¹ Liampi, K., ‘Der makedonische Schild als propagandistiches Mittel’, Meletemata, 10 (1990), 157–71Google Scholar; Adam-Veleni, P., ‘Χάλϰινη ασπίδα από τή Βεγόρα τής Φλωρίνας’, in Ancient Macedonia, v.1 (Thessaloniki, 1993), 17–28.Google Scholar I am most grateful to Polyxene Adam-Veleni, who sent me a photographic replica of the shield 1 : 1 and helped me with this article.

² τῶν δὲ φάλαγγος ἀσπίδων ἀρίστη ἡ Μαδεϰονιϰὴ χαλϰῆ ὀϰτωπάλαιοτος, οὐ λίαν ϰοιλή. So too Ael. Tact. 12. Aelian drew on Asklepiodotos, or both drew on a common source.

³ See also Arr. Tact. xii. 6–9, with measurements in cubits and in feet.

⁴ See OCD ² 659.

⁵ Adam-Veleni (n. 1), 19, gives the diameter more precisely as 0.656 m.

⁶ This size for the Macedonian ‘foot’ agrees with deductions made from military fortifications at Dion and Thessaloniki and from the heroön at Yiannitsa. See Το αρχαιολογιχόν έργον στη Μαχεδονία χαι Θράχη 1 (1987), 154, giving the ‘foot’ as 0.328 m, and Ibid. 191 n. 10 as a little less than 0.33 m. Sculpted shields on the Heroon near Yiannitsa in the reign of Antigonos Gonatas had a diameter of 62 cm (Ibid. 159 fig. 5).

⁷ Tarn, W. W., Alexander the Great, ii (Cambridge, 1948; repr. 1979), 169 ff.Google Scholar

⁸ Ponger, C. S., Katalog der griechischen und römischen Skulpturen im Allard Pierson Museum zu Amsterdam (Amsterdam, 1942), 180, with pl. 40.Google Scholar

⁹ Adam-Veleni (n. 1), 18, 23.

¹⁰ Sylloge nummorum Graecorum, v.3 (London, 1976), pl. 67. 3257–61.

¹¹ Dakaris, S. in PAE (1968), fig. 2 and pl. 42 γGoogle Scholar. See also Garoufallias, P., Πύρρος (Athens, 1972), pl. following p. 286.Google Scholar

¹² Quoted by Walbank, F. W. in Hammond, N. G. L. and Walbank, F. W., A History of Macedonia, iii (Oxford, 1988), 262 n. 1.Google Scholar

¹³ See my remarks in Antichthon, 14 (1980), 56, and now in Philip of Macedon (London, 1994), 25–6 with n. 18. The supposition in CAH vi² (Cambridge, 1994), 735, that the Macedonian infantrymen had to provide their own equipment and were therefore of well-to-do farmer status, is contrary to the literary evidence.

¹⁴ The source of Curtius is uncertain. One of Justin's sources was probably Kleitarchos. See Hammond, N. G. L., Three Historians of Alexander the Great (Cambridge, 1983), 104, 147–8.Google Scholar

¹⁵ See my remarks in Green, P. (ed.), Hellenistic History and Culture (Berkeley, 1993), 21–2, citing Plut. Eum. 8. 6–7.Google Scholar

¹⁶ In PAE (1968) Dakaris showed in fig. 2 and pl. 42 γ six letters on the shield which he completed to read βα[σι]λεὺς [Πύρρος χαὶ ᾿Ηπειῶται . . . Διὶ Ναίωι] Pyrrhus issued a bronze coinage with his monogram in the centre of a simple Macedonian shield which was decorated only with circles. See Lévèque, P., Pyrrhos (Paris, 1957), pl. 7. 17.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Justin 13. 3. 1; see Hammond and Walbank (n. 12), 102 and n. 1.

¹⁸ App. Syr. 54 ἀνεῖπε δὲ χαὶ Πτολεμαῖον ὁ οἰχεῖος αὐτοῦ στρατὸς βασιλέα Justin xv. 2. 11.

¹⁹ For the posting of this guard near the ‘palace’ see my article in Historia, 40 (1991), 399, 405, repr. Collected Studies, ii (Amsterdam, 1993), 182, 188.