Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 December 2012
Since the late 1990s, the field of applied linguistics has seen a revival of interest in the topic of linguistic creativity and language play, with several theoretical works spawning a variety of empirical studies of (second language) L2 learners. This chapter reviews recent literature in order to examine the reciprocal relationship between formulaic language and L2 language play. Formulaic language provides a point of reference against which other uses can be recognized as creative or playful. At the same time, language play can also create new linguistic conventions. Thus, while the relationship between formulaic language and language play has not been explicitly addressed, as the examples presented here will demonstrate, formulaic language is a necessary part of much language play. This article begins by theorizing the relationship between formulaic and playful language. This relationship is then examined in terms of functions, age differences, and media differences, and the article closes with a number of suggestions for future research.
Evaldsson, A.-C., & Cekaite, A. (2010). “‘Schwedis’ he can't even say Swedish”: Subverting and reproducing institutionalized norms for language use in multilingual peer groups. Pragmatics, 20, 587–604.
This article represents a continuation of the excellent work coming out of Sweden on multilingual language play, identity construction, and socialization among children (e.g., Cekaite & Aronsson, 2004, 2005; Evaldsson, 2005). The data, analyzed through the lens of conversation analysis, are drawn from a long-term ethnographic investigation of two Swedish elementary school contexts, both made up of a multiethnic, primarily immigrant population. Here the authors reported on the ways in which language minority children in these contexts used utterances that deviate from standard Swedish to tease their peers, thereby reinforcing monolingual norms. At the same time, they exploited minority languages to circumvent and subvert classroom sanctions against the use of so-called bad (i.e., insulting, sexist, threatening) language. The examples presented in this article are particularly illustrative of what Carter (2004) called pattern-forming play, where speakers align themselves over time through their playful repetition and recycling of various forms.
Garland, J. (2010). “I am under cool”: Humorous mock translation as a claim to expertise in an Irish language class. Sociolinguistic Studies, 4, 27–44.
In this excellent article the author examined how humorous displays of knowledge about L2 formulaic sequences are exploited as a way of demonstrating expertise in and authentic knowledge of the L2. The adults in the classroom under investigation were learning Irish, and approximately half of them were from Ireland, while the other half represented a mix of international visitors. As the title suggests, students often engaged in “mock translation,” providing literal English translations of Irish expressions. Such activity was used both as a way of mitigating the face-threat brought on by lack of linguistic knowledge, as well as to display their knowledge of Irish even when they were missing particular words or structure. One example from this article is provided in the preceding text.
Gardner, S. (2008). Transforming talk and phonics practice: Or, how do crabs clap? TESOL Quarterly, 42, 261–284.
With public school reforms that increasingly regiment teachers’ days, script their language, and limit their autonomy, this description of how one teacher transformed a traditional literacy activity designed for native English-speaking students into one that helped her language minority students should be of interest. For the activity, students were given cards labeled “yes” on one side and “no” on the other. The original activity asked them to quickly decode a yes or no question, many of which would be considered silly (e.g., “Do slugs swing?”), and hold up the side of the card that represented their answer. The teacher altered this work with formulaic sequences by requiring the children to justify their responses, and in doing so, transformed the activity into a game. As the children took ownership of the game, they continued to develop it, playing with language more and in increasingly sophisticated ways. Gardner suggested that not only did altering task into a language play activity scaffold their L2 development, but it also opened up for them new, empowering ways of seeing language and learning.
Kim, Y.-H., & Kellogg, D. (2007). Rules out of roles: Differences in play language and their developmental significance. Applied Linguistics, 28, 25–45.
This research, too, examines children's L2 use and development, and it is particularly important to this review as the only work that explicitly addresses the links among formulaic language, language play, and L2 development. Kim and Kellogg compared the quality of language that emerges in two different types of play: role-plays and rule-based games. They demonstrate how, in role-plays, young Korean learners of English tended to produce less complex language and more dispreferred responses. Rule-based games, on the other hand, encouraged more discourse complexity and bound initiates.
Lytra, V. (2008). Playful talk, learners’ play frames and the construction of identities. In Martin-Jones, M., de Mejia, A. M., & Hornberger, N. H. (Eds.), Encyclopedia of language and education: Vol. 3. Discourse and education (pp. 185–197). New York, NY: Springer.
Although formulaic language is not part of this contribution, Lytra provided a useful review of recent and foundational scholarship relating to language play. The review is limited to research that took an ethnographic or social interactionist perspective on language play and identity; however, this is not a shortcoming, as this type of work represents the majority of research on the topic.