Acknowledgements. Dr Lehrer wishes to thank the Berlin Program for Advanced German and European Studies of the Social Science Research Council and the Free University of Berlin for financial support in conducting research towards the completion of this article. The authors are deeply indebted to the director of the Gennadius Library, Professor George Huxley, and the Library's staff for their valuable assistance. Thanks also to the British School at Athens, particularly to the School's librarian Mrs Penny Wilson-Zarganis, for support and assistance. Especial thanks are gratefully given to the Schliemann Archivist at the Gennadeion, Mrs Christina Vardas, for invaluable and patient assistance whenever it was needed. Robert Arnott, Peter Callaghan, Wolfgang Schindler and David Traill gave valuable assistance in proofreading and supplying comments for improvement. All mistakes remain the authors' responsibility however.

¹ Copied by Schliemann into the back of his 1869 copybook.

² Meyer, E., Henrich Schliemann: Kaufmann und Forscher (Göttingen 1969) 165–228.Google Scholar The diary, now in the possession of the Gennadeion (cat. no. A 12), contains in the Greek section markings of red marker with which Meyer sullied so much of the Schliemann papers in the course of his work on them. The diary evidently contained information that Meyer did not wish disclosed.

³ Boreas 7 (1984) 295–316. Traill also discusses the diary in another important article, ‘Schliemann's “Dream of Troy”: The Making of a Legend’, CJ 81 (1985) 13–24.

⁴ Published in: Calder, William M. III, ‘Schliemann on Schliemann: A Study in the Use of Sources,’ GRBS 13 (1972) 333–53.Google Scholar On additional revelations since 1972, cf. Calder, III, ‘A New Picture of Henrich Schliemann,’ in Myth, Scandal and History, Calder, W.M. III and Traili, David A. (eds.) (Detroit 1986) 17–47.Google Scholar The same volume contains a useful bibliography of work on Schliemann from 1972 to 1985, 261–3.

⁵ Traill (1984) 309.

⁶ Unpublished letters in English to E. Wirths (April 5) and J.H. Bowen (April 7). Unless otherwise noted, all cited letters are unpublished and contained in Schliemann's 1868 copy-book at the Gennadeion and are cited with the kind permission of the Gennadius Library.

⁷ ‘Ich selbst muβ dagegen als gewöhnlicher Tourist reisen u[nd] mich mit einer oberflächlichen Anschauung begnügen, indem mir die zu wissenschaftlichen Untersuchungen nothwendigen Kenntnisse fehlen.’ Unpublished letter of 18 April 1868 to Johanna Diestel.

⁸ Unpublished letters of April 27 to his son and to his Petersburg friend Hoehne.

⁹ Ilios: The City and Country of the Trojans (London 1880) 18. IPT (Paris 1869) xv. Ithaka, der Peloponnes und Troja, Carl Andreβ (trans.) (Leipzig 1869) xiii. Given the scarcity of the French original of IPT, references to this edition (preceded by p. or pp.) will be accompanied by the corresponding page numbers (preceded by S.) in the more widely available German translation. The reprint of the German edition (Darmstadt 1963) retains the same page numbering as the 1869 original for pages 1–213, but the pages of the preface have been renumbered from v–xiv to xix–xxviii.

¹⁰ This is fairly obvious from Schliemann's correspondence, and in an unpublished letter of 20 March 1868 to his son Serge, for example, he writes: ‘Sur la géographie je m'entretiendrai beaucoup avec toi à mon retour, car c'est à présent ma science la plus favorite après la philosphie.’

¹¹ The Italian entries of the diary were examined by Mark Lehrer, the Greek entries by David Turner. Although Lehrer drafted the sections of this paper dealing with Schliemann in Italy and Greece, and Turner the sections on Schliemann in the Troad, this paper is in every sense a joint effort.

¹² Unless otherwise stated, translations from the diary are the authors'.

¹³ Schliemann's memory tricked him here. Claudius was, of course, Nero's predecessor.

¹⁴ The immense psychological value of Schliemann's language exercises was recognized early by Ludwig, Emil, Schliemann: Geschichte eines Goldsuchers (Berlin 1932) 110.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Schliemann refers to the wish to visit the ‘Vaterland meines Lieblings Homers’ in a letter to his father of March 1856. Schliemann, H., Briefwechsel, Meyer, E. (ed.) (Berlin 1953) I 81.Google Scholar Since Schliemann had not mastered ancient Greek by this time, this passage of the letter should be double-checked, especially in view of Meyer's tendency to protect Schliemann's autobiographical fictions. Schliemann's tale of having resolved to excavate Troy at the age of seven after a discussion with his father has been discredited. Cf. Calder III (1972) op. cit. 350–2, and Traill (1985).

¹⁶ These autobiographical fragments form the centrepiece of a psychoanalytic study of Schliemann by DrNiederland, William G., ‘An Analytic Inquiry into the Life and Work of Heinrich Schliemann,’ in Drive, Affects, Behavior, Schur, Max (ed.) (New York 1965) II 369–96.Google Scholar Niederland could date this group of language exercises no more precisely than between 1858 and 1862. A more specific date of late 1861 and early 1862 for these exercises was made possible through the painstaking cataloguing of Schliemann's incoming correspondence completed after patient work over several years by the Schliemann archivist at the Gennadcion, Mrs Christina Vardas. In the cited language exercises, Schliemann drafts a letter to his friend Count Carlo Bassi in which he refers to letters received from Bologna of the 27th of the previous month and from Vienna of the 29th of the current month; these extant letters are dated 27 November 1861 and 29 December 1861, respectively.

¹⁷ Schindler, Wolfgang, ‘Schliemann's Cleopatra’, in Myth. Scandal, and History. op. cit. 81–94.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Unpublished letter of 22 September 1868 to A. Chatelain in Rome. He commissions a painting of the Cenci in the same letter.

¹⁹ This Thursday refers to June 4. Schliemann even wrote in the word ‘Thursday’ in his entry of June 4. The lighter ink and style of the entries from June 3 to June 7 give the impression that they were all written at the same time.

²⁰ Schliemann's diary of 1850–52 features fictitious encounters with important people. Cf. Calder III (1972) 338–43.

²¹ Rosa, Pietro, Sulle scoperte archeologiche della città e provincia di Roma negli anni 1871–72 (Rome 1873).Google Scholar

²² nulladimeno (non pertano) – Schliemann encloses the synonym in parentheses as an aid in language acquisition.

²³ De Petra was later one of Fiorelli's successors as director of the excavations at Pompeii. Schliemann does not specifically report meeting him personally.

²⁴ This particular observation foreshadows analogous remarks concerning the Troy question in the latter part of the diary.

²⁵ Schliemann's interest in the history of archaeological excavation is equally documented by a remark of June 22 regarding the site of ancient Stabiae: ‘Excavations have not been carried out here since the time of Carlo III in 1750.

²⁶ Cf. IPT p. 2, S. 2. See n. 9 above on the editions of IPT cited.

²⁷ Cf. Schliemann's letter to his father dated 12 August 1868: ‘lch bestieg darauf von Catania in Sicilien aus den Etna, war aber dabei in Lebensgefahr u hatte viel zu leiden.’ Schliemann, . Briefwechsel, Meyer, E. (ed.) (Berlin 1958) II 32.Google Scholar

²⁸ Cf. Döhl, Hartmut, Heinrich Schliemann: Mythos und Årgernis (Munich 1981) 114.Google Scholar Only ten years later in Ilios (1880) would Schliemann attempt to write a systematic work of archaeology dispensing with the diary format.

²⁹ Indeed, Schliemann devotes his first three days on the island to precisely the three routes suggested by Murray, and in the same order: ‘The principal excursions to be made in Ithaca are:-1. To the Castle of Ulysses. 2. To the Fountain of Arethusa. 3. To the so-called School of Homer.’ Murray, John, A Handbook for Travellers in Greece (London 1854) 86.Google Scholar A table of Schliemann's daily activities in Ithaca is given below.

³⁰ Cf. Murray, 89.

³¹ Cf. Murray, 89: ‘…it seems evident that the Homeric capital was at Polis.’

³² Gell, W., Geography and Antiquities of Ithaca (London 1807).Google Scholar On scholarship pertaining to Ithaca in the nineteenth century and the rival ‘Leukas’ theory, cf. Dörpfeld, Wilhelm, Alt-Ithaka: Ein Beitrag zur Homer-Frage (Munich 1927) 16–23.Google Scholar

³³ Schreiber, C.C.E., Ithaca (Leipzig 1829) 91–9.Google Scholar

³⁴ In a sketchmap of the profile of the island's mountains which he draws in the diary. Schliemann identifies this hill as Moskata. Neither this nor the name of Palaea Moschata nor any other name or description of any ‘mountain’ at this juncture could be (bund on A.L. Mansell's Admiralty Map, the Austrian Staff maps, or any of the numerous maps and editions of the Mediterranean Pilot and other works consulted by us.

³⁵ In IPT he reports having engaged four workmen on both days; the diary reveals that he did so the second day, but had only one helping hand on his first day of excavations on Mt. Aetos.

³⁶ Murray, 86.

³⁷ ‘On approaching hamlets and sheepfolds in all parts of Greece, the stranger is certain to find a somewhat disagreeable coincidence with Homer in being assailed, as fiercely as was Ulysses, by a pack of dogs. The number and ferocity of these descendants of the famous Molossian breed … is also among the features of modern Greek life that supply the most curious illustrations of classical antiquity … A stranger finding himself in the same predicament as Ulysses when set upon by the dogs of his own swineherd, should imitate the example of the king of Ithaca, and craftily sit down on the ground, dropping all weapons of defence … until rescued by the Eumaeus of the fold with ‘loud cries’ and ‘thick showers of stones.’ Murray, 87–8.

³⁸ Murray, 81. IPT pp. 19–20, S. 19.

³⁹ With regard to the latter two figures, several letters written in Paris in early 1868 testify to a declared allegiance to the philosophical ideal of the Stoics. Cf. Ludwig (op. cit.) 132 and 135.

⁴⁰ The copy-book of 1868 contains several affectionate letters of Schliemann to his father, by this time a sickly old man approaching the age of ninety, whom Schliemann had not seen for many years. On Schliemann and his father, cf. Ludwig (op. cit.) 122–3.

⁴¹ Cf. Murray, 88.

⁴² Schliemann's spelling of this name varies. He is, no doubt, the same Mr Achilles Postolaccas, keeper of the National Collection of Coins at Athens mentioned in acknowledgements in Ilios, 66.

⁴³ This passage is cited in Traill (1985) 14. We have reproduced Traill's translation.

⁴⁴ Traill, Introduction [to Schliemann's Mycenaean Diary], in Myth, Scandal, and History op. cit. 126.

⁴⁵ See n. 3 above.

⁴⁶ Traill (1984) 308–9.

⁴⁷ Deuel, L., Memoirs of Heinrich Schliemann: A Documentary Drawn from his Autobiographical Writings, Letters, and Excavation Reports (New York 1977) 5.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Maclaren, Charles, Dissertation on the Topography of the Trojan War (Edinburgh 1822, revised edition 1863)Google Scholar and Eckenbrecher, Rheinisches Museum, N.E. 2. Jahrgang.

⁴⁹ In writing a letter to The Guardian in 1875 (cited below) Schliemann, during a childish fit of rage against Frank Calvert, asserted that he had solved the Troyquestion during his studies in Paris prior to ever visiting the Troad. Traill deals with this matter in (1984) 302–3, and (1985) 18.

⁵⁰ Traill (1984) 299.

⁵¹ Traill (1984) 304. On 310 Traill suggests that this could have occurred during Schliemann's research for IPT in Paris.

⁵² Evidence of copying may be adduced from crossedout words that re-appear on the next line. It appears as if Schliemann inadvertently copies a word or two from a later line in the source notebook, notices the mistake, crosses out the word(s), writes the correct line, and then comes to write the crossed out word(s) in the correct course of copying. At least eight examples of such words and fragments exist in the Troad section (e.g. on pp. 139, 142, 143, 146). These decrease greatly in the following ink entries for Constantinople. Evidence of copying is important as there are indications that more than one entry could have been written at the same time. At certain points, such as the last three words of the August 16 (Dardenelles) entry, Schliemann sharpens his pencil when we would expect him not to bother simply for three words. The next entry of August 17 (Constantinople) carries on in the same pencil before later switching to ink. No visible evidence exists of any pencil entry having been rubbed out and replaced. These factors should be kept in mind when considering certain inconsistencies in the diary entries discussed below.

⁵³ In an unpublished letter of 6 June 1868 from Rome, addressed to Leiner in Paris, Schliemann requested that a copy of this book on the Troad be forwarded to Greece: ‘Veuillez bien m'envoycr ‘poste restante’ à Athènes (Grèce) un exemplaire de la Topographie de l'lliade, publiée en 1867 à Paris par Mr Nicolaïdes. Le nom de l'éditeur vous apprendrez au bureau de la Société Géographique, 3 rue Christine. J'en avais acheté un exemplaire avant mon départ, mais malheureusement je l'ai oublié à Paris et je crois qu'il est renfermé dans ma bibliothèque!’

⁵⁴ Hahn, J.G. v., Die Ausgrabungen auf der Homerischen Pergamos in zwei Sendschreiben an Georg Finlay (Leipzig 1865).Google Scholar

⁵⁵ On July 25 (mentioned above).

⁵⁶ Page numbers refer to the diary.

⁵⁷ The Russians maintained a consulate at the Dardanelles.

⁵⁸ This route could only have been beyond the eastern edge of the Troad and not down through the Plain of Troy. Cf. Newton, C.T., Travels & Discoveries in the Levant (London 1865) I 126Google Scholar, ‘The country between the Dardanelles and Troy is covered with brushwood, without a village, and scarcely any cultivated land … In travelling through this country we saw but few human beings.’

⁵⁹ This must be from the heights of Bounar Bashi (Bali Dag). Views from both points are given by Gell, W., The Topography of Troy and its Vicinity (London 1804) pls 31 and 36.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Renkoi is clearly described here but earlier travellers mention stone, and not wooden, houses, cf. Cook, J.M., The Troad: An Archaeological and Topographical Study (Oxford 1973) 61–4.Google Scholar

⁶¹ The name is given in Osmanli. This cannot be the Dumbrek River proper, but the rivulet of Renkoi which is a tributary branching N.E.E. after Halileli. (Cf. Cook, fig. 3 where it is un-named on the map; it now passes the modern village of Yeni Mahalle). Schliemann describes it thus in Troja (London 1884) 306, during a later visit to the area: ‘On the road thence to Hissarlik I passed the rivulet of Ren Kioi, which is fed by no spring, and has water only during the most heavy rains; otherwise it is always perfectly dry.’ This had been regarded as the Simois by some scholars, a theory Schliemann rejects.

⁶² Schliemann's addition of the French form stems from Nicolaïdes. Cf. Sigée on the following page.

⁶³ This is exactly the spelling used by Nicolaïdes, 85. Schliemann will later spell the name correctly in his August 16 entry after making Frank Calvert's personal acquaintance.

⁶⁴ This is obviously the Tumulus of Ajax (Cook, 88) but there is no mention of Calvert ever digging there before 1868. As suggested below, Schliemann may have confused the excavations made by Frederick Calvert in a tumulus near Renkoi (Cook, 64) with the Tomb of Ajax.

⁶⁵ The Tumulus of Patroclus. Cf. Cook, 151–2.

⁶⁶ Cf. Cook, 159–64.

⁶⁷ The French in parentheses is copied from Nicolaïdes' translation of the name ‘Bounarbachi (source principale).’ Nicolaïdes, 32.

⁶⁸ Cf. below on this date.

⁶⁹ Nicolaïdes, 28–30: ‘… nous voyons clairement que les détails caractéristiques de l'lliade sont uniquement applicables à la plage située entre Sigée et Rhoetée. Elle est, en effet, sur l'Hellespont, entre deux promontoires …

La largeur de cette plage, de la rive droite du Scamandre au cap Rhoetée, est d'environ trois mille deux cent mètres; elle a dû être exactement la même à l'époque de la guerre de Troie …

Quiconque a visité la Troade reconnaît immédiatement que toute la plaine troyenne jusqu'u pied de l'Ida était jadis un golfe rempli peu à peu par les rivières qui s'y jettent. Strabon calcule que depuis la guerre de Troie jusqu'à son époque l'alluvion s'est étendue de six stades, ce qui fait environ un mètre par an.

… Quoi qu'il en soit, on ne dépasse pas les limites du probable en supposant l'atterrissement de 3,000 mètres depuis la guerre de Troie jusqu'aujourd'hui.’

⁷⁰ Hagios Demetrius, or Kesik, Tepe, identified by Schliemann as the Tomb of Festus (IPT pp. 211–12, S. 199–200). Cf. Cook, 165–6.

⁷¹ This site, recorded also in IPT p. 215, S. 203, has not been identified. Cf. Cook, 168.

⁷² The information that Udjek Tepe, the tomb of Ilios, was the tomb of Aesyetes and considered the tomb of the Prophet Elijah by the local Greek population is recorded by Nicolaïdes, 88 n. 1, 134.

⁷³ This slip is discussed below.

⁷⁴ Schliemann's perceptions are guided by von Hahn, 6–7: ‘Etwa auf der Mitte dieses Rückens entdeckte ich die Fundamentmauern zweier aneinander stossender Kreise von je 20 Meter oder etwa 60 Fuss im Durchmesser … Einen ähnlichen, südlich an den sogenannten Hektorhügel stossenden, aber aus grösseren, über den Boden vorragenden Steinblöcken bestehenden Kreis, dessen Durchmesser dem des Tumulus gleichkommt, entdeckte später Director Schmidt.’ These stone circles are not mentioned in IPT.

⁷⁵ This observation is condensed from von Hahn, 10. Von Hahn's excavation report pays close attention to the different kinds of building stones at the site and evidently influenced Schliemann's perceptions in this respect.

⁷⁶ Cf. von Hahn, 8–9. On 26 von Hahn supposes that the Scaean gate stood in this area.

⁷⁷ Cf. von Hahn, 7–8: ‘Wir besteigen dieselbe [Pergamos] vorerst noch nicht, sondern wenden uns zu einer … etwa 7 Meter tiefen und 15 Meter im grössten Durchmesser habenden elliptischen Vertiefung, welche offenbar den Steinbruch abgab, aus dem die für die Festungswerke dieser Seite nöthigen Steine genommen wurden.’ Schliemann thus translates the last clause directly into Greek in the diary, while ascribing different dimensions to the quarry. When describing this quarry in IPT, however, he uses the dimensions mentioned by von Hahn. Cf. IPT p. 154, S. 144.

⁷⁸ Schliemann here gives dates in both Gregorian and Julian calendars, the latter then in use in Greece, the Ottoman Empire and Russia.

⁷⁹ This ‘building’ in the acropolis corresponds to the ‘Lechevalier-Viereck’ described by von Hahn, 13–14: ‘Nur auf der hart am Westaufgange gelegenen Kuppe der Akropolis waren wir bisher so glücklich, die Substructionen alter Bauten und darunter namentlich ein aus grossen Quadern bestehendes Viereck zu finden; dasselbe ist 7 Meter lange und 7 Meter breit und scheint auf der Südseite mit einem andern Mauerviereck verbunden gewesen zu sein, weil hier das Mittel der Substruction zwischen den beiden Eckquadern aus kleinen Polygonen besteht, die offenbar bestimmt waren, von dem Verbindungsgliede der beiden Vierecke verdeckt zu werden. Der Gegensatz dieser kleinen Polygone zu den Ecksteinen und den Quadern der drei übringen Seiten legt ferner die Vermuthung nahe, dass diese letzteren nicht dazu bestimmt waren, unter der Oberfläche zu liegen, sondern gesehen zu werden; weil sich anders ihre sorgfältige Behandlung nicht erklar̈en liesse. Dies gilt namentlich von den Eckquadern, welche 1,5 Meter lang und 0,45 Meter hoch sind, und aus der weissen vulkanischen Steinart bestehen, die, wie wir oben sahen, an Ort und Stelle nicht gefunden wird.

Zwei Säulenstümpfe ruhten aufrecht stehend an der Nordostseite des Viereckes. Der eine 1,2 Meter und der andere 0,9 Meter lang bei einem Durchmesser von 0,4 Meter, beide unkanellirt und in sehr verwittertem Zustande. Diese Säulenreste machen es wahrscheinlich, dass jenes Viereck einen kleinen Tempel getragen habe.’ (Cf. also 21). The supposed temple is also mentioned in IPT p. 153, S. 144.

⁸⁰ Cf. von Hahn, 7: ‘Der höchste Punkt dieses Hügels ergiebt nach Schmidts mehrwöchentlichen Barometermessungen 472 pariser Fuss Meereshöhe.’

⁸¹ Von Hahn, 26.

⁸² Cf. Cook, 194–201 on Alexandria Troas and the vicinity.

⁸³ Cf. the ‘plusieurs arches de 10 mètres de diamètre’ described in IPT, p. 220, S. 208.

⁸⁴ Cf. IPT pp. 225–6, S. 213. No explanation is given as to how Schliemann and Calvert finally met on the fifteenth. The item mentioned by Schliemann (the bronze lion) had been published by Calvert with a detailed drawing and transliteration of the inscription in AJ 17 (1860) 199–200.

⁸⁵ Schliemann begins this entry in the pencil of the Troad section before switching to pen in the middle of a word. He seems to have made at least the last one or two Troad entries after arriving in Constantinople, perhaps writing them in pencil to preserve the diary's authenticity.

⁸⁶ Traill (1984) 300.

⁸⁷ The 14th is recorded in IPT pp. 170–214, S. 160–202. The complaint about the poor availability of guides and horses in IPT (p. 135, S. 126) is the only reflection of his difficulties here. Nothing is said of the trip to Renkoi to find a guide in IPT.

⁸⁸ Three leaves were removed from the very beginning of the diary, necessitating the glueing in of their companion leaves (pages 13–18) after they had been written on. These pages had evidently been written on prior to Schliemann's arrival in Italy, possibly for purposes unrelated to his travels, for the extant diary opens with an account of his journey from Paris to Rome via Susa, Milan, Bologna, and Florence. The spine of the diary, although delicate, was intact in early summer, 1988, but by September of that year had given way at between pages 14 and 15, i.e. the precise place where the loose leaves had had to be re-inserted. No other pages of the pre-bound diary are missing.

⁸⁹ Traill (1984) 300.

⁹⁰ Cf. IPT, pp. 213–7, S. 201–5. Schliemann took the liberty, however, of adding some embellishments. The diary does not mention the artificial canal, the first visit between Schliemann and the ‘très aimable’ mayor of Neon Chorion, George Mengioussis or the multi-lingual Constantine Kolobos who appears nowhere in the diary, or the Beschika Tepe. The IPT entry continues with Schliemann's visit to an ancient village, where he sees a Roman inscription in Greek too large for him to carry and too long to copy. This lay one kilometre to the south of Udjek Tepe and must be the ‘columns in ruins’.marked on the subsequent maps, although no mention is made of this in the diary.

⁹¹ Cook, 316–7. Many of the travellers passed through and mentioned Ezine. Ine (Neon Chorion) was also called Yeni Koi, cf. Cook, 167–8. Thanks to David Traill for this observation.

⁹² The unpublished diary, on July n, 12, 14 (twice) and August 23/24.

⁹³ Cf. below on the pressure attendant on Schliemann to finish his book in December of 1868.

⁹⁴ Turner, W., Journal of a Tour in the Levant. 3 vols. (London 1820) III 226.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ C.T. Newton, Travels and Discoveries in the Levant (op. cit.) I 132.

⁹⁶ Gell, Troy, Pl. xlv. Cf. the reconstructed drawing of the site prior to excavation in Wood, M., In Search of the Trojan War (London 1985) 53.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Traill (1984) 300 n. 17.

⁹⁸ The ‘Nouvelle visite à Hissarlik’ mentioned in IPT p. 218, S. 206, gives no description of the site and seems to reflect the view of Hissarlik on his way back to Renkoi that Schliemann mentions in his diary entry of the 14th. See below on the incorporation of this material in IPT.

⁹⁹ Turner's observations of 1816 specifically mention wheat and oaks in the neighbourhood of Renkoi (Turner III 220), while his detailed description of the crops and soils around Hissarlik makes it quite clear that large cultivatable tracts of wheat were not, nor could be, grown there (III 225–7).

¹⁰⁰ Cf. Cook, 72–7; Calvert, F., ‘Contributions to the Ancient Geography of the Troad’, AJ 17 (1860) 291–6Google Scholar, map on 286. Calvert also mentions that N.N.W. towards the Hellespont ‘is a small flattened hill, where there are other ruins of a similar description …’ 292–3; Cf. Schliemann, Troja 305–6. Calvert made further comments on the site in AM 27 (1902) 244–5.

¹⁰¹ Newton, 132–4.

¹⁰² Cf. Turner, III 229: ‘We left Halil Elly at half past four, and rode straight to Koum Kale, (riding over a high tract of land, covered with heath and oak bushes, which confines on the north the valley of the Doumbrik river, in which Halil Elly stands conspicuous by its poplars,) where we alighted at five minutes past six.’

¹⁰³ Turner took this route in reverse going from Koum Kaleh to the Dumbrek valley. Cf. Turner III 224–7.

¹⁰⁴ Cook, 79–81, identifies the site as Rhoeteum.

¹⁰⁵ IPT, p. 218, S. 206.

¹⁰⁶ H. Schliemann, Ilios 59–60.

¹⁰⁷ Leaf, W., Troy: A Study in Homeric Geography (London 1912) 44Google Scholar: ‘From the top of this ancient citadel [Ophrynium-Palaeo Kastron] is a clear and striking view right down the valley of the Simois, embracing the whole battle-field.’

¹⁰⁸ IPT pp 207–8, S. 19.5. Cook, 81–4 identifies this site with Traron.

¹⁰⁹ On the Dedeliks cf. Cook, 64–71. Column bases, marble fragments, capitals etc. are described all over this area by the travellers.

¹¹⁰ Turner, III 231.

¹¹¹ Turner, III 220–1.

¹¹² Traill (1984) 308.

¹¹³ Schliemann, Briefwechsel II 31.

¹¹⁴ Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz. Nachlass 183. Quoted by permission.

¹¹⁵ As the authors have since learned and gladly acknowledge, Dr Gustav Mahr was first to notice the significance of the unpublished footnote of this letter after reading Traill's article and it was he who mediated the purchase of several Schliemann letters for the Staatsbibliothek after Ernst Meyer's death. He plans to publish this and other letters in their complete and correct form in the near future.

¹¹⁶ Calven wrote in a letter to The Guardian of 11 August 1875: ‘… when I first met the doctor in August, 1868, the subject of Hissarlik as the probable site of Troy was new to him.’ Cited by Traill (1984) 305. We cite this letter at greater length below.

¹¹⁷ In the following year he was advocating the site of Troy at his brother's farm at Aktchiheni. Cf. the report by Frederick Calvert in the Proceedings of the Archaeological Institute 5 July 1861 AJ 18 (1861) 363–4. Although Calvert participated in von Hahn's excavations at Bali Dag in 1864, he did not consider the site to be that of Troy, but of Gergis. Cf. von Hahn, 23–4; Calvert, Frank, AJ 21 (1864) 48–53.Google Scholar Cf. Wood, 42–6 on Calvert and his plans to excavate Hissarlik with help from the British Museum.

¹¹⁸ Diary 140; Nicolaïdes, 21.

¹¹⁹ Nicolaïdcs, 83, n. 1, 85.

¹²⁰ Nicolaïdes, 47.

¹²¹ Cf. his letter dated 22 August 1868 to his sister and brother-in-law. Schliemann, H., Briefe Meyer, E. (ed.) (Berlin 1936) 111.Google Scholar

¹²² Von Hahn, 33–4. Our emphasis.

¹²³ Briefwechsel II 31.

¹²⁴ Von Hahn, 34–5.

¹²⁵ IPT p. 32, S. 31.

¹²⁶ Traill (1984) 303.

¹²⁷ As Calvert had noi uncovered recognisable Mycenaean or pre-historic levels in 1865 (cf AJ 22 (1865) 337; Cook 95), the Hissarlik-Troy theory remained, in 1868, a still unsubstantiated theory. Calvert's trenches did not provide Schliemann with proof that the theory was correct, and Schliemann took an impressive gamble in adopting it so boldly.

¹²⁸ the remarks in Calvert's letter of November 1, 1868 reproduced in the appendix. The passage relevant to this question was reproduced by Meyer, in Briefwechsel I, 140.Google Scholar

¹²⁹ The letter is not extant, but Calvert reproduces parts of it in his letter to The Guardian of 11 August 1875, quoted in part below and in Traill (1985) 19–20.

¹³⁰ To His Excellency Mr Ameras, Greek Ambassador to St Petersburg. Copybook, 1868.

¹³¹ Copybook, 1868. To Galignany Esq.

¹³² Copybook, 1868, in Greek. The recipient may have been E. Egger, but the tone seems too formal to have been addressed to so familiar an acquaintance.

¹³³ Copybook, 1868.

¹³⁴ In this letter, cited by Traill, Schliemann announces having finished IPT and currently writing the preface. Cf. Traill (1984) 296 n. 13.

¹³⁵ 16 December 1868 in Greek: ‘Tell me honestly if you judge my Ms. worthy of print, because in that case I wish to make an agreement with the printer.’ The next day he addressed a letter asking for advice on a publisher and the book's format.

¹³⁶ IPT p. 176, S. 165–6.

¹³⁷ Thymbra (p. 172, S. 161), Hissarlik (p. 175, S. 165), springs at Hissarlik (p. 200, S. 189).

¹³⁸ Traill (1984) 297 n. 15 and 310–2 and Traill (1985) 17–20.

¹³⁹ Quoted from Traill (1985) 17.

¹⁴⁰ Traill (1985) 19. The letter of 22 January 1869 requesting this information is something of a surprise as IPT was already in press by late December. Schliemann may have made a last-minute check for alterations while the book was in press.

¹⁴¹ This is apparent from the letters in the appendix, and another one of Schliemann to Calvert on 14 April 1869 from Indianapolis: ‘I … received today your esteemed letter of 10th March in reply to which I repeat that I am exceedingly sorrow [sic] not being able to assist you in any way to obtain the Prussian Vice-Consulate for I have neither relatives nor acquaintances in Berlin….’

¹⁴² Ilios, 19–20.

¹⁴³ Cf. the prologue to Maclaren's 1863 edition of his book. On Maclaren, cf. Cook, 33–4.

¹⁴⁴ Calvert praises Schliemann's Troja (1884) in an endearing letter of 24 December 1883 in Briefwechsel II 168.

¹⁴⁵ Traill (1984) 309.

¹⁴⁶ IPT, p. 176, S. 165–6; Troy and its Remains, 46; Ilios, 19. In Ilios Maclaren is actually indexed as the ‘first modern writer who identified Hissarlik with Troy.’

¹⁴⁷ IPT p. 175, S. 165; Ilios 20. Troja is full of references to Calvert's knowledge of the Troad, help and advice.

¹⁴⁸ Traill (1984) 303. The relevant passage from IPT concerning Calvert's excavations is quoted above.

¹⁴⁹ Döhl, Heinrich Schliemann (op. cit.) 21–39.