^{page 199 note 1} For the difficulty of dating exactly incidents mentioned in Heyman's travels owing to the fusion of two later travellers' accounts with his own see the note in Vivien de S. Martin's bibliography of Asia Minor, No. 91 (in Descr. de l'Asie Mineure, ii.) and Jöcher's, Gelehrtenlexikon, i. 787.Google Scholar Heyman appears from G. Cuper's Lettres to have been pastor at Smyrna by 1706 (p. 362) and as late as 1717 (p. 398): he was at Damascus in 1708 (p. 194).

^{page 199 note 2} Travels (London, 1759), i. 122: the passage is quoted in full by Arundell, , Travels, ii. 220.Google Scholar

^{page 199 note 3} Voyage Pittoresque, ii. (1809), 37.

^{page 200 note 1} For this see Hammer-Hellert, , Hist. Emp. Ott. xii. 274–6Google Scholar; Rycaut, , Hist. of the Turks, s.a. 1689, 333 ff.Google Scholar; Pococke, , Descr. of the East, ii.₂90.Google Scholar

^{page 200 note 2} Egmont's book, which did not appear till 1757, may be Choiseul-Gouffier's source.

^{page 200 note 3} Travels, p. 9.

^{page 200 note 4} The inhabitants of Pergamon were notorious for brigandage and the town was fast declining when Rycaut, visited the place (Greek Church, 65).Google Scholar To employ an old brigand as policeman is no strange thing even in modern Turkey.

^{page 200 note 5} Mercure Historique, 1697₂, 264: the troubles in Asia Minor are mentioned in various letters between June 1696 to July 1697. Cf. also Rycaut's, History, iii. 548 f.Google Scholar; Hammer-Hellert, xii. 397 (rebellion quelled in 1695).

^{page 200 note 6} Septem Ecclesiarum Notitia (Utrecht, 1694), 15. The vase seems to have been discovered a year earlier by Rycaut (cf. Spon's, Voyage, i. 261Google Scholar, for the date of Rycaut's, journey B.S.A. xii. 210Google Scholar).

^{page 200 note 7} Texier, , Asie Mineure, ii. 232.Google Scholar

^{page 200 note 8} Reinach, , Répertoire, i. 73Google Scholar: Cat. Som. des Marbres, 2905.

^{page 201 note 1} MacFarlane, C., Constantinople in 1828, i. 311.Google Scholar

^{page 202 note 1} Asie Mineure, ii. 231. A similar story placing the discovery of the vases ‘shortly after the fall of Constantinople’ (Turkish for ‘a very long while ago’) was told of an ancestor of his own by ‘a distinguished Turk’ to Prokesch, in 1826 (Denkwürdigkeiten, iii. 327).Google Scholar A variant as regards the vases (four found, one of which is at Pergamon, one in S. Sophia, one at Brousa) is given by Elliott, C. B. (1838, Travels, ii. 128).Google Scholar

^{page 202 note 2} S. Sophia, 84: the vases should be compared with the jars called zir made at Cairo for the purposes of ablution (Migeon, , Art Musulman, 69Google Scholar) and furnished like those at S. Sophia with taps in the lower part. This form, used in Byzantine times, as Lethaby's parallels shew, for ablutions and called κολύμβιον (Neale, , E. Church, i. 215Google Scholar), is quite different from that of the Pergamon vase, which in its method of use was probably analogous to the kraters on high stands seen on some stelae of the ‘funeral banquet’ type (e.g. the Thasian, stele in Jahrbuch, xxviii, pl. 26Google Scholar).

^{page 202 note 3} Jardin des Mosquées (xviii, c.) tr. Hammer-Hellert, , Hist. Emp. Ott. xviii. 1Google Scholar, where the word given is bassin. Paspates, (Βυζ. Μελέται, 43)Google Scholar, who had already the Texier tradition, translates πίθοι. The vases at S. Sophia are first noticed, according to Lethaby, in 1594.

^{page 202 note 4} It is mentioned by Paspates (loc. cit.) and Fossati (ap. Lethaby loc. cit.) who repaired S. Sophia in 1847.

^{page 203 note 1} Ibrahim Pasha has similarly become a mythological hero since his occupation of Cilicia in the thirties: he is now held responsible for ‘almost every building or work of any consequence along the road,’ in the neighbourhood of the Cilician Gates (Ramsay, in Geog. Journ. xxii. (1903) 371, etc.Google Scholar)

^{page 203 note 2} Hammer-Hellert, , Hist. Emp. Ott. ii. 315Google Scholar; Cuinet, , Asie Mineure, iii. 537.Google Scholar

^{page 203 note 3} The ‘Djineviz’ (lit. ‘Genoese’) in Turkish folk-legend, owing probably to their apparent connection with the Djinn, are what the generations before the Trojan war were to the Greeks.

^{page 203 note 4} Travels, tr. von Hammer, , ii. 70–72Google Scholar, cf. 20, 21, 231. An abstract of the Kaliakra legend is given by Degrand, (Haute Albanie, 240)Google Scholar from a MS. at Tirana in Albania: this MS. is said by Jacob, (Beitr. zur … Bektaschis, 2, n. 4)Google Scholar to be the Vilayetname of Hadjim Sultan, a Bektashi saint (cf. Browne, in J. R. Asiat. Soc. 1907, 561Google Scholar (3)) said to be buried near Widin.

^{page 204 note 1} This saint is evidently chosen not only because one or two of the sanctuaries occupied by Sari Saltik had been churches of S. Nicolas (see below), but also on account of the extraordinary popularity of the latter in the countries first touched by the propaganda, Russia and Bulgaria. Bulgarian peasants are said to believe that when God dies S. Nicolas will succeed him (Slade, , Travels, 2nd ed.344Google Scholar).

^{page 205 note 1} The cult is still ambiguous, Turks worshipping a saint called Baba, Hadji (Arch. Epig. Mitt. 1886, 189).Google Scholar The headland is on some modern maps marked S. Nicolas; the mediaeval portolani have Kaliakra or perversions.

^{page 205 note 2} Cf. Acta Patr. i. 95, 528 (1370).

^{page 205 note 3} Covel, J., Diaries (1675), 186Google Scholar: ‘This Church [of S. Nicolas] is standing pretty entire. It is but little … but very handsome in the same forme almost with Sta. Sophia, with a great Cupola over the body of it, but the outward wall is scaloped’; cf. Pococke, , Descr. of the East, ii.₂140Google Scholar; Hammer-Hellert, , Hist. Emp. Ott. vi. 250Google Scholar; Christodoulos, M., Περιγραφὴ Σαράντα Ἐκκλησιῶν, 47.Google Scholar Eski Baba is mentioned under that name, thus implying the cult, as early as 1553 (Verantius, ap. Jirecek, , Heerstrasse, 167Google Scholar).

^{page 205 note 4} Hammer-Hellert, , Hist. Emp. Olt. xi. 250 (1667).Google Scholar The existence of a village Saltaklu in the vicinity may have aided the identification with Sari Saltik.

^{page 205 note 5} Khalfa, Hadji, Rumeli, tr. von Hammer, , 28Google Scholar; Hammer-Hellert, , Hist. Emp. Ott. xvi. 247Google Scholar; cf. Effendi, Vassif, Guerre de 1769–74, 281.Google Scholar

^{page 206 note 1} Ibn Batuta, tr. Sanguinetti, ii. 416, 445. There may also be a contamination between Saltik of Bokhara and Satok Bogra, Khan of Turkestan (944–1038), a semilegendary personage who is credited with having been the first Turkish ruler to embrace Islam (see Grenard, in Journ. Asiat. xv. (1900), 5 ff.Google Scholar). The mention of a dervish Sari Salte in a Kurdish folk-story (Jaba, , Recueil de Récits Kurdes, 194Google Scholar) may mark a stage in the westward journey of the Sari Saltik myth, or may be due merely to Bektashi propaganda in Kurdistan.

^{page 206 note 2} Cf. the similar legend of Digenes Akritas (Polites, , Παραδόσεις, i. No. 131Google Scholar): it is hard to distinguish cause and effect since this type of legend may equally well arise from a desire to reconcile conflicting claims to a hero's remains. In Degrand's version of the Sari Saltik legend (see below) the number of coffins is raised to forty, obviously to cover reputed tombs of Sari Saltik in Albania and elsewhere.

^{page 206 note 3} They were said to claim as their own any saints called Baba (Effendi, Assad, Destr. des Janissaires, 303).Google Scholar

^{page 206 note 4} Their connection with the Janissaries is well known.

^{page 206 note 5} The fiction of the three tombs in Christendom may, however, have been devised merely to bring the total up to the mystic number seven.

^{page 207 note 1} Shishmanova, L., Légendes religieuses Bulgares, 87 ff.Google Scholar The lake mentioned in this story as the abode of the dragon points to Baba Dagh rather than Kaliakra as the place where this story was localised; but both places were probably brought into the story like Croia and Alessio (see below) in Albania. A localised (?) S. George legend from Varna is given by Polites, , Δαογραψία, iv. 234.Google Scholar

^{page 207 note 2} For the secular form see von Hahn, , Alban. Studien, ii. 167.Google Scholar The legend of S. Donatus in the Chimarra district (Hamilton, M., Greek Saints, 32 f.Google Scholar) is of similar type. The fight of S. George and the dragon is localised also in Old Servia (Mackenzie, and Irby, , Travels, 672 f.Google Scholar).

^{page 207 note 3} Degrand, , Haute Albanie, 236 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 208 note 1} Wey, W., Itineraries (1462), 119.Google Scholar It was to Alessio that Sari Saltik after his victory threw the carcase of the dragon; Lesh, the Albanian name of the town, signifies corpse (Degrand, op. cit. 240; cf. von Hahn, loc. cit. i. 137).

^{page 209 note 1} Turkey in Europe, 183.

^{page 209 note 2} Cuinet, , Asie Mineure, i. 828 f.Google Scholar

^{page 209 note 3} Hammer-Hellert, , Hist. Emp. Ott. i. 308.Google Scholar

^{page 210 note 1} Hammer-Hellert, op. cit. i. 321: Hammer already connects this episode with the later Girding ceremony.

^{page 210 note 2} Ibid. i. 40.

^{page 210 note 3} Hammer-Hellert, op. cit. ii. 27 f. and note (491).

^{page 210 note 4} Cuinet, loc. cit.; Byzantios, , Κωνσταντινούπολις, iii. 575Google Scholar, quoted below; a garbled version in (Blunt), People of Turkey, ii. 267.Google Scholar

^{page 210 note 5} Turkey in Europe, 183 f.; cf. Slade, , Travels, 376Google Scholar, quoted below, p. 215.

^{page 210 note 6} Sarre, , Reise, 40.Google Scholar

^{page 211 note 1} D'Ohsson, , Tableau, ii. 258, 277, vii. 125Google Scholar; von Hammer, , Staatsverfassung, i. 484 and 486Google Scholar (official account of the accession of Suleiman II. in 1687).

^{page 211 note 2} Mordtmann, , Belagerung Constantinopels, 111Google Scholar; cf. d'Ohsson, , Tableau, i. 305.Google Scholar

^{page 211 note 3} Jardin des Mosquées in Hammer-Hellert, , Hist. Emp. Ott. xviii. 57.Google Scholar

^{page 211 note 4} D'Ohsson, , Tableau, i. 305.Google Scholar

^{page 211 note 5} Ap. Crusius, , Turcograecia, 67.Google Scholar

^{page 211 note 6} D'Ohsson, , Tableau, i. 305.Google Scholar

^{page 211 note 7} Hammer-Hellert, , Hist. Emp. Ott. ii. 393 f.Google Scholar; cf. the inscription in Sophia's, S. given in Museum Worsleyanum, ii. 50.Google Scholar

^{page 212 note 1} For the Moufti as the ordinary protagonist cf. Sandys, (1610), Travels, 29Google Scholar; d'Arvieux, , Mémoires, iv. 463Google Scholar; Wheler, , Journey, 200Google Scholar; Tournefort, , Voyage, letter xi.Google Scholar; Pococke, , Descr. of the East, ii.₂128.Google Scholar The Nakib seems very generally to have officiated at the accessions of the eighteenth century (Hammer-Hellert, , Hist. Emp. Ott. xiv. 235Google Scholar (Mahmoud I. 1730); ibid. xv. 272; d'Ohsson, , Tableau, vii. 125Google Scholar (Osman III. 1754); at the accession of Mustafa III. (1757 Hammer-Hellert, op. cit. xvi. 5) Moufti and Nakib are both mentioned) and to have been the recognised protagonist at the end of the century (Juchereau, , Révol. de Constantinople, i. 252Google Scholar; Emp. Ott. ii. 238: cf. Byzantios quoted below, p. 215).

^{page 212 note 2} Von Hammer, , Staatsverf. i. 484Google Scholar; Hist. Emp. Ott. xv. 138; de la Motraye, cited below; Dallaway, (1794–1796), Constantinople, 119.Google Scholar

^{page 212 note 3} These, which comprise the standard, mantle, teeth, beard, and footprint, are described by d'Ohsson, , Tableau, i. 261Google Scholar: the footprint was deposited at Eyoub by Sultan Mahmoud I. (Jardin des Mosquées in Hammer-Hellert, op. cit. xviii. 57), the rest are kept in the old Seraglio.

^{page 212 note 4} Hammer-Hellert, , Hist. Emp. Ott. xiii. 35.Google Scholar Ahmed's predecessor, Mustafa II. (1695) was girded according to Cantemir (tr. Joncquières, ii. 242) by the ‘Sheikh of the Jami (Mosque),’ probably a mistake for the Sheikh-el-Islam or Moufti.

^{page 213 note 1} Travels, i. 246, cf. 247: ‘They keep in it [the mosque of Eyoub] an old Sabre which (they say) was Mahomet's … the ceremony of the Coronation consists particularly in girding this Sabre about the Emperor; and the Turks say instead of crowning, girding the Sabre of the Prophet: 'tis the Office and Privilege of the Adgi Becktasse who ought to be (according to some Turks) always a descendant of that Yup: for Job [read or Job] who by some Glorious Action deserved the Sirname of the Father of the Janissaries.’ ‘Adgi Becktasse’ is of course Hadji Bektash, leaders of the Janissaries sometimes bearing the name of their patron saint. The passage on the following page of de la Motraye shews that the Moufti was on this occasion also present.

^{page 213 note 2} See especially Rycaut, , Present State, 65.Google Scholar

^{page 213 note 3} I was told by a Bektashi dervish of Constantinople that his sect claimed for their founder, Hadji Bektash, the original privilege of girding the Sultan and regarded the Mevlevi as usurpers of their right. The mystical importance attaching to the girdle in Bektashi doctrine (Jacob, , Beiträge zur … Bektaschi, 50 f.Google Scholar) could easily be used in support of their claim.

^{page 213 note 4} Effendi, Assad, Destr. des Janissaires, 305.Google Scholar

^{page 213 note 5} Rycaut, , Present State, 67Google Scholar: ‘Ottoman … out of devotion to their [the Mevlevi's] Religion once placed their Superiour in his Royal Throne, because having been his Tutour, and he who girded on his Sword (which is the principal ceremony of Coronation) he granted him and his Successours ample Authority and Rule over all others of the same Profession.’ (The same in Lebruyn, , Voyage, i. 390.Google Scholar) The reigning Sultan during Rycaut's residence in Turkey was Mahommed IV. (1648–1687), whose father, Ibrahim, fell a victim to a plot in which the Moufti, the Aga of Janissaries, and the Grand Vizir, ‘Dervish’ Mahommed, were all implicated. At the investiture of Mahommed IV., then a child of six, the Vizir marched in the procession to Eyoub in the habit of the Mevlevi Order (Hammer-Hellert, , Hist. Emp. Ott. x. 187Google Scholar). Many highly-placed officials then belonged to the Mevlevi. It is at least possible that Dervish Mahommed's influence secured to the Order for the first time the privilege of Girding the Sultan.

^{page 214 note 1} In an exactly similar way we find a Mevlevi legend associating their Order with the Janissaries just before the latter began their official connection with the Bektashi ( 1591, d'Ohsson, , Tableau, vii. 325 f.Google Scholar): ‘l'institutione della beretta Uschiuff (la qual e ben nota fra i Capi di Janizzari) e stata inventata da Suleiman Bassa Guerriero conquistatore di Bullair, e fù portata per segno di grand’ amore e divotione, che portavano à San Gelladino Greco [Jelal-ed-din Roumi, the founder of the Mevlevi]. This is the version given by Saad-ed-din (tr. Bratutti, i. 40) of a legend connecting Suleiman Pasha, son of Orkhan, with the Mevlevi, given also with slight variations by d'Ohsson, (Tableau, ii. 313)Google Scholar and von Hammer, (Hist. Emp. Ott. i. 210).Google Scholar For the likeness between the uskiuff as worn by the Janissaries and the felt cap of the Mevlevi see d'Ohsson (loc. cit.) and White, C. (Constantinople, iii. 354).Google Scholar The Bektashi, on the other hand, connected the peculiar headdress of the Janissaries with the blessing of the new troops by their own founder, Hadji Bektash (Jacob, , Beitr. zur … Bektaschi, 3Google Scholar, etc.): of this legend I find the earliest mention in Leunclavius, (Ann. Turc. 313 P.Google Scholar) just before the Bektashi were officially quartered in the barracks of the Janissaries. Similarly the Mevlevi legend that Ertoghroul visited Jelal-ed-din at Konia and recommended his son Osman to the Saint's prayers (Browne (1802) in Walpole's, Travels, 121Google Scholar, a variant version substituting Suleiman Pasha for Osman in d'Ohsson, , Tableau, ii. 313)Google Scholar corresponds to the Bektashi legend that Orkhan brought his new levies to be blessed by Hadji Bektash. The detail of this legend which connects the flap on the headdress of the Janissaries with the sleeve of the Saint who blessed them is again paralleled by a Mevlevi tradition referring the same peculiarity in the headdress of court officials to the blessing of Orkhan by their Founder (von Hammer, , Staatsverf. ii. 409Google Scholar). All these legends alike seem aetiological inventions designed to increase the prestige of the orders concerned and sometimes to pave their way to a new claim.

^{page 214 note 2} Jouannin, , Turquie, 379.Google Scholar

^{page 214 note 3} Constantinople et le Bosphore, 2, quoted in full by Frankland, , Constantinople, i. 199.Google Scholar

^{page 214 note 4} Hist. Emp. Ott. xv. 272. Juchereau similarly seems to state that Mahmoud was girded by the Nakib, but is really only inferring it, as Hammer did, from precedent (Emp. Ott. ii. 233, cf. Révol. de Constantinople, i. 252).

^{page 215 note 1} Constantinople, i. 146: ‘it is customary with the Sultans, upon the ceremony of their inauguration to receive the sword of the Caliphs at the hand of the Sheikh Dervish.’

^{page 215 note 2} Turkish Empire, 118.

^{page 215 note 3} City of the Sultans, i. 52.

^{page 215 note 4} Travels in Turkey (2nd ed.), 376 f.

^{page 215 note 5} Lesur, , Annuaire Historique, 1839, 182Google Scholar: the actual ceremony at Eyoub seems to have been kept very private. Wilkinson, (Modern Egypt, i. 285)Google Scholar refers to the privilege of the Mevlevi in this reign.

^{page 215 note 6} Juchereau, , Emp. Ott. iv. 228.Google Scholar

^{page 215 note 7} Κωνσταντινούπολις, iii. (1869), 575. The passage seems in part a translation of Slade. In vol. i. 602 the same author, referring to the institution of the ceremony by Mahommed II. and Ak-Shems-ed-din, says that it was now performed by the Moufti.

^{page 216 note 1} As also, perhaps, Abdul Aziz (see Addenda below): but during the reign of the latter we still find it asserted that the right of girding belonged to the Mevlevi (cf. van Lennep, , Asia Minor, ii. 235Google Scholar).

^{page 216 note 2} Frankland, , Constantinople, i. 147Google Scholar, quoted above, p. 215. A sword purporting to be the sword of Osman's investiture, kept in the Imperial treasury, is known to Hammer, (Hist. Emp. Ott. i. 105)Google Scholar, as is a sword of the Caliph Osman (ibid. ii. 20, xv. 138). Were these identical? Further, a sword of the Caliph Omar, kept in the Seraglio, is mentioned by Tavernier, (Relation of the Seraglio, 1677, 75Google Scholar; Hammer-Hellert, op. cit. xv. 138), and I was told this year by one of the imams of the Eyoub Mosque that the sword now used in the Girding ceremony was that of the Caliph Omar. It is possibly the same ‘sword of the Caliphs’ which the later (Mevlevi) tradition has preferred to associate first with the Caliph Osman and next by an easy transition with the Ottoman Sultan of the same name.

^{page 216 note 3} So in the modern versions cited above and in Marmont's, Turkish Empire (p. 59)Google Scholar; also in Baedeker's, latest Konstantinopel (1914).Google Scholar

^{page 216 note 4} For his secret action against them in 1814–16 see Turner, W., Tour in Levant, iii. 390 ff.Google Scholar, cf. 385.

^{page 216 note 5} See particularly Assad Effendi, Destruction des Janissaires.

^{page 217 note 1} For the obstructive policy of the Oulema under Mahmoud II. see particularly Walsh, , Constantinople, ii. 300 f.Google Scholar; cf. also Southgate, H., Travels (1840), ii. 173Google Scholar, and Rolland, quoted below.

^{page 217 note 2} Ubicini, (Turquie, i. 447)Google Scholar says that Mahmoud was not outwardly for reform till 1826, but we have seen that his hatred of the Janissaries can be traced much earlier than its overt manifestation. His action on behalf of the Christians begins after 1830 (Ubicini, ii. 111), resulting in the Edict of Gulhane published some months after his death.

^{page 217 note 3} Elliot, , Turkey in Europe, 185 f.Google Scholar As to their relations with local Christians, Sir Charles Elliot heard on good authority that during the Armenian massacres of 1895–6 the Christians of Konia owed their immunity largely to the influence of the Mevlevi. The same was said at the time of the Adana massacres (Ramsay, , Revolution in Turkey, 202, 207Google Scholar, confirmed to me by Dr. Post of Konia). On the early relations of the Mevlevi with local Christians see my article in this volume (pp. 192 f). Since 1634 the Order has had an official position with regard to them, since the revenues derived from the rayah population of Konia were conferred on them by Mourad IV. (d'Ohsson, , Tableau, ii. 309Google Scholar).

^{page 217 note 4} Pardoe, , City of Sultans, i. 55, ii. 62Google Scholar: Mahmoud did not allow his relations with the Mevlevi to stand in the way of his own convenience if we may believe the story of his eviction of a Mevlevi convent to build Dolma Bagtche on its site (Pardoe, op. cit. i. 220).

^{page 217 note 5} Abdul-Hamid is variously said to have belonged to the Bektashi (Elliot, , Turkey in Europe, 182Google Scholar) and the Rufai Orders (White, in Trans. Vict. Inst. xl. (1908), 235Google Scholar; Ramsay, , Impressions, 149Google Scholar); the present Sultan (on good authority) to the Mevlevi (Lukach, in Morning Post, Jan. 2, 1914Google Scholar).

^{page 217 note 6} Halet Effendi, the nishanji of Mahmoud, was at the height of his power in 1820 (Ubicini, op. cit. ii. 102) and lost his head over the ill-success of the Greek war which he had advised for purposes of his own. The story of his fall is told in Walsh's Journey.

^{page 217 note 7} Walsh, R., Journey, 70Google Scholar; Burgess, , Greece and Levant, ii. 223.Google Scholar

^{page 217 note 8} Pardoe, op. cit. i. 53; Frankland, , Constantinople, i. 133.Google Scholar

^{page 217 note 9} Walsh, , Constantinople, i. 92Google Scholar, Journey, 72; MacFarlane, , Constantinople, ii. 131 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 217 note 10} Walsh, , Journey, 70.Google Scholar

^{page 217 note 11} Ali boasted that he was a Bektashi (Aravantinos, , Ἱστορία Ἀλῆ Πασσᾶ 417, 419Google Scholar) and for political ends favoured and made use of the Order: see Brailsford, , Macedonia, 233, 244Google Scholar; Degrand, , Haute Albanie, 209Google Scholar; Durham, , Burden of the Balkans, 239Google Scholar; Leake, , N. Greece, iv. 284, 413Google Scholar; Hobhouse, , Travels, 124Google Scholar; Lamprides, , Ἀλῆ Πασσᾶς 15 ff.Google Scholar; Ippen, , Skutari, 36.Google Scholar

^{page 218 note 1} MacFarlane, , Turkey and its Destiny, ii. 229 ff.Google Scholar, cf. i. 200; Abdul Medjid is credited by the Mevlevi of Smyrna with the foundation of their convent (F. W. H.).

^{page 218 note 2} Rolland, C., La Turquie Contemporaine (1854), 223Google Scholar: the information came from Prince Ghika.

^{page 218 note 3} Effendi, Assad, Destr. des Janissaires, 305Google Scholar: the Galata tekke of the Mevlevi takes precedence of all their other foundations in the capital (F. W. H.).

^{page 218 note 4} D'Ohsson, , Tableau, ii. 312.Google Scholar

^{page 218 note 5} Cuinet, , Asie Mineure i. 829Google Scholar; Jacob, , Beiträge zur … Bektaschi, 9.Google Scholar

^{page 219 note 1} In this connection it is interesting to note that Abdul Aziz built a royal mosque in Konia, as did the bigoted Sunni Selim I. The mosque of the latter stands immediately in front of the Tekke of the Mevlevi. Both foundations were evidently intended as a Sunni counterpoise to the suspected Shia influence of the dervishes. Similarly in the same reign we find the important Mevlevi tekke at Afioum Kara Hissar deprived of half its revenues (van Lennep, , Asia Minor, ii. 235Google Scholar).

^{page 219 note 2} Βυζαντίς 20 May (O.S.): Τνωστὸν ὄτι τὸ προνόμιον τοῦ περιβάλλειν τὸν νέον Σουλτάνον τὴν σπαθὴν τοῦ ᾿Οσμὰν κέκτηται οἰκογένειά τις ἐξ ᾿Ικονίου ἰερὰν ἔχουσα καταγωγήν, ἦς ὁ ἀντιπρόσωπος Νακοὺπ ᾿Εσρέφ, οὺλεμᾶς ὑψηλοῦ βαθμοῦ, διαμένει ἐν τῷ τεμένει τοῦ ᾿Εγιούπ Cf. the contemporary note of Scarlatos Byzantios quoted above.

^{page 219 note 3} Νεολόγος 24 May (O.S.).

^{page 219 note 4} Νεολόγος June 1 (O.S.).

^{page 219 note 5} Ibid. June 23.

^{page 219 note 6} Ibid. June 26.

^{page 219 note 7} Ibid. Aug. 27. The procession is fully described, but not the ceremony; on the latter only the following note is given: περιζώννυται τὸ ξίφος ὁ τοῦ ἰσλαμισμοῦ ἀρχηγὸς ὑπὸ τοῦ διαδόχου τῶν σελτσουκίδων τοῦ ᾿Ικονίου Μολλᾶ Χουνκιὰρ ὦν ὁ γενάρχης τῶν ᾿Οσμανίδων ὑπῆρξεν ὑποτελὴς ἡγεμών. This is the later popular legend mentioned by Elliot and Cuinet.

^{page 219 note 8} Ramsay, , Revolution in Turkey, 202.Google Scholar

^{page 220 note 1} Ibid. 154.

^{page 220 note 2} Antonopoulos, , Μικρὰ Ἀσία, 247.Google Scholar