^{page 54 note *} Löschcke, Furtwängler u., Mykenische Vasen, Taf. xliv., 32.Google Scholar Cf. J. H. S., xvii., p. 75.

^{page 54 note †} An early site in Amorgos bears the same name. Ath. Mitth., xi. 28.

^{page 55 note *} The local name for Cimolite, the Κιμωλία of Aristophanes, as well as for the china-clay, which is a different substance, is Πηλός. The former gives its name to Πηλός in Kimolos, the latter perhaps to the site in Melos excavated by Mr. Edgar. Was the clay for the pottery obtained on the spot? There is also an islet off the north-east coast of Melos, called Pelonesia, Pilo on the Admiralty Chart. For an account of the different clays and their behaviour in the oven, see Fiedler, , Reise durch Griechenland, II., pp. 392–441.Google Scholar

^{page 55 note †} In a collection of funeral pottery from the dolmens of Japan, which has lately been acquired by the British Museum, there is a vase distantly resembling No. 3, a cluster of three cups on a high pedestal. See an article by Mr. Gowlands in “Archæologia,” lv., pp. 492—500, and Pl. XXI., Fig. 2. Groups of small cups on a common stem occur in modern Kabyle pottery. The remarkable three-bodied jug found at Aphidnae (Ath. Mitth. xxi. Taf. xiv.) seems to be developed from the Aegean jug with conical body, incised ornament, and lanceolate mouth, of which there are specimens (a) at Sèvres from Melos, Brongniart and Riocreux, xiii. 7; (b) at Athens from Amorgos, Ath. Mitth. xi., Beilage 2, 1; (c) in Brit. Mus., from Christy Collection.

^{page 56 note *} British Museum, A. 98.

^{page 56 note †} When Dr. Blinkenberg asserts that no antiquities characteristic of the pre-Mycenæan period have ever been found at Phylakopi (Antiquités prémycéniennes, p. 36), he is only giving his own interpretation to the facts recorded by Dümmler, not speaking from personal knowledge of the site. His valuable classification of the evidence will be found in Mém. Soc. Ant. du Nord, 1896.

^{page 56 note ‡} The finding of an obsidian blade with No. 3 is no argument for or against this dating, for it is clear that in the Ægean, as in Sicily and Mexico, these cheap and efficient razors held their own after the introduction of bronze, just as in Egypt razors of flint, a worse material for the purpose than obsidian, have only recently been replaced by steel.

^{page 58 note *} At Sèvres. Brongniart and Riocreux, op. cit., Pl. xiii. 3.

^{page 59 note *} Κέρνος is explained by Athenaeus, 478, as ἀγγεῖον κεραμεοῦν ἔχον ἐν αὐτῷ πολλοὺς κοτυλίσκους κεκολλημένους. It was used to contain a variety of offerings in the Corybantic rites. Hesychius explains it as στεφανις. Hence Panofka, who introduced the word into archæological nomenclature in his Récherches sur les vrais noms des vases grecs (Pl. V. 53), applied it to a ring-vase surmounted with cups, a form that occurs in early Cypriote, and again in Corinthian pottery. It is not very appropriate as a name for the pre-Mycenæan cluster-vases of Melos, but may be retained for want of a better.

^{page 59 note †} Nagada and Ballas, Pl. V. 23.

^{page 59 note ‡} Usually milk, honey dissolved in water, and wine, Aesch. Persae, 609; Eurip. I. T. 162; Orestes, 115; Soph. Ant. 431. The libation to the Erinyes was made twice with water, the third time with honey dissolved in water, Soph. O. C. 479. In Odyssey, x. 519, xi. 27, the offerings are dissolved honey, wine, water. See Mr. Evans' remarks on the Cretan libation-table, J. H. S. xvii. pp. 350 ff. and 358. Another parallel is the triple Duenos vase, found at Rome; its inscription shows that it was designed as a funeral offering. Mélanges d'arch, et d'hist., 1882, Pl. iii.

^{page 59 note §} The five-and-twenty receptacles can hardly have been filled with different kinds of food and drink; rather, perhaps, with unguents. Cf. a ring-vase of nine small jugs, from Thebes, , Arch. Anzeiger, 1895, p. 33Google Scholar, Fig. 1.

^{page 60 note *} The arrangement for suspension is well seen in the case of a red-ware cauldron and stand from Falerii, now in the British Museum. Round the cauldron are griffins' heads with suspensionchains hanging from their jaws. Cf. Olympia, Die Bronzen, p. 115; Schliemann's Atlas Trojan. Alterthümer, Taf. 154, &c.

^{page 60 note †} Ross heard of both cemeteries in 1843, but did not visit them.

^{page 61 note *} A jug from Melos, of the early beaked type, was in the Dresden Augusteum as early as 1830. Fiedler, ii. p. 376; Taf. iii., Fig. 18. The stone pyxis from Melos, now at Munich, has been assigned with great probability to Phylakopi. A beaked jug, which came to the Louvre without provenance in Louis Philippe's reign, is catalogued by M. Pottier as Italian, Vases du Louvre, Pl. 29, D. 5. Many antiquities from Melos must have found their way to France in the early part of the century. The French vice-consul was an ardent excavator, and French ships frequented the island.

^{page 61 note †} ᾿Εφ.᾿Αρχ 1885, p. 255, Pl. X. 1—7.

^{page 61 note ‡} Dr. Blinkenberg's contention (op. cit. p. 35, note I ), that this cemetery contained graves of late date, was not borne out by my own enquiries and observations on the spot. The evidence offered is: (1) Pappadopoulos speaks of “pyxides en albâtre et à couvercle tournant et se fixant comme celui des théières.” Blinkenberg assigns them to the fourth or fifth century B.c. (2.) Dr. Pollak saw two b. f. vases in Hermupolis which were said to have been found many years before at Khalandri (Ath. Mitth. xxi., p. 189). The answer to (1) is that the pyxides may well have been pre-Mycenæan vessels like the marble vase, seen by Pollak in Siphnos, which had “Windungen im erhöhtem Halse um einen Deckel anzuschrauben” (loc. cii. p. 210). As for (2) the evidence is of a most unsatisfactory kind.

Khalandri, like Phylakopi, is remote from the classical centres of population. The juxtaposition on both sites of graves containing marble idols and graves containing painted pottery is a strong argument against an interruption of culture such as has been assumed.

^{page 63 note *} Dümmler figures part of an earthenware platter, “Welche wol einen Strohteller nachbildete,” from a grave in Amorgos (Ath. Mitth. xi., Beilage, ii. c. 2, p. 19), and mentions a similar imitation of a straw-mat from an early grave at Hagia Paraskeve, in Cyprus (p. 38). A large earthenware lid from Antiparos (Brit. Mus., A. 101), bears a pattern which seems to be derived from a rush-work original, which had the same “confused knot in the centre,” and “radial warp” as Mr. Myres' specimen. The latter is now in the Ashmolean.

The textile impressions found on primitive pottery in the United States are the result of building up or moulding the vessels in baskets and nets. See the article by Mr. William H. Holmes in the Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1881–2, pp. 397–425, Pl. xxxix.

^{page 64 note *} Fiedler, , Reise durch Griechenland (1834–1837), Leipzig, 1840, ii. Taf. II. Fig. 3a and b. Cf. p. 315.Google Scholar

^{page 64 note †} The underside is less convex than in the drawing; the vessel stands steadily and does not rock. One rim is chipped. The hole at one angle is double; the maker bored from both sides and the two holes did not meet.

^{page 65 note *} See p. 48; Mr. Cecil Smith's note on the probability that Lord Belmore obtained them in Greece is confirmed by the course of his travels, of which there is an account by Richardson, Robert M.D., entitled Travels along the Mediterranean … in company with the Earl of Belmore, London, 1822.Google Scholar On their way to the East in 1817 they visited Paros and Antiparos, and “the tombs of Delos and Antidelos.” On their return in 1818 they spent four days at Paros, six at Delos, and one at Melos. See vol. i. p. 12; ii. p. 522.

^{page 66 note *} Maspero, Dawn of Civilisation, p. 54, note 5.

^{page 66 note †} Paus. ii. 2, 5; vii. 26, II; viii. 39, 4.

^{page 66 note ‡} Tibullus, ii. i, 55. “Agricola et minio suffusus, Bacche, rubenti Primus inexperta duxit ab arte choros.” The satyrs in the procession of Ptolemy Philadelphus were painted with ochre and other colours. Athen., 197D.

^{page 66 note §} Pliny, , N. H., xxxiii. 112Google Scholar, a very important passage; xxxv. 157; xxxvi. 77. Cf. Plut. Q. Rom., 98.

^{page 67 note *} Pliny, loc. cit., implies that the vermilion was mixed with unguents, hac religione etiamnum addi in unguenta cenae triumphalis. Primitive man finds it convenient to mix his red ochre with animal fat, butter or oil. Cf. W. Jöst, Tätowiren, etc., p. II, and references there given, and MrFrazer's, Pausanias, vol. iii. p. 20.Google Scholar

^{page 68 note *} Lapidarium Septentrionale, 240. Black Gate Museum, Newcastle-on-Tyne, No. 88. But the indications shown in the engraving are doubtful on the original.

^{page 68 note †} Figured, in Proc. Soc. Ant. Newcastle, vi. (1894), p. 297.Google Scholar It is inches long, and has a deep transverse sinking to receive a strap.

^{page 68 note ‡} In the British Museum, Cat. Bronzes, No. 337. Mr. Cecil Smith called my attention to it.

^{page 68 note §} Ancient Stone Implements of Great Britain, 1897, pp. 425—430. Cf. Catalogue of the National Museum of Antiquities of Scotland, 1892, pp. 67, 188, 189.

^{page 68 note ║} Greenwell, British Barrows, Fig. 32, and p. 36; Archæologia, xliii, p. 427. The grave also contained a bronze dagger, large amber beads, and the skull of a hawk.

^{page 69 note *} These unusual embellishments, which could hardly have resisted the impact of the bowstring, and the circumstance that the bracer was found under the right arm, go to show that this specimen was worn for ornament rather than use. “I remarked no ornaments,” says d'Albertis of a tribe in New Guinea, “except the bracelet worn to protect the arm from the bowstring. They use this also as a bag or purse, and put tobacco, or a spare string for their bow, and other little things in it.” Dr. Haddon, who quotes the passage, mentions the wrist-guard among the finery which a native would wear “when specially dressed up.” Journ. Anthrop. Inst., xix. 370–2.

^{page 69 note †} J. H. S., ix. p. 82.

^{page 70 note *} J. H. S. xvii. p. 372 ff.; Petrie, Naqada and Ballas, p. 49; see however Torr, C. in L'Anthropologie, vol. ix. (1898), p. 32.Google Scholar

^{page 70 note †} Evans, Cretan Pictographs, p. 36; J. H. S., xiv. p. 305.

^{page 70 note ‡} Paus., i. 23, 4.

^{page 70 note §} Iliad, iv. 105—126. So κέρας xi. 385, and Od. xxi. 395, of the bows of Paris and Odysseus.

^{page note ║} Odyssey, ix. 118, 153. The goat-hunt on the desert island was doubtless a familiar incident in early Mediterranean voyages. Cf. xvii. 293—5 and xiv. 50.

^{page note ¶} The present range of Capra aegagrus is from the Ægean, through Asia Minor, the Caucasus, Persia, and Beluchistan, to the north of India. In the Ægean it survives in Crete, Antimelos, and perhaps in Scopelos and Gioura, and was formerly reported in Samothrace and Carpathos. It is the principal progenitor of the domesticated goat, and since the young are easily caught and reared, it may have been introduced into many of the islands as a domesticated animal, and have reverted to a wild state where conditions were favourable. Homer's measurements—τοῦ κέρα ἐκ κεφαλῆς ἐκκαιδεκάδωρα πεφύκει—are justified by an unusually large twelve-year-old hom at South Kensington, which measures ins. along the curve. The native sportsmen of the Taurus (where Pandarus may have obtained his head) told Mr. Danford that they had seen homs of 6 and 7 spans, “which would give the enormous length of 5 ft.” See Zool. Soc. Proc., xliii. (1875), p. 458 ff.