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Votive riders seated side-saddle at early Greek sanctuaries1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 September 2013

Mary Voyatzis
Affiliation:
University of Arizona

Abstract

A relatively rare type of bronze votive dedicated at Greek sanctuary sites in the second half of the 8th cent, BC depicts a female seated side-saddle on a horse. Examples have been found at only four sites, primarily in the Peloponnese: three come from sanctuaries in Arcadia, one from Olympia, and one from Samos. At 7th- and 6th-cent. sanctuaries in the Peloponnese, the type in terracotta is more frequent, but it never becomes particularly common as a votive. In the Aegean, the depiction of female riders seated side-saddle can be traced back to the Late Bronze Age; the type was probably originally inspired by models from the Near East. A similar pattern is found on Cyprus. Male versions of riders seated side-saddle are known from LBA sites, and the type reappeared in the late 8th cent. BC. The evidence suggests that the similarity between the Geometric bronze type and LBA examples was a result of memories of the significance of the female rider that survived in Arcadia through the Dark Age.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © The Council, British School at Athens 1992

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References

2 Schweitzer 156–9; see also discussion by L. Curtis Turnbull, Some Aspects of Greek Geometric Bronzes (Ph.D. diss.: Radcliffe College, 1958), ch. 1.

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15 Jantzen (n. 10); Schweitzer 156–8, pl. 194.

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29 Jantzen (n. 10); id., AA 53 (1938), 580, pl. 23; Boardman, J., The Greeks Overseas (3rd edn; London, 1980), 64–5.Google Scholar Professor Jan Bouzek informed me recently that he has seen many unpublished examples of female riders seated side-saddle and holding babies in modern-day Georgian museums. He therefore agrees with Jantzen that the Samian bronze is linked to the Caucasus.

30 Gill (n. 5), 6. no. 1; Poursat (n. 5), 463, no. 2.

31 Ibid. no. 1; Gill (n. 5), 7, no. 5.

32 Ibid. 8, no. 12; Poursat (n. 5), 464. no. 4; Crouwel 51.

33 Ibid., pl. 113; Gill (n. 5), 8. no. 13; Poursat (n. 5), 464, no. 5.

34 Ibid., no. 6.

35 Levi (n. 4), 108–25, pl. 4 a–b; Crouwel 52, pl. 46. Crouwel (52 n. 46) mentions that the authenticity of this statuette has been questioned by one author (E. French).

36 Ibid. 52, pl. 47.

37 Gill (n. 5), 7–9; Poursat (n. 5), 464–6.

38 Gill (n. 5), 1–4; Levi (n. 3), 270–80.

39 Gill (n. 5), 2–3.

40 Poursat (n. 5), 466–8: 471–4.

41 Crouwel 51: Levi (n. 3), 269–73.

42 Gill (n. 5), 4.

43 Poursat (n. 5), 467–8, fig. 2. Poursat believes there are many similarities between this fragment and the Aegean scenes; but tuo of the Aegean seals to which he compares the fragment have dubious authenticity at best (the Hagia Pelagia seal and Nestor's ring). See Poursat (n. 5), 467; 472–3: Gill (n. 5), 9, no. 16.

44 Crouwel 51; Littauer, M. A. and Crouwel, J., Wheeled Vehicles and Ridden Animals in the Ancient Near East (Leiden, 1979), 46Google Scholar; 65–6.

45 Crouwel 45.

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56 Karageorghis (n. 8), 131, pl. 17, 1–2.

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62 Chadwick, J. and Ventris, M., Documents in Mycenaean Greek, 2nd edn. (London, 1973), 68–9Google Scholar; 73–5; Vovatzis (n. 58), 157–8.

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65 Voyatzis, , ESAA 240Google Scholar; 252; 269–71.

66 For recent finds from the early sanctuary at Lousoi, , see AR 34 (19871988), 24.Google Scholar For the Pylos tablet see Chadwick (n. 47), 193–4. Cf. also Gérard-Rousseau. Les Mentions (n. 46). 203–4.

67 See the bronzes in Coldstrcam (n. 20), 256–7; see also Gehrig, U., Die geometrischen Bronzen aus dem Heraion von Samos (Hamburg, 1964).Google Scholar

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74 It is possible, however, that a memory of the significance of the female rider seated side-saddle survived at Samos. The site was one of the first architecturally developed sanctuaries in the Greek world, and there is some suggestion of continuity there during the Dark Age. See Nicholls, R. V., ‘Greek votive statuettes and religious continuity, c. 1200–700 BC’, in Harris, B. F. (ed.), Auckland Classical Essays Presented to E. M. Blaiklock (Auckland, 1972), 1415.Google Scholar

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83 Lesbos: Lamb, W., ‘Antissa’, BSA 32 (19311932), 60–2.Google Scholar pl. 25. 6. Megara Hyblaea: Richardson, , MA i (1889), 933.Google Scholar pl. 8.2. There are also two examples, supposedly riders, from Corinth and Amyklai, not included in this study. The animal in the Corinthian statuette appears to be a bird rather than a quadruped, and it is not at all clear that there ever was a rider. (See Richardson, R. B., ‘Terracotta figurines from Corinth’, AJA 2 (1898), 210CrossRefGoogle Scholar, fig. 11.) As for the remains of the so-called rider from Amyklai. I have seen a photograph and believe it unlikely that they could be reconstructed as a rider seated side-saddle. (See von Massow, W., ‘Von Amyklaion’, AM 52 (1927), 43.Google Scholar)

84 For the purposes of this paper I maintain that the bronze found at Olympia was dedicated to Hera; since numerous deities were worshipped at Olympia, this attribution must remain tentative. It is probable, in any case, that this statuette was dedicated to a female deity, as were all the other Greek rider figurines. For other tabulations see Bevan (n. 6), i. 202; ii. 424. Bevan does not include all the riders known, and thus determines a smaller total number.

85 Weber (n. 12). 9: Schweitzer 156–9: Goldstream (n. 20), 157. Zimmermann (n. 6). 323. also believes it likely that the Arcadian bronze riders are deities.

86 Dawkins 150–1: Thompson (n. 80). 124.

87 French, E., ‘The development of Mycenaean terracotta figurines’, BSA 66 (1971), 101–88.Google Scholar at pp. 107–8; ead., ‘Mycenaean figures and figurines, their typology and function’, in Hägg, R. and Marinatos, N. (eds.), Sanctuaries and Cults in the Aegean Bronze Age (Stockholm, 1981), 173–7Google Scholar: see also Nicholls (n. 74), 2–3.

88 Alroth, B., Greek Gods and Figurines: Aspects of the Anthropomorphic Dedications (Boreas: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, 18: Uppsala, 1989), 61–4.Google Scholar

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90 Voyatzis, , ESAA 269–70.Google Scholar

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92 Schweitzer 156—9. Zimmermann (n. 6), 110. supports Schweitzer's general conclusions regarding the significance of the rider in Arcadia and the connections between females and horses in Arcadian cult.

93 Jost (n. 89), 301–17; 333–5.

94 Langdon (n. 30), 199–200.

95 Jost (n. 89), 332–3.

96 von Gaertringen, F. Hiller and Lattermann, H., Arkadische Forschungen (Berlin, 1911), 41.Google Scholar pl. 13. 3; Voyatzis, , ESAA 118Google Scholar; 282; Schweitzer 155, fig. 193.

97 Dugas (n. 113), 384. no. 154. fig. 45; Coldstream (n. 20), 157, fig. 51 b; Voyatzis, , ESAA 214–16.Google Scholar fig. 28. For pomegranate pendants see ibid. 184–7. pls. 110—14: Kilian-Dirlmeier, I., Anhänger in Griechenland von der mykenischen bis zur spätgeometrischen Zeit (Prähistorische Bronzefunde, xi. 2; Munich, 1979), 123–7.Google Scholar Note that a small number of pomegranate pendants was also found at the Artemis Orthia sanctuary in Sparta.

98 See n. 89; cf. also a bronze figurine from Tegea with hands to her breasts, Voyatzis, , ESAA 123–4Google Scholar, pl. 60.

99 For various types of votive evidence which support Artemis' role as a fertility goddess, see Bevan, E., ‘The goddess Artemis and dedications of bears in sanctuaries’, BSA 82 (1987) 21Google Scholar; idem, ‘Ancient deities and tortoise representations in sanctuaries’, BSA 83 (1988) 1–6; idem, ‘Waterbirds and the Olympian gods’, BSA 84 (1989) 163–9.

100 Dawkins pl. 172. 1: fig. 123 e; Yalouris (n. 91). 93; 99. Note the similarities between the image from Sparta (Fig. 14) and the Tegean bronze; see Voyatzis, , ESAA pl. 121, B 162.Google Scholar