² Isaac, B., The Greek Settlements in Thrace until the Roman Conquest (Leiden, 1986)Google Scholar.

³ Fr. Salviat argues that the findspot of the inscription requires us to locate the Pistyros referred to by Herodotos (vii. 109) in central Thrace, rather than along the north Aegean coastal strip (BCH 123. 270), and even attributes membership of the Delian League to the same community by identifying it with the ‘Kystirioi’ of the Tribute Lists. B. Bravo and A. Chankowski, on the other hand, affirm that the epigraphically attested Pistiros is a polis, but deny that it has anything to do with the archaeological remains at Adzhiyska Vodenitsa (ibid., 275–317). The other contributors to the volume, V. Chankowski and L. Domaradzka (247-58), K. Bošnakov (319-29), O. Picard (331-46), L. Domaradzka (347-58), and L. Loukopoulou (359-71), accept the identification of the latter with the epigraphic Pistiros. Salviat was not aware of some more recent investigations of Persian movements in Thrace when he compiled his article (see further Odrysian Kingdom, 79-90).

⁴ Notwithstanding the comments made by Demosthenes concerning the propensity of Kotys I to ‘seize’ Greek cities (23. 114).

⁵ Koukouli-Chrysanthaki, Ch., A. Delt. 27 (1972)Google Scholar, Chr. 527; ead., ‘Εἰδἠσεις ἐκ τῆς Θασίων ᾿Ηρειροὐ’ AAA 6/2 (1973), 230–40Google Scholar; Isaac (n. 2), 12-13 (referring to this site and neighbouring footholds in the peraia: ‘Apart from Neapolis, none of these ever developed into substantial cities. They retained their archaic character, modest agricultural communities, important to the Greeks because they gave access to the interior … The main reason [for Thasian and other Greek interest in the Pangaion region was access to] its gold and silver mines.’

⁶ Tsv. Lazova, ‘Pistiros in the ancient lexicography,’ in Pistiros 1, 217–19; cf. Bošnakov, K., ‘Identification archéologique et historique de l'emporion de Pistiros en Thrace,’ BCH 123 (1999), 319–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷ I have set out the archaeological arguments in support of the identification in a forthcoming paper: ‘The Odrysian river port near Vetren, Bulgaria, and the Pistiros inscription,’ Talanta, 32/3 (2001), 253–75Google Scholar.

⁸ These issues have been the subject of debate in successive conferences and volumes published by the Copenhagen Polis Centre; I select here those papers which are of particular relevance for the analysis of Adzhiyska Vodenitsa: Hansen, M. H., ‘Introduction: the polis as a citizen-state,’ in The Ancient Greek City State (Symposium on the Occasion of the 250th Anniversary of the Royal Danish academy of Sciences and Letters, July 1-4 1992): Papers from the Copenhagen Polis Centre, 1 (Royal Danish Academy of Letters and Sciences, Historisk-filosofiske Meddelelser, 67; Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1993), 7–29Google Scholar; Hansen, M. H., ‘Kome: a study in how the Greeks designated and classified settlements which were not poleis,’ in Hansen, M. H. and Raaflaub, K. (eds), Studies in the Ancient Greek Polis: Papers from the Copenhagen Polis Centre, 2 (Historia Einzelschriften, 95; Stuttgart, 1995), 45–81Google Scholar; id., ‘Emporion: a study of the use and meaning of the term in the Archaic and Classical periods,’ in T. H. Nielsen (ed.), yet More Studies in the Ancient Greek Polis, Papers from the Copenhagen Polis Centre, 4 (Historia Einzelschriften, 117; Stuttgart, 1997), 83-106; cf. also J. Hind, ‘Colonies and ports-of-trade on the northern shores of the Black Seas: Borysthenes, Kremnoi and the “Other Pontic Emporia” in Herodotus,’ ibid., 107-16; Bresson, A., ‘Les cités grecques et leurs emporia,’ in Bresson, A. and Rouillard, P. (eds), L'Emponon (Paris, 1993), 163–226Google Scholar.

⁹ The Late Iron Age corresponds broadly with the second half of the first millennium BC in Thrace. The academic discourse on archaeological chronologies of the first millennium BC is surveyed in Odrysian Kingdom, 26-47. Since the inception of fieldwork at Vetren, Late Iron Age activity has been registered at a large number of sites following the systematization and computerization of a Bulgarian monuments record (AKB = Arkheologicheska Karta na Bǔlgariya, 1992-4). Further investigations have been seriously hampered by funding constraints and delays in publication. A small number of relevant monographs deserve mention: Balkanska, A., The Thracian Sanctuary at ‘Demir Baba Teke’ (the Second Half of the First Millennium Be) (Sboryanovo II; Sofia, 1998)Google Scholar, parallel Bulgarian and English text; Domaradzki, M., Pametnitsi na Trakiyskata Kultura po gornolo techenie na Reka Mesta (Razkopki i Prouchvaniya, 26; Sofia, 1999)Google Scholar, in Bulgarian; id., Materiali za Archeologiya na Sredna Struma (The Archaeology of the Middle Struma region: Preliminary Investigations) (Razkopki i Prouchvaniya, 27, Sofia, 2001), esp. 74-7, and French summary, 203-5.

¹⁰ D. P. Dimitrov, M. Chichikova, A. Balkanska, and L. Ognenova, Sevtopolis I: Bit i kultura; Dimitrov, K. and Penchev, V., Sevtopolis 2: Antichni i srednovekovni Moneti (Sofia, 1984)Google Scholar; for a detailed account of the architectural remains, Dimitrov, D. P., and Chichikova, M., The Thracian City of Seuthopolis (BAR supp. 38; Oxford, 1978)Google Scholar, is still indispensable.

¹¹ Changova, J., Lubenova, V, Gerasimova-Tomova, V, and Yourukova, Y. (eds), Pernik, i (Sofia 1981)Google Scholar.

¹² Domaradzki, M. and Karayotov, I., ‘Krepostta Malkoto kale’ (‘The Fortress of Malkoto kale’), in Venedikov, I. and Fol, Al. (eds), Trakiyski Pametnitsi, i: Megalitite v Trakya, pt. 1 (Sofia, 1976), 131–55Google Scholar; eid., ‘Arkhcologicheski pouchvaniya na kompleksa “Malkoto kale”’ (‘Archaeological investigation of the “Malkoto kale” complex’), in Fol, Al. (ed.), Trakiyski Pametnitsi, iii: Megalitite v Trakya, pt. 2 (Sofia, 1982), 360–74Google Scholar; Domaradzki, M., ‘Excavations at the Thracian hillfort “Malkoto kale” near Sozopol,’ in Strandjansko-Sakarski sbornik, i (1984), 221–3Google Scholar, in Bulgarian; Domaradzki, M., Karayotov, I., and Gotsev, A., ‘L'habitat du premier Âge du Fer de Malkoto kale,’ in Thracia Pontica IV: Quatnème Symposium International, Sozopol 1988 (Sofia 1991), 119–32)Google Scholar.

¹³ For an account of these campaigns, see Odrysian Kingdom, 234–9; cf. K. Jordanov, ‘The political history of the Odrysian kingdom, 359–339 BC,’ in Pistiros I, 223–40.

¹⁴ See Odrysian Kingdom Chs. 6, and 10–12, for a survey of the evidence up to 1993. Summary reports of new finds are published annually in Arkheologicheski otkritiya i Razkopki (Archaeological Discoveries and Excavations), published by the Bulgarian Institute of Archaeology. Since 1993, many new tombs have been investigated by G. Kitov, especially in the Valley of the Roses (see Kitov, G. and Krasteva, M., ‘A fourth century BC royal tomb from Kazanlŭk region,’ Talanta, 24/5 (1992–1993)Google Scholar; Kitov, G., ‘Expédition de recherches de tumuli thraces (ERTT) en 1992–4,’ Arkheologiya (Sofia, 1995), 4, 54–61Google Scholar, in Bulgarian with French summary; Kitov, G. and Dimitrova, D., ‘New discoveries in the Thracian Valley of the Kings in the region of Kazanluk: excavations by a Thracian Expedition for Tumuli Investigations, “TEMP" in the region of Kazanluk from 1995 till 1997,’ Talanta, 30/31 (1998–1999), 31 ff)Google Scholar.

¹⁵ G. Baltakov, R. Kenderova, and E. Fitova, ‘Geomorphological and palaeogeographical environmental conditions of the town of Pistiros (3rd–2nd century BC),’ in Pistiros I, 181–5.

¹⁶ Yourukova, Y. and Domaradzki, M., ‘Nouvel [sic] centre de la culture thrace—Vetren, la région de Pazardjik (notes préliminaires),’ Numizmatika, 24/3 (1990), 1–24Google Scholar (in Bulgarian).

¹⁷ Venedikov, I., ‘Trakiyska grobnitsa pri Vetren’ (‘A Thracian tomb at Vetren’), BIAB 15 (1945), 194–5Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Domaradzki, M., Keltite na Balkanskiya poluostrov (The Celts in the Balkan Peninsula; Sofia, 1984)Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Domaradzki, M., ‘Les données numismatiques et les études de la culture thrace du second Âge du Fer,’, Numizmatika, 21/4 (1987), 4–18Google Scholar (in Bulgarian with French summary); Odrysian Kingdom, 126–34 for the earliest coins in Central Thrace; ibid., 311–12 for changes in the pattern of evidence during the early Hellenistic period.

²⁰ J. Bouzek, ‘The position of the Pistiros fortification in the development of ancient poliorcetics and stone cutting techniques’ in Pistiros I, 43–6.

²¹ Domaradzki, M., ‘Pistiros—centre commercial et politique dans la vallée de Maritza (Thrace),’ Archeologia (Warsaw), 44 (1993), 35–57Google Scholar.

²² The single largest donation, for the purchase of a site vehicle, we owe to the generosity of Mr Richard Vaughan Davies, of Mold and Chester, whose name and connections are emblazoned, together with the project's logo, on the sides of a now much used dark blue Moskvich.

²³ J. Bouzek (n. 20), 45; Odrysian Kingdom, 139.

²⁴ Velkov, V and Domaradzka, L., ‘Cotys I (383/2–359 av. J.-C.) et l'emporion Pistiros de Thrace,’ BCH 118 (1994), 1–15Google Scholar; V. Velkov and L. Domaradzka, ‘Kotys I (383/2–359) and the emporion of Pistiros in Thrace’ (in Bulgarian), annexe to Domaradzki, M., Emporion Pistiros. Thraco-Greek Commercial Relations (Pazardzhik, 1995), 73–85Google Scholar; V. Velkov and L. Domaradzka, ‘Kotys I (383/2–359 BC) and emporion Pistiros in Thrace,’ in Pistiros I, 205–16; Chankowski, V., and Domaradzka, L., ‘Reédition de l'inscription de Pistiros et problèmes d'interprétation,’ BCH 123 (1999), 247–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar; L. Domaradzka, ‘Addendum ad Pistiros vol. I: Pistiros - Vetren inscription,’ in Pistiros 2.

²⁵ Domaradzki (n. 21), 41; id. (n. 24), 9–10, 32, 37–41; id., ‘Interim,’ 9, 31–2; id., ‘Interim 2,’ 26.

²⁶ L. Domaradzka, annexe to Domaradzki (n. 21); Monuments épigraphiques, 352–6; the inscribed stones from Adzhiyska Vodenitsa and from the sanctuary at Batkun are also discussed in my paper, ‘Thracian cult: from practice to belief’, in Tsetskhladze, G. R. (ed.), Ancient Greeks, West and East (Leiden and New York, 1999), 427–68Google Scholar; for other near contemporary inscriptions from sites south of Philippopolis, see Gerasimova, V, Ruseva, M., and Kisyov, K., ‘Unpublished Thracian monuments on the territory of the villages Brestovitsa and Purvenets near Plovdiv,’ Godishnik na Muzeite u Yuzhna Bŭlgariya, 18 (1992), 63–78Google Scholar, in Bulgarian.

²⁷ See Hansen 1997 (n. 8) for a discussion of the terminology used in this inscription, and with regard to other known pre-Hellenistic emporia; see also n. 7.

²⁸ Chankowski, V., Gotzev, A. et al. , ‘Travaux menés en collaboration avec l'Ecole française en 1998. Pistiros (Bulgarie),’ BCH 123 (1999), 581–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar; eid., ‘Pistiros et son territoire: les premiers résultats de la prospection franco bulgare,’ in Pistiros 2, 271–82; and see now Chankowski, V. et al. , BCH 124 (2000), 643–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁹ V. Kolarova, ‘Study of the section of the emporion's fortification, as discovered by the end of 1994’, Pistiros I, 35–42.

³⁰ Jan Bouzek, jiři Musil, and Pavel Titz (in collaboration with Petr Juřina and Ladislav Boháč), ‘Adzhiyska Vodenitsa II, 1994–1998, excavations report by the Czech mission’, Pistkos 2, 37–109.

³¹ Domaradzki, , Interim, 17, 22–23Google Scholar; see the introductory notes and catalogue of coins published by V. Taneva in Domaradzki, ‘Transition’, 79–119 (in Bulgarian), and on these and later numismatic discoveries, cad., ‘Coins of Macedonian rulers found in Pistiros’, in Pistiros 2, 255–68.

³² The succession of road pavings is being studied by D. Katinčarova, to whom I am indebted lor information from her unpublished work; her investigations in 2000 showed that the first road surface was narrower than its successors (or positioned slightly further south, albeit on the same overall alignment as the later pavings). The size and finishing of the slabs corresponds to those found in the first pavement of the eastern gateway. This was succeeded by at least two further paved surfaces, including the latest, cobbled surface.

³³ J. Bouzek, ‘Addenda to Pistiros l,’ in Pistiros 2; cf. Archibald, Pistiros I, 86.

³⁴ See the papers on roof tiles (J. Musil), Athenian figured pottery (Z. H. Archibald), lamps (P. Juřina), and loom weights (J. Bouzek) in Pistiros I and further reports by Archibald, Musil, and Boháč in Pistiros 2; Lazov, G., ‘Pithoi from the excavations of the emporium Pistiros,’ in Koukouli-Chrysanthaki, Ch., Müller, A., and Papadopoulos, S., (eds) Θάσοϛ Πρώτεϛ ύλεϛ και τεξνολοϒία από τουϛ προïστορικούϛ χρόνουϛ ωϛ σήμερα/Thasos, Matières premières et technologic de la préhistoire à nos jours Proceedings of the International Colloquium, Limenaria, Thasos, 26–29^th September 1995 (École française d'Athènes and 18th Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities; Athens, 1999), 339–48Google Scholar; Thasian amphora stamps (Titz, P.) in Domaradzki, M. with Bouzek, J., and Domaradzka, L. (eds), Pistiros et Thasos: structures économiques dans la péninsule balkanique dans le I^iermillénaire av. J. C. (Opole University Press, 2001)Google Scholar.

³⁵ D. Katinčarova-Bogdanova, ‘Traces of metallurgical activity in the emporion,’ in Pistiros I, 103–7; ead., in Pistiros 2; M. Domaradzki, ‘La production de fibules à Pistiros,’ in Koukouh-Chrysanthanki et al. (n. 34), 179–84.

³⁶ G. Lazov, ‘Clay altars,’ in Pistiros I, 63–73.

³⁷ The hoard was discovered at the very end of the 1999 season; a monograph is in preparation by Professor Y. Yourukova, B. Ruseva, and V. Taneva. See Taneva's summarized account in Pistiros 2. summarized account in Pistiros 2.

³⁸ M. Domaradzki, ‘Interim 2,’ 14–16.

³⁹ The kiln, whose excavation was supervised by M. Domaradzki and V. Taneva, is referred to by Domaradzki, ‘Interim 2,’ 13, but no details have yet been published.

⁴⁰ The site documentation is being converted systematically to electronic form, so that it can be deposited with the Archaeology Data Service in York, and thus be widely accessible via the ADS website http://ads.ahds.ac.uk/catalogue/.

⁴¹ Archibald. ‘Underground deposits’.

⁴² Domaradzki, ‘Interim’, 15.

⁴³ Archibald, ‘Underground deposits’; cf. the description of a pit in D7, excavated in 1990 (Domaradzki, ‘Interim’, 29). Only the grey soil, which constituted most of the latter's fill, contained finds. The brown soil at the base formed a distinct layer and contained no inorganic finds. On-site flotation of soil samples, and the examination of organic material derived from them, began in 1994, after excavation of pit 19/09 was completed. Sampling of deposits from more recent fills may well cast light on such distinctions (see further discussion and n. 47).

⁴⁴ Three large river stones inserted around the edges of this pit at the time of its discovery should indicate the top of the pit (which was otherwise difficult to ascertain because of modern disturbance).

⁴⁵ Archibald, ‘Underground deposits’, 114 and 118, with refs. to comparanda.

⁴⁶ e.g. G. Forstenpointner, ‘Promethean legacy investigations in the ritual proceeding of ‘Olympic’ sacrifice', Zpoarchaeology in Greece: Recent Advances (BSA Study Series, in press).

⁴⁷ Samples of these putative organic deposits are undergoing analysis in the University of Liverpool.

⁴⁸ It might be tempting to link the date of all three fills, c. 300 BC, with cleaning up operations following the extensive destruction of various parts of the site at the end of period 2. See Archibald ‘Underground deposits’, 118, for the dating of 19/09, which is discussed further below.

⁴⁹ Ibid., 118.

⁵⁰ Hekataios: LGPN i. 148 (14 examples of the name from Kos, but none are pre-Hellenistic; 13 from Thasos and 6 from Chios (all 4th c. B C and later); none of the 9 Athenian epigraphic examples is any earlier (LGPN ii. 139). The earliest, and closest, parallel is a sherd graffito from Himera (LGPN iiiA. 138 [1]).

⁵¹ The location of the pit, very close to the terrace edge, meant that work here had to be discontinued for the time being.

⁵² A geological fault, perhaps of recent origin, was detected at the bottom of pit 19/01 during excavation. It emphasizes the comparative instability of the western terrace edge, and makes it even more likely that sections have fallen away in the past (see the geophysical report below).

⁵³ Domaradzki, ‘Interim’, 17–19, and figs. 1. 5, 1. 7 (sections); the greyish brown deposit or ‘grey layer’ in these quadrats contained material corresponding to phases 1 and 2, i.e. second half of the 5th to second half of the 4th c. BC. He does not discuss the cut for the wall as such. The deposit he refers to is deeper close to the gateway, but falls away in a northerly direction. In E19, west of the wall, it is c. 0.3–0.4 m thick, and thus has a depth similar to what survives in D24, 40 m further west.

⁵⁴ Sec Domaradzki (n. 35), on part-manufactured ‘Celtic’ type fibulae.

⁵⁵ These have not yet been excavated, and may turn out to be a single deposit, perhaps related to similar features noted in the SW corner of the trench.

⁵⁶ The exact mechanism for the insertion of the pithos is not clear. The upper portion of the cut was obscured, partly by root and animal disturbance, and partly by the collapse of the vessel itself.

⁵⁷ Katinçarova-Bogdanova (n. 35), 105–7.

⁵⁸ There appears to have been a substantial degree of post depositional mixing, caused by animal burrows and plant roots, several large voids (some up to 0.20 m aeross) were noted, and areas of mottling are likely to have resulted from the silting up of similar features.

⁵⁹ Domaradzki, ‘Interim’, 17; id., ‘Interim 2’ for further discussion.

⁶⁰ Quadrats A1A and A5A are currently being excavated under the direction of G. Lazov. Gravel and sand deposits have been documented between successive stone pavings of the east–west road (D. Katinčarova's excavations).

⁶¹ As argued by J. Musil in the case of Building no. 1, ‘Roof tiles’, Pistiros I, 47–62.

⁶² Once the electronic database of finds is complete, it will be possible to make direct quantitative comparisons by unit volume of soil. But even gross numbers and weights indicate very different dcpositional strategies.

⁶³ J. Bouzek, ‘Textile industry’, Pistiros I, 117–63.

⁶⁴ Cf. E. Ivanova, ‘Conservation of a clay altar from Pistiros’, Pistiros I, 167–71 and ead., in Pistiros 2.

⁶⁵ Corney, M., Gaffney, C. F., and Gater, J. A., ‘Geophysical investigations at the Charlton Villa, Wiltshire’, Archaeologica Prospection, 1. 2 (1994), 121–8Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ D. Weston, ‘Alluvium and geophysical prospection: a brief research note’ (in press).

⁶⁷ Cf. Domaradzki, ‘Interim’, 13–14.

⁶⁸ Griffith, D. H. and Barker, R., ‘Electrical imaging in Archaeology’, JAS, 21 (1994), 153–8Google Scholar; Neighbour, T., Strachan, R., and Hobbs, B. A., ‘Resistivity imaging of the linear earthworks at the Mull of Galloway, Dunfries and Galloway’, Archaeological Prospection, 8. 3 (2001), 157–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁹ See the preliminary reports by G. Baltakov in Pistiros 1 and Pistiros 2. Full reports of the core samples by Professor Baltakov and Professor E. Fouache (École française d'Athènes) are in progress.

⁷⁰ Alluvial deposits dating to the late medieval period were found above the water table, at c. I m depth under the plough soil, in a trench excavated by D. Katinčarova at the foot of the excavated terrace in 1993 (see Domaradzki, ‘Interim’, 13 and id., ‘Interim 2’, for further details). Unstratified ancient material was found below this, though flooding prevented continued investigation. Pottery dated to the 2nd and 1st cc. BC was found in a deep trench in the mechanical works, on the northern boundary of the town of Septemvri, below 4 m of overburden. Earlier material lay lower still.

⁷¹ See the map in Domaradzki (n. 21), 39 fig. 3.

⁷² L. Domaradzka, ‘Graffiti from Pistiros’, in Pistiros 1, 89–94; ead., Monuments épigraphiques; ead., ‘Catalogue of graffiti discovered during the excavations at Pistiros-Vetren 1988–1998. Part one. Graffiti on fine imported pottery’, in Pistiros 2; ead. and Domaradzki, M., ‘Population structure of Pistiros’, Ancient Macedonia, Sixth International Symposium (Thessaloniki, 1999) i. 383–92Google Scholar.

⁷³ Forstenpointner (n. 46).