¹ See Hdt. 7.30; Strabo 12.8.13; Plin, . NH 5.32.41Google Scholar; Chon, Nic.. Chron. 178.19Google Scholar.

² See Cadwallader, A.H., ‘Revisiting Calder on Colossae’, AS 56 (2006) 103-11Google Scholar; ‘A New Inscription [read: Two New Inscriptions], A Correction and a Confirmed Sighting from Colossae’, EA 40 (2007) 109-18Google Scholar; von Aulock, H., Münzen und Städte Phrygiens (2 vols, Tübingen 1980, 1987), vol 2, §§443–595Google Scholar; Duman, B. and Konakçı, E., ‘Kolassai: Höyük, Kalıntı ve Buluntuları (Colossae: The Mound, Remains and Findings)’, Ackeoloji Dergisi 8 (2006) 83–111Google Scholar, Konakçı, and Duman, , ‘Arkeolojik ve Yazılı Kanıtlar Işığıda Kolossai (Kolossai in the light of Archaeological and Historical Evidences)’ in International Symposium on the History and Culture of Denizli and its Surroundings (Denizli 2007) Vol. 2, 57–67Google Scholar. A number of Byzantine seals add to the number of inscriptions: see Nesbitt, J. and Oikonomides, N., Catalogue of Byzantine Seals at Dumbarton Oaks and in the Fogg Museum of Art III: West, Northwest and Central Asia Minor and the Orient (Washington DC 1996) §12.1, §99.6, §99.7Google Scholar.

³ See Duman, B. and Konakçi, E., ‘The Silent Witness of the Mound of Colossae: Pottery Remains’, in Cadwallader, A.H. and Trainor, M. (eds), Colossaein Space and Time: Linking with an Ancient City (Göttingen 2011), 247-81CrossRefGoogle Scholar. A preliminary survey of some tombs at the main necropolis was made by Simsek, Celai, ‘Kolossai’, Arkeoloji ve Sanat 107 (2002) 3-16, 33Google Scholar.

⁴ I am extremely grateful also to G.H.R. Horsley for his wise caution and prudent advice on the reconstruction and interpretation of the inscription and to the two anonymous readers of this paper whose close attention has unlocked new insights and generated several improvements.

⁵ Peter Fraser dubs this the ‘sepulchral genitive’: Rhodian Funerary Monuments (Oxford 1977)49–51Google Scholar.

⁶ Cadwallader, ‘Two New Inscriptions’ (n. 2) 112-18. Two Greek inscriptions from Kolossai (IGR IV.468, 469Google Scholar) illustrate the familiar Latin formula, albeit to emperors (Trajan, Hadrian) which may attract the classification of a ‘votive dative’, indicative of the emperor's unique proximity to the divine: see Price, S.R.F., ‘Gods and Emperors: The Greek Language of the Imperial Cult’, JHS 104 (1984) 79–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Elsewhere, the ascription to Tyche, to the emperor (Alexander Severus) and to the honoured individual could all be combined (in the dative): TAM V.758Google Scholar.

⁷ This has been demonstrated clearly by Rosalinde Kearsley's comparison of a number of bilingual inscriptions in Asia Minor, some of which show the usual cases – dative in the Latin, accusative for the Greek – some of which betray Greek assimilation of Roman practice: Kearsley, R.K., Greeks and Romans in Impedii Asia (IK 59) (Bonn 2001) 152-3Google Scholar.

⁸ The iota adscript adds an archaic gravity to the text. It is found only in lines 1-2; compare line 5.

⁹ Aulock, Von, Münzen md Städte Phrygiens (n. 2) vol. 2, §470Google Scholar provides an example of a coin with an image of Tyche. Louis Robert's reconstruction of the text of IGR IV.870Google Scholar almost certainly establishes the naming of Tyche in the inscription: ‘Inscriptions’, in des Gagniers, J.et al., Laodicée du Lycos: le Nymphée, Campagnes 1961-1963 (Quebec 1969) 269, 277-8Google Scholar cf. BE 1970.584Google Scholar. There is a report of a gem, now lost, with an inscription, , but I am reliant upon secondary citations: see Meyboom, P.G.P., The Nile Mosaic of Palestrina (Leiden 1995) 210 n. 37Google Scholar; Riemann, H., ‘Iupiter Imperator’, RM 90 (1983) 242Google Scholar; Demargne, J., ‘Monuments figures et inscriptions de Crète’, BCH 24 (1900) 239 no. 2CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰ Following the suggestion of Kearsley, , Greeks and Romans (n. 7) 153Google Scholar.

¹¹ So Fishwick, D., Imperial Cult in the Latin West ii-1, Vol. 1 (Leiden 1990) 434Google Scholar, following A.D. Nock. Even so, one needs to recall that in the manifold decrees of the Opramoas inscription at Rhodiapolis, the formula ἀγαθῇ τύχῃ has consistently been excised in the re-inscription of his honours on his mausoleum, thereby suggesting that in the first centuries of our era, the construction was sometimes seen as stereotypical and dispensable, precisely because it could be assumed.

¹² Drew-Bear, T., Nouvelles Inscriptions de Phrygie (Zutphen 1978) 74Google Scholar. The word can often be found in an alliterative succession of φιλο- cognates: e.g. SEG 3.740Google Scholar.

¹³ A magistrate bearing the name Φιλόπαππος appears frequently on Kolossian coins, some decades later, during the time of the emperor Antoninus Pius (138-161): von Aulock, , Münzen und Städte Phrygiens (n. 2) vol. 2, §§455-69, 553-4Google Scholar. Another with the name Φιλοπάτωρ is found named on coins during the rule of Commodus: ibid. §§566-77. Other lexical possibilities do not fit the context.

¹⁴ As in AS 1960, 51 no. 100, where is taken by Stephen Mitchell as ‘home city’ (compare IStr 1009). This does not deny that Korambos may have held citizenship elsewhere, as indeed the Pisidian inscription just cited indicates. However, in that inscription a distinction is made between primary and other () ‘home cities’: see Mitchell, , ‘Three Cities in Pisidia’, AS 44 (1994) 134-5Google Scholar.

¹⁵ For an analysis of the only literary text describing the baths, see Thomas, E., Monumentality and the Roman Empire: Architecture in the Antonine Age (Oxford 2007) 221-9Google Scholar. Thomas (225) sees the use of (Luc, . Hipp. 4.15Google Scholar) to be a direct allusion to Vitruvius' decor open's (de Arch. 1.2.4).

¹⁶ So Robert, L., ‘Documents d'Asie Mineure’, BCH 102 (1978) 398CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In the massive Opramoas inscription, earthquakes are mentioned no less than thirteen times.

¹⁷ See Reynolds, J., ‘The Origins and Beginning of Imperial Cult at Aphrodisias’, PCPS 206 (1980) 74-6Google Scholar. Other examples are available (e.g. IG IV.203Google Scholar).

¹⁸ This is the reading of Robert, ‘Documents’ (n. 16) 405.

¹⁹ Ibid. 404-5.

²⁰ MDAI(A) 29 (1904) 152Google Scholar; 32 (1907) 257; 33 (1908) 381.

²¹ Online at http://insaph.kcl.ac.uk/iaph2007.

²² Salmeri, G., ‘Dio, Rome and the Civic Life of Asia Minor’, in Swain, S. (ed), Dio Chtysostom: Politics, Letters, Philosophy (Oxford / New York 2000) 59 n. 27Google Scholar.

²³ The most recent and complete edition of the Opramoas inscription (with German translation) is that of Kokkinia, Christina, Die Opramoas-Inschrift von Rhodiapolis: Euergetismus und soziale Ehte in Lykien (Bonn 2000)Google Scholar.

²⁴ LSJ ⁹ s.v. A fragmentary inscription from Epidauros appears to have the form (IG IV (2) 514Google Scholar).

²⁵ The formal possibilities are numerous - more than 100, based on Kretschmer, P. and Locker, E., Rückläufiges Wörterbuch der griechischen Sprache (Göttingen 1977 [1944])Google Scholar.

²⁶ Plato, , Laws 778cGoogle Scholar. He allows walls if houses form part of the ring (Laws 779b).

²⁷ Theophr, . Char. 1.11.6Google Scholar; compare the verbal form in Luc, . Luct. 24Google Scholar.

²⁸ The verbal form is used in AS 29 (1979) 177BGoogle Scholar.

²⁹ For a recent discussion with numerous examples, see Coulton, J.J., ‘Pedestals as ‘Altars’ in Roman Asia Minor’, AS 55 (2005) 127-57Google Scholar.

³⁰ Fulfilling Coulton's own criterion (135).

³¹ Good examples are found in S. Sahin, ‘Katalog der antiken Inschriften des Museums von Iznik (Nikaia) II.1-2 (IK 10.1–2Google Scholar) (Bonn 1981-1982) no. 1503, and Drew-Bear, , ‘Afyon Müzesi'nde bir heykel definesi’, Araştırma Sonuçları Toplantısı 10 (1993) 147-52Google Scholar; cf. IEph 1.139Google Scholar, TAM IV.57, 185, 215Google Scholar (honorific and funerary). For a similar benefaction, see IG III (1) 1452Google Scholar.

³² The order in which a stone was designed and fashioned is explored by McLean, Bradley, An Introduction to Greek Epigraphy of the Hellenistic and Roman Periods (Michigan 2002) 11–12CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a similar constriction in a Kolossian inscription (this time caused by the edge of the stone) see MAMA VI.49Google Scholar, as examined in Cadwallader, , ‘Revisiting Calder on Colossae’ (n. 2) 106-7Google Scholar.

³³ For a similar choice involving another Kolossian inscription (MAMA VI.48Google Scholar - or [cf. MAMA IV.259Google Scholar]) see L. and Robert, J., BE 1979.15Google Scholar.

³⁴ N.P. Milner provides an example of an imperial letter which prescribes that its inscribed form be placed near the baths: see his An Epigraphical Survey in the Kibyra-Olbasa Region Conducted by A.S. Hall (London 1998) 23Google Scholar. See also SEG 48.1582Google Scholar.

³⁵ Schmidt, I., Hellenistische Statuenbasen (Frankfurt 1995) no. II.5, fig. 208Google Scholar.

³⁶ So Zuiderhoek, Arjan, The Pohtics of Munificence in the Roman Empire: Citizens, Ehtes and Benefactors in Asia Minor (Cambridge 2009) 24CrossRefGoogle Scholar. But see e.g. IGR IV.251, 881 where no amount is recordedGoogle Scholar.

³⁷ See S.V. Tracy on the levels of skill revealed in different types (and lengths) of inscriptions: ‘Athenian Letter-Cutters and Lettering on Stone in Vth to 1st Centuries B.C.’, in Macrakis, M.S. (ed.), Greek Letters: From Tablets to Pixels (Newcastle Delaware 1995) 51-3Google Scholar.

³⁸ Stephen Tracy finds a number of examples of master cutters and their apprentices in Athens, marked by a similarity of idiosyncratic practice with enough difference to substantiate different hands: see his Attic Letter-Cutters of229 to 86 B.C. (Berkeley 1990) 230-2Google Scholar.

³⁹ Ibid. 238.

⁴⁰ Roueché, C., Aphrodisias in Late Antiquity (Leeds 1989) 331-4Google Scholar; Kearsley, , ‘Greeks and Romans’ (n. 7) 2–3Google Scholar.

⁴¹ There are many epigraphic examples in Asia Minor of Roman citizens with this gentilicium; see e.g. MAMA IX.446Google Scholar, IAnk 31 (French, D., Roman, Late Roman and Byzantine Inscriptions of Ankara [Turkish Republic 2003] 131-2Google Scholar).

⁴² See Kajanto, I., The Latin Cognomina (Helsinki 1965) 33-4, 148-9Google Scholar.

⁴³ Habinek, T.N., The Colometry of Latin Prose (Berkeley 1985) 43Google Scholar; but see also Threatte, L., The Grammar of Attic Inscriptions (Berlin 1980) 82Google Scholar, where interpuncts to separate names do occur in Attic inscriptions - Roman influence, however, cannot be discounted in Athens in late Hellenistic times.

⁴⁴ Ritti, T., Miranda, E. and Guizzi, F., Museo Archaeologico di Denizli-Hierapoli (Naples 2008) 148 no. 59Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ See von Aulock, , Münzen und Städte Phrygiens (n. 2) vol. 2, §§566–578Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ See Sartre-Fauriat, A., ‘Les notables et leur role dans l'urbanisme du Hauran à l'époque romaine’, in Petitfrere, C. (ed.), Construction, reproduction et represéntation des patiiciats urbains de l'Antiquité au XXe siècle (Tours 1999) 223-40Google Scholar; Goodchild, R.G. and Perkins, J.B. Ward, ‘The Limes Tripolitanus in the Light of Recent Discoveries’, JRS 39 (1949) 87-8Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ That is, a little more than one year's subsistence level in the late first to early second centuries: see Zuiderhoek, , Politics of Munificence (n. 36) 4 n. 3Google Scholar. Note, however, the qualifications on monetary generalisations about subsistence existence in Friesen, S.J., ‘Poverty in Pauline Studies: Beyond the So-called New Consensus’, JSNT 26 (2004) 323-36Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ There is, in addition, an amount (500 denarii) for an annual commemoration of the death of a woman's son, to be dated perhaps shortly after 212 CE (MAMA VI.42Google Scholar).

⁴⁹ Magie, D., Roman Rule in Asia Minor (Princeton 1950) 986 n. 22Google Scholar. Compare also the study by Hertha Schwarz who finds, on the basis of an analysis of the regions of Bithynia and Lycia and of the city of Ephesos, that the second century was marked in Asia Minor by considerable economic advantage: Soll oder Haben? Die Finanzwirtschafì kleinasiatischer Städte in der römischen Kaiserzeit am Beispiel von Bithynien, Lykien und Ephesos (29 v. Chr.-284n. Chr.) (Bonn 2001) 318-19Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Colin Hemer considers that the difference in the date of the earthquake between Tacitus (c. 61 CE) and Eusebius (64 CE) derives from the latter's desire to link the earthquake with the judgment of God upon Nero because of his persecution of Christians: Hemer, C.J., The Book of Acts in the Setting of Hellenistic History (Winona Lakes IN 1990) 274 n. 60Google Scholar.

⁵¹ This may explain the presence of a punct before in line 34. The punct might make less secure the suggestion of a metronym.

⁵² Mitchell, , ‘Iranian Names and the Presence of Persians in the Religious Sanctuaries of Asia Minor’, in Matthews, E. (ed.), Old and New Worlds in Greek Onomastics (Oxford 2007) 152Google Scholar.

⁵³ Marijana Ricl suggests the name could be ‘a patronymic adjective’: ‘A New Inscription from the Cayster Valley’, in Catling, R.W.V. and Marchand, F. (eds), Onomatologos: Studies in Greek Personal Names Presented to Elaine Matthews (Oxford 2010) 544 n. 62Google Scholar. is more widely attested: Paus. VI.16.2, CID 11.38Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Stephen Colvin sees Diomedes as a ‘herophoric’ name in Lycia: ‘Names in Hellenistic and Roman Lycia’, in Colvin, S. (ed.), The Greco-Roman East: Politics, Culture, Society (Cambridge 2004) 62Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Louis Robert noted, but provided no comment on, ‘le caractère local’ of the name . He makes no reference to Homer. There may be something of indigenous origins in the tradition that Tudeides was a ‘tamer of horses’. See Noms indigènes dans L'Asie-Mineure Gréco-romaine (Amsterdam 1991 [1963]) 391 n. 8Google Scholar. Colvin, , ‘Names in Lycia’ (n. 54) 56Google Scholar, however, ties the name to the Lycian word for ‘son’ (tideimi).

⁵⁶ On the ubiquity of the practice, see Feldman, L.H., Jew and Gentile in the Ancient World: Attitudes and Interactions from Alexander to Justinian (Princeton 1993) 15Google Scholar (on Phoenicians and Jews); Pétrie, C.A., ‘Seleucid Uruk: An Analysis of Ceramic Distribution’, Iraq 64 (2002) 90 (Babylonians)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jones, A.H.M., The Greek City from Alexander to Justinian (Oxford 1940) 36 (general)Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ See Horsley, , ‘Homer in Pisidia: Aspects of the History of Greek Education in a Remote Roman Province’, Antichthon 34 (2000) 46–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁸ So Robert, , Noms indigènes (n. 55) 288Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ From whence came a hair-style: cf. ibid. 268.

⁶⁰ Mert, I.K., Untersuchungen zur hellenistischen und kaiserzeitlichen Bauomamentik von Stratonikeia (Tübingen 2008) 122Google Scholar.

⁶¹ Colvin, , ‘Names’ (n. 54) 58Google Scholar. See also Schuler, C., ‘Griechische Personennamen in Lykien’, in Catling, and Marchand, (eds), Onomatologos (n. 54) 556–8Google Scholar.

⁶² occurs in an inscription from Bythynia (BCH 24 [1900] 422 no. 133Google Scholar); cf. : Bean, G.E., ‘Notes and Inscriptions from Pisidia. Part 1’, AS 10 (1960) 47 no. 95Google Scholar. There may be some relationship between Eutuches and Tudeides.

⁶³ Cf., however, : Waddington 1372 (second century CE) and a woman's name : RICM 159 (probably fifth century).

⁶⁴ See Kajanto, , Latin Cognomina (n. 42) 120–2Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Drew-Bear, T., Thomas, C.M. and Yıldızturan, M., Phrygian Votive Steles (Turkey 1999) 387Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ The comment derives from a sweep through the Lexicon of Greek Personal Names. the son of is attested at Lindos: ASAA 2 (1916) 160 no. 77Google Scholar. However, it is also common from the Black Sea (e.g. CIRB 1287) to Anatolia (e.g. MAMA V.91Google Scholar).

⁶⁷ Robert, , Études épigraphigues et philologiques (Paris 1938) 177Google Scholar; Sundwall, J., Die einheimischen Namen der Lykier nebst einem Verzeichnisse kleinasiatischer Namenstämme (Leipzig 1913) 142Google Scholar; Zgusta, L., Kleinasiatische Personennamen (Prague 1964) 313 n. 196Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ LGPN VA s.v.

⁶⁹ Compare Peter Eraser's discovery of the distinctive use of - compounds in Thessaly: ‘The Ptolemaic Garrison of Hermoupolis Magna’, in Matthews, , Old and New (n. 52) 83–4Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ Robert, , Noms indigènes (n. 55) 514Google Scholar; Colvin, , ‘Names’ (n. 54) 62Google Scholar.

⁷¹ So, Horsley, , The Greek and Latin Inscriptions in the Burdur Archaeological Museum (RECAM V) (London 2007) 287bGoogle Scholar; cf. Robert, , Documents d'Asie Mineure (Paris 1987), 407, 455Google Scholar; Parker, R., ‘Theophoric Names and the History of Greek Religion’, in Hornblower, S. and Matthews, E. (eds), Greek Personal Names: Their Value as Evidence (Oxford 2000), 76-7Google Scholar. The worship of Mên is attested predominantly in Asia Minor but had spread through Greece and the Balkans and had reached Rome: see Lane, E., Corpus Monumentorum Religionis Dei Menis (Leiden 1971) Vol 1, 170-1Google Scholar. Mitchell, , ‘Iranian Names’ (n. 52) 161-2Google Scholar allows that, in spite of the indigenous absorption of the Mên cult, the origins may be Persian.

⁷² Note especially, Drew-Bear, , Nouvelles Inscriptions (n. 12) 39 no. 4Google Scholar.

⁷³ The name is rare (AW 1888.60 no. 1459, IG II (2) 1992Google Scholar, AM 1960.171 no. 81Google Scholar). There is a possibility that it is a homonym (whether for a Thracian name or Lycian name). See Zgusta, , Kleinasiatische Personennamen (n. 57) §759Google Scholar; Die Personennamen griechischer Städte der nördlichen Schwarzmeerküste (Prague 1955) §1058Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ There is a tantalizing fragment with ANΩ- from Sicily (SEG XLV. 1381.55Google Scholar).

⁷⁵ Such a mistake (albeit aided by editorial reconstruction) is attested in the papyri: BGU 3.869Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ Zgusta, , Kleinasiatische Personennamen (n. 57) 318, 522Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ Robert, , Noms indigènes (n. 55) 226Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Marchand, F., ‘The Philippeis of IG VII 2433’, in Catling, and Marchand, (eds, Onomatologos (n. 54) 336-8Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Macdonald, D.J., ‘The Homonoia of Colossae and Aphrodisias’, Jahrbuch Iur Numismatik und Geldgeschichte 33 (1983) 25-7Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ Cadwallader, , ‘Two New Inscriptions’ (n. 2) 113-14Google Scholar.

⁸¹ This is somewhat different from Stephen Colvin's observation of a return of Lycian names in subsequent generations: ‘Names’ (n. 54) 69. Schuler, Compare, ‘Griechische Personennamen’ (n. 61) 553Google Scholar.

⁸² Horsley, , Burdur (n. 71) 2bGoogle Scholar.

⁸³ This intricate issue cannot be argued here. See generally Wolff, G., ‘Becoming Roman, Staying Greek: Culture, Identity and the Civilizing Process in the Roman East’, PCPS 40 (1994) 116-43Google Scholar; Swain, S., Hellenism and Empire: Language, Classicism and Power in die Greek World AD50-250 (Oxford 1996)Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ Here is not the place to investigate more broadly the debate over Romanisation of Asia Minor and the extent and variety of the adherence to Hellenisation as a means of resistance to Rome. On inscriptions as a measure of integration, see Kearsley, Greeks and Romans (n. 7).

⁸⁵ J.S. Morrison calls this a ‘regular Greek habit’: ‘Meno of Pharsalus, Polycrates and Ismenias’, CQ 36 (1942) 75 n. 1Google Scholar. Sartre, Compare M., ‘Cultural Identity and Syrian Names’, in Matthews, , Greek Onomastics (n. 52) 224Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Aulock, Von, Münzen und Städte (n. 2) vol. 2, §§566–578Google Scholar (91-2). Another magistrate (a Stephaneforos), Nigros, records the continuation of the name for three generations: §§588-589 (93, in the period of Severus and Caracalla).

⁸⁷ See Davies, Anna Morpurgo, ‘Greek Personal Names and Linguistic Continuity’, in Hornblower, and Matthews, , Greek Personal Names (n. 71) 24Google Scholar.

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⁸⁹ Zuiderhoek, , Pohtics of Munificence (n. 36) 90–1Google Scholar.

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⁹¹ Hopkins, , Death and Renewal (Cambridge 1983) 112CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁹⁵ See Mitchell, , Anatolia: Land, Men and Gods in Asia Minor (Oxford 1993) 212Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ See generally Fagan, G.G., Bathingin Pubhc in the Roman World (Michigan 2002) 173–4Google Scholar.

⁹⁷ The date varies. Sometimes it is given as 142-143 CE.

⁹⁸ Farrington, A., Roman Baths of Lycia: An Architectural Study (London 1995) 37Google Scholar.

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¹⁰⁴ Mitchell, , Anatolia (n. 95) 217Google Scholar.

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