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Tithe-collection in the Venetian Peloponnese 1696–1705

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 September 2013

Siriol Davies
Affiliation:
University of Birmingham

Abstract

The tithe was the most important source of revenue for the Venetian government in the Morea. The initial practice of farming out the collection of the tax each year to private individuals was later partially replaced by a system reminiscent of Ottoman practice, whereby the village communities became responsible for their own tithe. This policy encouraged the villages to negotiate directly with the provincial authorities, but met with limited success. The article concludes that the system failed in terms of both its primary aim of recovering sufficient revenue for the regional government and the secondary aim of conciliating the Greek population.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © The Council, British School at Athens 1994

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References

1 I would like to thank Professor Konstantinos Dokos of the Ionian University, and Mr Andonis Pardos of the National Research Centre of Athens, for their help in transcribing and interpreting the Greek document in the appendix. I have used the following special abbreviations:

ASV = Archivio di Stato di Venezia

b = busta

Grimani = Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Archivio Grimani ai servi

Nani = National Library of Greece, Archivio Nani

PTM = Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Senato, Provveditori di Terra e da Mar

R = registro

2 The N. and central Peloponnese were under direct Ottoman rule from 1460, Coron and Modon from 1500, and Nauplion and Monemvasia from 1540.

3 For published sources see the bibliography in Topping, P., ‘The post-classical documents’, in McDonald, W. and Rapp, G., jun. (eds), The Minnesota Messenia Expedition (Minnesota, 1972).Google Scholar Ranke's study exists in Greek translation by Kalligas, P., ‘Περὶ τῆς ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ Ἐνετοϰρατίας (1685–1715)’, Πανδώρα, 12 (1862), 553–62, 577–85Google Scholar; 13 (1862), 1–9, 25–34. See also Topping, P., ‘Premodern Peloponnesus: the land and people under Venetian rule (1685–1715)’, Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 268 (1976), 92108CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dokos, K. (Ντόϰος), Η Στερεά Ελλάς ϰατά τόν Ενετοτουρϰιϰόν πόλεμον (1684–99) ϰαί ο Σαλώνων Φιλόθεος (Athens, 1985).Google Scholar For a recent general study see Guida, F., ‘L'ultima esperienza ‘imperiale’ di Venezia: la Morea dopo la pace di Carlovitz’, Studi balcanici, 8 (1989), 107–36.Google Scholar On population and settlement see Panagiotopoulos, G., Πληθυσμός ϰαί οιϰισμοί της Πελοποννήαον, 130ς–180ς αιώνας (Athens, 1985)Google Scholar; Frangakis-Syrett, E. and Wagstaff, J. M., ‘The height zonation of population in the Morea c.1830’, BSA 87 (1992), 439–46Google Scholar; Dokos, K. and Panagopoulos, G., Το Βενετιϰό ϰτηματολόγιο της Βοστίτσας (Athens, 1993).Google Scholar On the legal aspect of institutions in the Morea see Cozzi, G., ‘La repubblica di Venezia in Morea: un diritto per il nuovo regno (1687–1715)’, L'Età dei Lumi (Napoli, 1985), ii, 739–89.Google Scholar

4 At the time of writing a catalogue of the Archivio Nani is being prepared for publication under the aegis of the National Research Foundation of Athens.

5 PTM b. 853, despatch no. 25, 3 Mar. 1707; PTM b. 854, despatch no. 11, 13 July 1709.

6 Andréadès, A., ‘L'administration financière de la Grèce sous la domination turque’, REG 23 (1910) 144–5Google Scholar; Inalcik, H., ‘Military and fiscal transformation in the Ottoman empire, 1600–1700’, Archivum Ottomanicum, 6 (1980), 328–34.Google Scholar

7 See the commission to the ‘Snidici Catasticatori’ in 1687 published by Lambros, S., Ιστοριϰὰ μελετήματα (Athens, 1884), 183 n. 2.Google Scholar

8 Grimani b. 18, f. 1042r; b. 19, f. 634r, f. 649r, f. 651r.

9 Grimani b. 19, f. 642r; PTM b. 854, despatch no. 35, 15 Sept. 1711.

10 Grimani b. 38, f. 930r; PTM b. 851, despatch no. 22, 18 Jan. 1702; b. 854, despatch no. 12, 25 Aug. 1709. The consumption of bread rations was intended to save on the shipping of biscuit from Venice. There were not enough ovens in the Morea to make it locally; a senate decision in 1701 instructed that more should be built (Grimani b. 38, f. 930r; ASV, Senato Mar R. 167, f. 39r–v).

11 PTM b. 850, despatch no. 109, 31 Dec. 1700; ASV, Senato Mar R. 167, f. 39r. Stara = plural for staio, a dry measure equal to 83.31 litres: Schilbach, E., Byzantinische Metrologie (Munich, 1970), 148.Google Scholar

12 PTM b. 854, despatch no. 14, 17 Sept. 1709.

13 Grimani b. 18, f. 60r.

14 Panagiotopoulos (n. 3), 235; Nani b. 3925, 22r–29v; both these figures exclude monasteries.

15 Nani b. 3919, f. 196v; the territory of Caritena was technically in the province of Messenia, but seems to have been administered in part from Nauplion to which it was geographically nearer. For the right of tax-collectors to carry arms, see e.g. Nani b. 3919, f. 196v.

16 PTM b. 869, despatch no. 16, 28 Aug. 1703; Panagiotopoulos (n. 3), 234.

17 Nani b. 3956, f. 7r.

18 PTM b. 854, despatch no. 29, 6 Feb. 1711; b. 860, f. 401r.

19 Grimani b. 18, f. 26r. Collective responsibility for taxes was also a Byzantine practice; for a discussion of the nature and origins of the Greek commune, see Zakythinos, D., ‘La commune grecque’, L'Hellénisme contemporain (2nd ser.), 2 (1948), 295310, 414–28.Google Scholar

20 Grimani b. 18, f. 1811–182r. Syndics were elected members of the town councils, who seem to have been responsible for much local administration and were frequently co-opted to help with auctions; see e.g. Grimani b. 19, f. 268r, f. 565r–v.

21 ‘mi risposero tutti un'animi che piutosto anderano volentieri in galera, e venderano li loro figlioli, che venire in questa parte per subbastare la decima’ (Grimani b. 19, f. 659r.

22 ASV, Senato Mar, filza 756, 16 Oct. 1700: ‘che sua serenita ne leva l'obligo a nu de tor le decime perche non e mestier nostro. E sempre bisogna metter su del nostro misero sangue per arivar al pagamento delle dette decime non potendo scoder da tutti, che tanti non hanno possibile de sodisfar; ma la decima sia riscossa da servitori del Serenissime Principe che non dovemo far la carica de scodidori dal Serenissime Principe.’

23 Grimani b. 18, f. 72r, f. 87r.

24 Grimani b. 18, f. 72r; b. 35, 517r; b. 38, f. 238r.

25 PTM b. 853, 12 Aug. 1706; report of Emo, Angelo, ed. Lambros, S., Δελτίον τῆς Ιστοριϰῆς ϰαὶ Ἐθνολογιϰῆς Ἐταιρείας τῆς Ελλάδος (Athens, 1900), v. 662–3.Google Scholar

26 Nani b. 3925. This accounts for the terminal date of my article: I have not so far discovered tithe-auction values for individual villages after this date.

27 Nicolas, J., quoted in Ladurie, E. Le Roy and Goy, J., Tithe and Agrarian History from the Fourteenth to the Nineteenth Centuries (Cambridge and Paris, 1982), 65.Google Scholar This book contains a most useful chapter on methodology in the analysis of tithe data.

28 Panagiotopoulos (n. 3), 240; Grimani b. 18, f. 898r, 1050r, 1082r–1083r. The real was a Spanish silver coin much used in the Levant; for Venetian exports of reali to the Levant in the early 17th cent., see Spooner, F. C., ‘Venice in the Levant: an aspect of monetary history (1610–1614)’, in Studi in onore di Amintore Fanfani (Milan, 1962), 643–67.Google Scholar

29 Grimani b. 18, f. 117r.

30 Nani b. 3925, f. 273v. From 1704 an extra 25 per cent was added to all tithe auction values, to compensate for the abolition of labour services and contributions to the upkeep of the cavalry (Relation of Angelo Emo in Lambros (n. 25), v. 653); the figures given here are net of the increase.

31 The list of villages given in the undated document, ‘Nota di tutti li capi di famiglia di Catto Nacagie’ (Nani b. 3922 A, f. 92r–98r), largely coincides with those given in the 1700 census as belonging to the ‘Giurisdizione di Porto Porro’ (Panagiotopoulos (n. 3), 247). Nacage (Turk, nahiye) means the subdivision of a kaza, an Ottoman administrative unit; the name therefore implies that the Venetians were following an existing territorial arrangement. The vilayet of Cato Nacage, existing at the end of the 18th cent., would therefore seem to have an earlier origin than previously thought (Sakellariou, M., Η Πελοπόννησος ϰατὰ τὴν δεντέραν Τονρϰοϰρατίαν (1715–1821) (2nd edn, Athens, 1978), 101).Google Scholar

32 Grimani b. 49 pt. 133, f. 199v; b. 19, f. 1270r; Nani b. 3925, f. 258r.

33 Nani b. 3934, f. 129r–v.

34 Grimani b. 51, f. 76r; Nani b. 3925, f. 258r.

35 Nani b. 3934, f. 132r.

36 See e.g. Grimani b. 18, f. 30r; Inalcik (n. 6), 336.

37 PTM b. 854, despatch no. 5, 16 Feb. 1709.

38 Relation of Emo in Lambros (n. 25), v. 664.

39 Grimani b. 51, fasc. 3, 10 Jan. 1707; Lambros (n. 25), v. 662; PTM b. 854, despatch no. 5, 16 Feb. 1709.

40 Grimani b. 38, f. 298r; Nani b. 3922 A, f. 119r.

41 See Pezzolo, L., ‘Dal contado alla comunità: finanze e prelievo fiscale nel Vicentino (secoli XVI–XVIII)’, Due ville (Vicenza, 1985), 392, 413Google Scholar; Knapton, M., ‘Cenni sulle strutture fiscali nel Bresciano nella prima metà del settecento’, in Pegrari, M. (ed.), La società bresciana e l'opera di Giacomo Ceruti (Brescia, 1988) 73Google Scholar; Inalcik (n. 6), 316, 331 n. 117.

42 Wheat for export had a double customs duty imposed on it (Nani b. 3956, f. 9r, 10r, 43r); the end of the war in 1699 also had a detrimental effect on sales, owing to the reduction in garrison troops (PTM b. 850, despatch no. 88, 6 June 1700).

43 Quoted in Georgelin, J., Venise au siècle des lumières (1669–1797) (Paris, 1978), 755.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

44 Nani b. 3934, LXIV, f. 129r–v. Spelling and accentuation are as in the original; punctuation and translation are my own.

45 Greek documents were dated according to the ‘old’ or Julian calendar, whereas Catholic Europe had adopted the ‘new’ Gregorian calendar in 1582; in the 18th cent, the difference between the two was eleven days: Encyclopaedia Britannica (11th edn, Cambridge, 1910), iv. 994.

46 The ‘Sindici Inquisitori’ were magistrates active in the Morea from 1701–4.

47 A dry measure for grain worth 107.944 litres: Schilbach, E., Byzantinische Metrologie (Munich, 1970), 155.Google Scholar

48 Whereas the other produce was tithed in kind, pine resin, used both for making retsina and for caulking ships, was given a cash value; a gazzetta was a Venetian coin.

49 An ecclesiastical title.