol. Ran. 1316 (310 a 18 Duebner) says: και ταϋτα Εΰριπίδου. έστι δε ασυνάρτητα. In fact in our opinion (see above) 1316 is not incoherent (άσυνάρτητον), but can be connected with 1315. Therefore, one might think that in reality the notice rather had regard to 1317-19, because 1319 is in fact incoherent. However, 1316 belongs in fact to Euripides (fr. 523 N.²) and, as I think, the Scholiast (his source) considered 1316 to be incoherent, because here the web of a spider is called ‘the work of the weaver-shuttle’.

⁵⁶ Radermacher (322) also thinks that 1319 was composed by Aristophanes himself.

⁵⁷ See e.g. Coulon, 147 n.2.

⁵⁸ Coulon, loc. cit. thinks that σταδίους ‘est ici inintelligible’. Now it is well known that dolphins are accustomed to leap upwards out of the water. Aristophanes has rendered this fact in a most ridiculous way. Tragedy is grand and so the leaps of the dolphin have been also aggrandized by Aristophanes in a miraculous manner.

⁵⁹ No doubt this notice is correct (= fr. 523 N.²). I observe, however, that the notice (310 a 8–15 Duebner), in which the line is rightly attributed to the Meleager, has been put between brackets in the edition of Dindorf, a method which is mostly applied to scholia which are not old ones. Unfortunately the scholia oí the Ranae have not been edited as yet in the authoritative edition of Koster-Holwerda and so the exact situation of the facts has not yet been exposed.

⁶⁰ See also Rau 129 who, as it seems, also thinks that the words have been composed by Aristophanes himself. As for 1315, the stately word ίστότονος occurs in Euripides, see Rau, loc. cit.; Page, D.Select Papyri 3 (London 1950), 84. 24 f.Google Scholar

⁶¹ For this fact see Radermacher 321; Stanford 183, on 1314; v. Leeuwen 193 f; Cantarella 199, ad loc. I also refer to Donzelli, B.Siculorum Gymnasium 27 (1974), 89–120Google Scholar (I had no access to this paper). Since the word denotes in our passage the winding of wool on a spindle which is a continuous activity, the funny lengthening of the same note seems to be appropriate. The word ελίσσω was one of the favourite words of Euripides, in the use of which he indulged too often, see e.g. H.F. 671, 690, 927, 977. Because of it, too, the word may have been introduced by Aristophanes so as to ridicule the poet.

⁶² For this view see also Radermacher 322; Coulon ad loc.

⁶³ The idea of throwing one’s arms around a person occurs in Euripides, cf. Phoen. 165 f.; Or. 1414. Rau, 130 n. 37, has observed that περίβαλλ’ cannot be connected with two accusatives. However, we must not forget that we have to deal with a very artificial and ridiculous representation. One may compare 1315–17, where, as we saw, the verb πάλλω was connected with two accusatives in a very unusual way. In our passage one might explain them as accusatives of relation.

⁶⁴ Tzetzes — cf. Koster, p. 1073 f. — refers to this passage. He adduces this play, because the Phoenissae belonged to the four Euripidean tragedies which were familiar to the Byzantines, see Schmid-Stählin, Griechische Literaturgeschichte (München 1940), 1.3. 839.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Koster accordingly concludes that Eur. fr. 756 N.² must be cancelled. In connexion with it I make this observation: to the attentive reader of the passage and of the information offered in it, it was evident that in this part Aristophanes alluded to the Hypsipyle, since a child occurred in it. So the false notice may have taken its origin, and was (wrongly) added by some later critic or reader.

⁶⁶ On the point see Gelzer, Th.Der epirrhematische Agon bei Aristophanes (München 1960), 163 n.2;Google ScholarRuygh, C.Mnem. 13 (1960), 319 f.;Google Scholar Coulon, Rh.Mus. 105(1962),29 f.

⁶⁷ I think that we must attribute with Coulon (loc. cit.) ορώ to Euripides. Other scholars (v.Leeuwen, Stanford) assign the word to Dionysos. I think, however, that at this moment Euripides reluctantly has to admit his failure.

⁶⁸ R offers δέ, the other MSS. δαί. Since the latter particle is more colloquial, I think that Stanford and Coulon — Rh. Mus. 1962, 29 f. In his edition, however, he writes δέ — have rightly accepted it. On the particle see Denniston 262 f., section ii ‘Transitional, proceeding to a new point’.

⁶⁹ It is rejected by Coulon and Ruygh. Crosby (apud Stanford) tries to avoid the difficulty by making Dionysos give the kick, but the god is as yet not inimical to Euripides.

⁷⁰ This interpretation is offered by Gelzer, Agon (n.66 above) 163 n. 2; it is also mentioned inter alia by Stanford (184, on 1323–4).

⁷¹ On this point cf. Dearden, C.W.The Stage of Aristophanes (London 1976), 111 f.Google Scholar The question has been hotly debated, see CQ n.s.4 (1954), 64–75; 5 (1955), 94–5; 7 (1957), 184–5.

⁷² Thus LSJ s.v. πούς does not mention the meaning. In the well-known oracle (see Plut. Thes. 3.5) ασκού τον προύχοντα πόδα κτε, the word πους indicates the phallus. However, it appears here in a special context but, as we observed, it indicates, here at any rate, the phallus. On the passage see also Plutarque Vies, ed. R. Flacelière, t. 1 (Paris 1964), p. 14 n. 1. [Cf. Henderson, JeffreyThe Maculate Muse (New Haven/London 1975), 126, 129 f., 138. Edd.]Google Scholar

⁷³ The point has been rightly treated by the commentators, see e.g. Radermacher 323–5. One might compare it in a way with modern opera; only there the dialogue too is sung.

⁷⁴ The repetition of the same word indicates a) pathos, b) it tends to lay special stress on the word. Thus it often occurs in injunctions, see e.g. Ran. 269, where Charon says ώ παύε παύε; likewise in Xen.Anab. 5.7.21 the soldiers exclaim παίε παϊε, βάλλε βάλλε; see also Ar.Eq. 247; Schol.Ran. 439 παίε παϊετον ΑώςΚόρινδον; In N.T.,John 19. 15 the crowd shouts άρον άρον σταύρωσον See e.g. also Pax. 1, 11, 720; Ran. 301. One may also think of the well-known injunction παι παϊ (if one knocks on a door); see also Vesp. 1364 ώ ούτος ούτος. In Dem. (Ps. Dem.) Or. 25 (in Aristog. ), a speech which is very pathetic and in which contrary to Demosthenes’ custom expressions taken from everyday life occur, repetition is found too: 47 lob Ιού, πάντ' άνω τε και κάτω; 95 άνίατον, άν’ιατον, ώ άνδρες ΆάηνάΊοι. The practice which expresses injunction is already tobe found in Homer, who says Aρεζ Aρεζ (IL. 5.31). In Lucian, Iupp. Trag. 13 the gods exclaim διανομάς, διανομάς; see also Ar. Vesp. 1200 έκείν’, έκεϊν.’ Sometimes a word is repeated three or four times: for a fourfold repetition cf. Ar. Ach. 281–3 (the chorus, which is convinced of the guilt of the offender, repeats the word βάλλε); Eur. Rhes. 675 (βάλε — in this way Euripides expresses the nervous agitation of the Trojan solidiers); in the Byzantine tract, Ps. Lucian, Philopatris 2, the particles φϋ, ιού, ai are repeated four times. For a threefold repetition I referto Ar. Vesp. 1060–3: the chorus of old men looks back on the days, when they were young and therefore the word όλκιμος is repeated thrice (see also the repetition of πριν); In Pax 236 the word βροτοι (πολυτλή μονές) is repeated thrice by the god of war and so the poet stresses on purpose the evils which the Greeks, who are in the grip of war, have to endure, i.e. the main theme of the play. As for a twofold repetition I may refer to a few characteristic instances: Aesch. Prom. 887 — the chorus wishes to stress the evil caused by an unequal marriage; therefore, it praises the man who first warned against it: ή σοφός ή σοφός (see also Groeneboom, Aeschylus’ Prometheus, p. 254 ad loc.). In Soph. O.T. 259 f. Oedipus speaks about his incestuous marriage; deliberately the important word έχων is repeated at the beginning of the lines, while also by design κοινός occurs twice. On this detail see also Schwyzer, G.G. 2. 699 f; Denniston, Greek Prose Style (Oxford 1951), 90 f.Google Scholar (Here, however, the duplicated imperative is not treated.); Thesleff, Studies on Intensification in Early and Classical Greek (Helsingfors 1954) § 395;Google Scholarde Vries, A Commentary on the Phaedrus of Plato (Amsterdam 1969), 107,Google Scholar on Phaedr. 242 d 4; Spyropoulos, L’accumulation verbale chez Aristophane (Thessaloniki 1974), 127–9;Google ScholarBruhn, E.Sophokles Anhang (Berlin 1899), 140 f.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ See especially the choral song in Phoen. 1284–95 which precedes the combat between the two brothers, in which song a special abuse of this device occurs.

⁷⁶ See Radermacher 326; Stanford 187 f.; v. Leeuwen 197; Rau, Paratragodia 133.

⁷⁷ See Stanford 184 f.; Rau 131 f.; Cantarella 203.

⁷⁸ Schol. Ran. 1331 wrongly thinks that the monody has been derived from a play of Euripides. See, however, Radermacher 325; Rau 131; Kleinknecht, H.Die Gebets-parodie in der Antike (Stuttgart 1937), 99;Google Scholar Cantarella 203.

⁷⁹ See Rau 131 f.; Cantarella 203; Stanfordl85, where a report of the story is presented.

⁸⁰ As far as I can see, only Cantarella has referred to this point, see ibid. 203 ‘una povera fanciulla’. Stanford 185 thinks that the ‘pet cock‘ has been stolen. In reality it will have been the only cock the woman possessed.

⁸¹ I observe that the part in which she described her exertions and bereavement begins on purpose (1346) with the words ά τάλαινα and ends in circular composition (1355) with the words ά τλάμων. On the point see also Rau 134.

⁸² In this respect I also mention Lucian’s Dialogi meretricum, see especially No. 6, where a girl after the untimely death of her father has to become a prostitute. See also ibid. Nos. 2 and 7; Ar. Thesm. 446–9. In Dio’s Euboikos the circumstances of simple men have been idealized. As far as I know, these points have not been mentioned in Bolkestein, H.Wohltätigkeit und Armenpflege im vorchristlichen Altertum (Utrecht 1939).Google Scholar

⁸³ Already Tzetzes (cf. Koster, p. 1080, 2–5) rightly stated that an allusion is made to Eur. Hec. 68 ff.; see also v. Leeuwen 196; Rau 132.

⁸⁴ See my observations in REG 80 (1967), 113 ff., where I tried to illustrate this feature in relation to a choral song of Sophocles (Trach. 497–530).

⁸⁵ The reading πρόμολον is attested by most MSS. including R and by Schol. Ran. 1333. It has been rightly defended by Rau (132). The conjecture προμολών is a very fine one because in fact in the Odyssey (24. 11 f.) the dreams are placed in the porch of Hades. However, it is unnecessary.

⁸⁶ See v. Leeuwen 196 f.; Stanford 187; Rau 132. On the device see also Bruhn, E.Sophokles Anhang (Berlin 1899), 144. 15–18.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ See also the word δερκόμενον, for the look of evil persons (this time the dream) was considered to be dangerous.

⁸⁸ Stanford (188), Rau (132) wrongly think that it is a trivial detail.

⁸⁹ The words κάλπις and δρόσος are stately and have been taken from tragedy; see also Radermacher 327. One might presume that in tragedy between 1340 and 1342 a song of the chorus had occurred, but comedy has a loose construction and so the command to fetch water and the result immediately follow one another.

⁹⁰ See also Rau 133: ‘die Vorbereitung zu einem regelrechten Bad’.

⁹¹ It is curious that Schol. Ran. 1340(310 b5f. Duebner) wrongly thinks that the scene has taken place near the sea. The ancient critics often made connexions which are imaginary.

⁹² One thinks of Soph. O.T. 1227 f.; see also Jebb, Oedipus Tyrannus, p. 161 ad loc.Google Scholar

⁹³ On the colloquial diction see v. Leeuwen 61, on Ran. 318; Vage, D.Euripides, Medea² (Oxford 1952), 75, on Med. 98.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ This is the thinking of most scholars. I do not think that Stanford (185) is right, when he says that Glyke was the maid of the woman.

⁹⁵ v. Leeuwen, who as a true rationalistic scholar of the nineteenth century could not stomach the discrepancy between the two items, the stealing of the rooster and its flying away, wrongly thought that the dream has been indicated in these lines.

⁹⁶ The idea of a rooster flying to the aether is also comic — see also Rau 134 ‘hyperbolisch’ — for hens cannot fly very well.

⁹⁷ On it see v. Leeuwen 199, on Ran. 1363; LSJ s.vv. φωράω and φώρασις; Lipsius, J.H.Das attische Recht und Rechtsverfahren (Leipzig 1908–15), 440.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ See also 1338 which begins likewise with áλλá(μoι άμφίπολοι). The particle has been used because the woman both times proceeds to action, cf. Denniston 13 f. n. 4.

⁹⁹ This interpretation is also given by Nauck, loc. cit. Schol. Ran. 1356 (310 b 33 f. Duebner) says about the whole passage: ταύτα δε 'εκ Κρητων Έύριπίδου. However, this part has been put between brackets in Duebner and it is not to be doubted that it does not belong to the older Scholia and has no authority.

¹⁰⁰ This is the view of Radermacher 329; Rau 133-5; Kleinknecht (n. 78 above) 100.

¹⁰¹ See Ar. Thesm. 1001; Stanford 124, on 608.

¹⁰² See also Rau 135 f., who mentions the Cretan dances.

¹⁰³ I refer to my observations in Studi Classici Quintino Cataudella (Catania 1972), 2. 85.

¹⁰⁴ Stanford 189, on 1360 rightly observes that the diminutive κυνισκα is ridiculous. I observe that female dogs are mentioned here, because the ancients took the view that they were better hunters than their male companions, see Soph. Aj. 8 and Jebb, Sophocles, Ajax, p. 12 ad loc.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Thus Radermacher 329, wrongly; the interpretation also occurs in Schol. Ran. 1356 (310 b 25 f. Duebner), but this Schol. (cf. above n. 99) has no authority.

¹⁰⁶ I refer to Ar. Vesp. 368, where the goddess is introduced for the same reason.

¹⁰⁷ See Fraenkel, Aeshylus, Agamemnon 2. 83 n. 1.Google Scholar His text was accepted by Stanford 189, on Ran. 1359.

¹⁰⁸ The metre of 1359 contains two cretics + hypodochmius. In Euripides cretics and dochmii are often associated — see Dale, A.Lyric Metres² (Cambridge 1968), 102 and 107 ff. — so there is no reason to take exception to the metre as Fraenkel does.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ See Eur. Hipp. 70; Barrett, Euripides, Hippolytos, 170.

¹¹⁰ See Nilsson, M.Geschichte der griechischen Religion² (Müchen 1955–61) 1. 481.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ See Wilamowitz, Der Glaube der Hellenen (Berlin 1931), 1. 171.Google Scholar See also Aesch. Suppl. 676, where, however, scholars are divided, whether ’Έκάταν or εκάταν must be written. Wilamowitz and Murray offer εκάταν, Mazon (ed.) and Untersteiner (Le Supplici [Napoli 1945], 66 on 144–5) write Έκάταν.

¹¹² See Nilsson, Gesch. Gr. Rel.² 1.722 f. In Eur. Troad., where Kassandra is brandishing the so-called marriage-torch, she says διδοϋσ, ώ 'Εκάτα, φάος (323).