Abbreviations

Chrimes Chrimes, K.M.T., Ancient Sparta (Manchester 1949)Google Scholar

Graindor Graindor, P., Hérode Atticus et sa famille (Cairo 1930)Google Scholar

VS Philostratus, Vitae Sophistarum (Loeb edition)

I am grateful to Paul Halstead and Susan Walker for reading drafts of this paper and for their helpful comments.

¹ BSA xxvi (1923–25) 168, C7, 1. 2, and 192. Bulle, H.'s suggestion, Das Theater zu Sparta (Munich 1937) 41Google Scholar, of a Flavian date for a duplicate of this catalogue (IG v. 1.20b) ignores both Woodward's date and the prosopographical data on which it was based.

² To date the most pioneering discussion of kasen-ship remains that of Chrimes, 95ff, although her views have by no means all been accepted (cf., e.g., Woodward, A.M., Historia i (1950) 619Google Scholar and, more recently, Calarne, I., Les choeurs de jeunes filles en Grèce archaïque i (Rome 1977) 378 n. 40)Google Scholar. Social class of kasen-holders: Chrimes, 111ff.

³ IG v. 1.97, 21 and its duplicate, SEC xi. 564, 21. Woodward's suggestion, BSA l.c. (n. 1) 192, that in 97 the letter-cutter was confused by the previous entry (1. 20), does not hold good for the duplicate, since there Chalinus and Hierocles are not listed consecutively.

⁴ E.g., IG v. 1.68( = SEG xi. 525), 26–27; IG v. 1.298; SEG xi. 559, 5. Compare the last, with SEG xi. 605, 7:

⁵ Chrimes, 444 no. 19 (although her date for the text, ca. 120, is far too late).

⁶ BSA l.c. (n. 1).

⁷ Identification: Chrimes, 445 no. 38 (PIFC² I 302 overlooks this and other evidence for Herculanus as a kasen-holder). Date of birth: Spawforth, , BSA lxxiii (1978) 254.Google Scholar

⁸ Respectively by Dittenberger, SIG³. 853 n. 2; Graindor, 29; and Smallwood, E.M., JRS liiv (1962) 133.Google Scholar

⁹ Cf. Rheinmuth, O.W., TAPA lxxix (1948) 218, 221–22.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Remarked on by Chrimes, 123. As a rough quantification, see Woodward, A.M., Artemis Orthia (London 1929) 293.Google Scholar Of the ephebic inscriptions dated AD in the first of his two chronological tables, 23 out of the 35 which record an age-class— ie., just over 65% — refer to 16-year olds ( and variants). On the age-classes in general: Chrimes, 86–95, with Diller, A., AJP lxii (1941) 499ff.Google Scholar

¹¹ On this tendency, note the observations of Clarke, M.L., Higher education in the ancient world (London 1971) 6.Google Scholar

¹² Cf. Graindor, , Athènes de Tibère à Trajan (Cairo 1931) 87–88.Google Scholar

¹³ VS 547; Graindor, 12ff.; Oliver, J.H., “The Ruling Power” TAPA n. s. xliii, Part 4 (1953) 954.Google Scholar Date: Graindor, 14 (his suggestion of 92/3, although tempting, must remain only a guess).

¹⁴ Ibid. Graindor, 17, believed that H. was condemned to death too; in which case, surely Philostratus would have said so.

¹⁵ On the attitude of the Athenians, see the remarks of Oliver, ibid. (n. 13).

¹⁶ For another T. Octavius, a Hadrianic magistrate, cf. IG v. 1.115 ( = SEG xi. 592). Kolbe's restoration of T.O. Longinus in IG v. 1.174, I is no longer valid: cf. SEG xi. 633.

¹⁷ No senatorial T. Octavius is attested in the 1st century AD. Buf cf. Octavius Sagina (praenomen unknown), trib. pl. AD 58, whose family at one time used the praenomen Titus (his grandfather (?) was Q. Octavius L. f. C. n. T. pron. Sagitta): RE xvii (1937) cols. 1854–55, nos 84, 85.

¹⁸ IG iv². 84, 33.34. The text's precise date is unresolved; cf. most recently Follet, S., Athènes au ll^e et au III^e siècle (Paris 1976) 303Google Scholar (46/7 or 58/9 — but only if ‘Ferguson's Law’ is applicable to the 1st century AD). Jones, C.P., Plutarch and Rome (Oxford 1972 (repr.))Google Scholar 45 may exaggerate the frequency of civitas among Plutarch's Greek contemporaries. Cf., e.g., his Spartan friends (father and son, probably) Zeuxippus and Tyndares(RE 21.1 (1951)cols. 686–87), whose family was still peregrine under Pius (IG v. 1.74 ( = SEG xi. 616) 4; 446, 6).

¹⁹ SIG³ 789.

²⁰ Cf. Tib. Cl. Theogenes, of the Euryclid Spartiaticus (SIG³ 790); and the family of Ceryces which intermarried with Sparta's Damares-Aristocrates family: IG iv², p. xxxi.

²¹ The quarrel was alluded to by Dio Chrysostom: Or. xxxviii, 38, with Mommsen, Th., Römische Geschichte v (Berlin 1885) 244 n. 2.Google Scholar

²² Cf. Bowie, E., “Greeks and their past in the Second Sophistic”, Studies in Ańcient Society, ed. Finley, M.I. (London 1974), 166ff.Google Scholar

²³ Inter alia, the ephebes received formal instruction in Spartan history and tradition: cf. the annual readings to them of Dicaearchus's Spartan Constitution (Suda s.v. ), and the who presumably taught the ephebes (IG v. 1.500 (Severan?)).

²⁴ BSA l.c. (n. 1) 168. C7, 1. 1, restored by Woodward? the basis of IG v. 1.99, 6.

²⁵ See PIR ² C 801 for his career.

²⁶ Refs.: ibid. The date of ca. 134/5 suggested by Chrimes, 465, is about right.

²⁷ Woodward, , BSA xxvii (1925/1926), 227–34Google Scholar = SEG xi. 492, 13. Woodward did not discuss the appearance of Atticus in this context, and the reference was unknown, evidently, both to Graindor and to Stein in PIR ².

²⁸ Spawforth, art. cit. (n. 7) 251–52.

²⁹ Cf. below, n. 33.

³⁰ Cf. Avotins, I., Phoenix xxvii (1973) 74 n. 11.Google Scholar

³¹ For other patronomoi as ensitoi cf., e.g., IG v. 1.59 = SEG xi. 548, 18–19 53, 35–38 (C. Iulius Antipater); 89, 7 116, 14 (C. Pomponius Alcastus).

³² IG v. 1.1147 = Oliver, op. cit. (n. 13) 965.

³³ On the Vibullii cf. Spawforth, art. cit. (n. 7) 258, n. 68. The Vibullii of Corinth and of Athens both used the praenomina Publius and Lucius (cf., e.g., Meritt, B.D., Corinth viii. 1: Greek Inscriptions 1896–1927 (Cambridge, Mass. 1931) no. 14, 1. 26Google Scholar; IG ii/iii². 3979a = SEG xii. 155) and presumably were branches of the same family (was L. Vib. Rufus, the father-in-law of Atticus, by birth a Corinthian?). Pace Oliver, , Athenian Expounders of the Sacred Law (Baltimore 1950) 91, 97Google Scholar, there does not seem to be evidence connecting the family with late republican negotiatores; it may have descended from a freedman, settled at Corinth, of L. Vib. Rufus, praef. fabr. in (?) 49 BC (RE viii A (1958) cols. 2010–13, n. 1). Nevertheless, the family very probably was involved in negotia: cf. their freedman-agent (I assume) at Thespiae, Spanius, L. Vib. (AAA iii (1970) 102–5Google Scholar = Robert, L. & Robert, J., REG lxxxiv (1971) 441–42Google Scholar, no. 340; this ref. was wrongly cited, Spawforth ibid., as ADelt xxi (1966) 213). On upper class involvement in trade, see now D'Arms, J.H., “Traders in the Roman world”, Ancient and Modern. Essays in honor of Gerald F. Else, edd. D'Arms, and Eadie, (Michigan 1977), 159ff.Google Scholar

³⁴ Cf. CIG i. 1256; Kolbe, apud IG v. 1.45; Graindor, 103; Follet, op. cit. (n. 18) 134. Only Chrimes, 444, dissented, giving no reason (and followed, evidently, by Bradford, A., Prosopography of the Lacedaemonians … (Munich 1977) 494Google Scholar, s.v. T. II); she was corrected by Woodward, art. cit. (n. 2) 632.

³⁵ The relationship of synephebes to bouagoi is implicit in the evidence cited by Chrimes, 107–8.

³⁶ Correctly, Chrimes, 459, no. 5.

³⁷ Chrimes, 111 (although they were not always blue-blooded: cf. Woodward's remarks, art. cit. (n. 2), 619.)

³⁸ Older youths: Chrimes, 95ff. (followed, e.g., by Calame, op. cit. (n. 2) 375); Contra: cf. the refs. cited by Chrimes, ibid.; Woodward, art. cit. (n. 2) 618.

³⁹ Barnes, T.D., Latomus 27 (1968) 583.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ For this quarrel, cf., most recently. Oliver, , “Marcus Aurelius. Aspects of civic and cultural policy in the East”, Hesperia suppl. 13 (1970) 66ff.Google Scholar; also Papalas, A.J., Πλάτων 47–48 (1972) 244ff.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Susan Walker has pointed out to me that in 167/8 there was a year of anarchia at Athens, when the Athenians were unable to find anyone to undertake the eponymous archonship: Follet, op. cit. (n. 18), 508. This may support the contention that at the time relations between Herodes and Athens were strained, since otherwise it is not unlikely that he would have offered himself for, or been offered, the office.

⁴² For all this, see VS 558. Papalas, art. cit. (n. 40), argues that the son was slandered to his father by the latter's freedmen and students.

⁴³ Graindor, 103.

⁴⁴ Platanistas: cf. Paus, iii, 14, 8. (plausibly likened by P. Levi in his Penguin translation of Pausanias (ii (1971) 50, n. 117) to the Eton wall-game). Contest of endurance: cf., e.g., Cic, Tusc, ii, 14; Plut., Lycurgus 18; Paus, iii, 16, 10–ll.

⁴⁵ Spartan themes: cf. Bowie, art. cit. (n. 22). 172. H.'s authorship of the (which has a Spartan theme) remains dubious: cf. Oliver, op. cit. (n. 40) 25–26 n. 9, who is inclined to believe that H. was the author; also Tigerstedt, E.N., The Legend of Sparta in Classical Antiquity ii (Uppsala 1974) 177 with n. 156.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Refs. in Kahrstedt, U., Das wirtschaftliche Gesicht Griechenlands in der Kaiserzeit (Berne 1954) 171Google Scholar; cf. too SEG xiii. 261, the tombstone of the Athenian L. Gellius Carpus,

⁴⁷ Under the principate the Thyreatis was Argive territory: Paus, ii, 38, 5.

⁴⁸ IG v. 1.152 ( = SEG xi. 604), 1–3. The date is indicated by the recurrence of (1.5) in IG v. 1. 153, 25–26, of early Trajanic date.

⁴⁹ Apropos of Herodes cf., e.g., IG ii/iii² 3605 and 3733; SIG ³. 1109.

⁵⁰ IG iii, 478; cf. Graindor, 36; PIR ² C 801.

⁵¹ PIR ² 1076 and Woloch, M., Roman citizenship and the Athenian elite (Amsterdam 1973) 204f., no. 99, respectively.Google Scholar

⁵² Tisamenus, : RE v (1934) cols. 135–6, no. 4Google Scholar. Descendants: Le Bas, P. and Waddington, W.H., Voyage archéologique en Grèce et en Asie Mineure ii (Paris 1841)Google Scholar, Explication ii, 80, 162d.

⁵³ PIR ² C 803.

⁵⁴ Graindor, 39, placed the birth of Herodes, “vers 100”.

⁵⁵ Kolbe's suggestion, apropos of the reading “An fuit ” is entirely unjustifiable epigraphically; he adduced it to support his restoration and interpretation of IG v. 1.588, on which cf. n. 60.

⁵⁶ SEG xi. 558, 14. Patronomos: IG v. 1.40 (= SEC xi. 482) 13–14; SEG xi. 489, 3; 490, 3.

⁵⁷ Simedes: IG v. 1.507; SEG xi. 517. Agathocles: SEG xi. 609. Eurybanassa's family and the Dioscuri: cf., e.g., IG v. 1.209; 233; 537. She was probably the sister of the two brothers, the P. Memmii Pratolaus (patronomos ca. 114/15 -Chrimes, 465) and Sidectas (patronomos in 124/5-Bingen, J., BCH lxxvii (1953) 642ff.Google Scholar).

⁵⁸ C.I. Damares (SEG xi. 569-son); C.I. Brutus nomophylax (IG v. 1.66 ( = SEG xi. 524)-grandson); (C. I.) Damares (IG v. 1.39; 162b-great-grandson; perhaps the same as I. Dam(—), patronomos in 196/7 or 197/8 (IG v. 1.448)).

⁵⁹ IG v. 1.46; 534; 591. For his descendants, cf. Kolbe's stemma, IG v. 1, p. 131.

⁶⁰ Kolbe restored IG v. 1.588 to read identifying this Simedes with C. Iulius Simedes II, so that Iulia Panthalis became the wife of C. I. Polyeuctus (cf. his accompanying stemma). This reconstruction, however, entirely ignores the evidence (however interpreted) of IG v. 1. 607 for the identity of the wife of Polyeuctus. Cf. n. 55.

⁶¹ IG. v. 1. 71 (= SEC xi. 526) col. iii, 16. 18. Charax: cf., most recently, Habicht, C., MDAI(I) 9–10 (1959–1960) 108ff.Google Scholar

⁶² Chrimes, 466 her date is about right.

⁶³ IG v. 1. 101; SEC xi. 610, 7; 569, 12, 14. The first and last of these texts are dated respectively by the patronomates of P.M. Pratolaus, ca. 114/5, and L.V. Aristocrates, ca. 112/3 (dates: Chrimes, 465).

⁶⁴ E.g., IG v. 1.480; also an unpublished dedication to either Trajan or Hadrian, now in the orchestra of the theatre.

⁶⁵ It is not clear which of the several Spartan cults of Poseidon (cf. Wide, S., Lakonische Kulte (Leipzig 1893) 31ff.Google Scholar) is in question here.

⁶⁶ Cults: cf. n. 56 (Memmia Eurybanassa's family). The conjectured sister of Polyeuctus, Iulia Apatarion, was hereditary priestess of Demeter and Core (above, p. 215; on the cult and its sanctuary: BSA xlv (1950) 261ff.). These Iulii may have been enfranchised by Augustus; the Memmii were by Memmius Regulus, P., leg. Aug. pro pr. in Greece, 35–44Google Scholar (Groag, E, Die römischen Reichsbeamten von Achaia bis auf Diokletian (Vienna 1939) cols. 25ff.)Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ VS 551.