^{page 137 note 1} ᾿Επιγραφαὶ Χίου ᾿Ανέδοτοι in ᾿Αθηνᾶ xx. (1908), pp. 289 ff., cf. Βραχεῖαι ᾿Επανορθώσεις καὶ Προσθῆκαι, xx 510ff. Prof. Zolotas was engaged, at the time of his death, on a general history of Chios, and the above publication was prepared from his rough notes.

^{page 138 note 1} Published first in German as art. Giustiniani in Ersch, and Gruber's, Encyclopädie (Leipzig, 1859)Google Scholar, afterwards translated into Greek (Χρυσαλλίς ii., Athens, 1864, pp. 577 sqq.), Italian by Wolf, A. (Giornale Ligustico, 1881, p. 27, etc.)Google Scholar and Sardagna (Archiv. Venet. xxxi.), and French, without the notes, by E. Vlastos (Paris, 1888). The genealogical tables of the families concerned are given by Hopf in Chroniques Gréco-romanes, pp. 503–25, and Rhodokanakes, ᾿Ιουστινιάναι-Χίος (Syra, 1900): the latter work, though written from the point of view of a family chronicle, contains much on the general history of the island in the lengthy footnotes, but is so insufficiently indexed as to make this almost inacessible. The best résumé of the period in English is Finlay's, (Hist. of Greece, v. 70ff.)Google Scholar; a short article by Bent, J. T. appeared in Eng. Hist. Rev. iv. (1889), 467–80.CrossRefGoogle Scholar The economic history of the Maona has been treated by H. Sieveking (Genueser Finanzwesen, 1898, Ital. trans, in Atti Soc. Lig. xxxv. [1906–7]). As to detail, Andriolo Giustiniani's contemporary versified Relazione dell' Attacco e Difesa di Scio nel 1431 has been edited by G. Porro-Lambertenghi and published by the Patria, Deputazione di Storia (Miscellanea, vi. 541, 558, Torino, 1865)Google Scholar, while much has been added to the numismatic side by Promis, V. (La Zecca di Scio, Torino, 1865)Google Scholar, Lambros, P. (Μεσαιωνικά Νομίσματα της Χίομ, Athens, 1886)Google Scholar and Gnecchi, F. and Gnecchi, E. (Riv. Ital. di Num. i. 1888, 1ff.).Google Scholar

^{page 138 note 2} Χιακά, ἤτοι ίστορία τῆς Χίου ἀπό τω-ν ἀρχαιοτάτων χρόνων μεχρὶ τῆς ἔτει 1822 γενομένης καταστροφῆς Hermoupolis, 1840.

^{page 138 note 3} The best accounts are given by de Thou, G. A., Hist, sui Temporis (Genevae, 1620), ii. 368–70Google Scholar; Bosio, G., Ist. della Sacra Religione…di S. Giovanni (Roma, 1594) xxxvi. 757Google Scholar; and Bizaro, ad ann. 1566. Cf. also Morosini, A., Hist. Venet. (1623), p. 335Google Scholar; K. Dapontes in Sathas, Μεσ.ΒΙβλ iii. 4. For the state of the city after the conquest see J. Palaeologus (1573) in Reusner, , Epist. Turc. iii. 142Google Scholarff.

^{page 138 note 4} May 1, 1599 is given by F. Fontana, the historian of the Order, as the date of the landing (I Pregi della Toscana, Firenze, 1701, p. 90), and 1599 by the Turkish historians (Hammer-Hellert, vii. 363, quoting Naima) as by the Chian authors, cf M. Justinian, Scio Sacra, 163 (quoting records of the monastery of S. Nicolas) and the Chronicle of Nenita (Kanellakes, Χιακὰ ᾿Ανάλεκτα 380–1599, Χιακὰ ᾿Ανάλεκταὄταν ἧλθαν τὰ φερεντήνηκα στὴν Χίον With these agree Baudier, M., Hist. des Turcs (1642), pp. 443–4Google Scholar, A. Morosini, Hist. Venet. 616, P. Garzoni, Ist. della Republica, 541. Others give the date as 1595 (Deshayes, , Voyage (1615) 346Google Scholar, followed (?) by Dapper, 224 and Finlay, v. 80), 1598 (Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη ῾ Ελλάς 1600 (Lithgow, , Travels [1609], p. 93Google Scholar, Sagredo, G., Mem. di Mon. Ottomani [1673] p. 766Google Scholar), and 1601 (note in an Athos MS., Lambros, i. 300). Dapper (p. 214) further mentions an assault on the castle by the Latins in 1601 and Contarini, C. (Ist. della Guerra (1710), ii. 439)Google Scholar that they were suspected of plotting with the Florentines in 1606.

Fontana alone describes the Florentine attempt in detail: the landing was effected at midnight to the N. of the town and the citadel surprised without difficulty: according to Baudier the sea-gate was blown in and the walls escaladed simultaneously. The garrison rallied in the morning, and seizing an outwork on the harbour, fired on the Florentine galleys, compelling them to put to sea. The Florentine landing-party aided by the crews of three Turkish galleys, who deserted to them, held their own till a storm compelled their ships to abandon them, when they laid down their arms.

^{page 139 note 1} This action, which gave rise to much friction between the French and Turkish governments, is related at length by the contemporary Comte d' Arvieux (vi. 197 ff.) and mentioned under the same year by the Nenita Chronicle (1681. ὄταν ἧλθαν τὰ καράβια τὰ φραζόσηκα καὶ ἔριξαν κομάτια ἄμετρα See also di Burgo, G., Viaggio, i. 322Google Scholar; Substance d' une Lettre Ecrite par un Officier du Grand Visir. touchant l' expédition de Monsr. du Quesne à Chio, Ville Franche, 1683; Relation Véritable de ce qui s' est passé à Constantinople, etc., ‘A Chio,’ 1683; An Account of Monsieur De Quesne's Late Expedition to Chio, etc., London, 1683 (all in B.M.). The date 1691 is erroneously given by Guys, , Lettres sur la Grèce, iii. 352Google Scholar and quoted by Vlastos.

The engagement of d' Hoquincourt, a young knight of Malta, single-handed against thirty Turkish galleys was fought not in the harbour of Chios, but at Porto Delfino, 27 Nov. 1665. D'Hoquincourt was surprised inside the harbour of Pandoukeios stowing away plunder. He gave the Turks a broadside and escaped through the smaller of the two entrances, opening fire again outside and driving the Turkish fleet into the port of Chios. He then challenged them again, but they refused to come out (Pozzo, dal, Storia dei Cavv. di Malta, ii. 329Google Scholar; Vertot, , Hist, de Malte, iv. 190Google Scholar; Nani, , Hist. Rep. Ven. ii. 586Google Scholar; cf. Randolph, , Archipelago, 50, 51Google Scholar, Tournefort, Voyage, letter 6).

^{page 139 note 2} Sept. 15, 1694–Feb. 21, 1695. For accounts of this expedition († marks those I have found inaccessible) see Vera e Distinta Relatione dell' Operato dell' Arme Venete, etc., Napoli e Roma, 1694 (B.M. 1193 m. 1 (123), double flysheet); † Vera e distinta Relatione dell' Acquisto … dell' Isola e Forteza di Scio, in Venezia, 1694 (Valentinelli, Bibl. della Dalmazia, No. 784): Contarini, †B., Relazione dell' occorso nel combattimento sotto Scio con l' Armata marittima Turca l' anno 1694 il mese di Febbraio, Venezia, 1848Google Scholar (Bibl. Rhodokanakis, 1238, 2): Albrizzi, †G., Distintissima Descrittione della Città, Porto, & Isola di Scio, 18° in Venitia, 1694Google Scholar, last pages contain Diario del' Assedio e Resa di Scio (Bibl. Rhod. 15): and the anonymous Del Acquisto e del Retiro de' Veneti dall' Isola di Scio nell' Anno 1694, 4to, 1710 (‘Francfort,’ library of M. J. Gennadios; ‘Norim berga,’ library of the Boulé, Athens; † in Trento, Bibl. Rhod. 5). The events are also described by Contarino, C., Ist. della Guerra, ii. pp. 436Google Scholarff. 483 ff. Gratianus, , Hist. Venet. ii. 587 ff.Google Scholar, 610 ff.; Garzoni, , Ist. Rep. Ven. xii. 539ff.Google Scholar; Diedo, iii. 476–489; Locatelli, Contin. 15–17; Guglielmotti, , Storia della Marina Pontificia, vii. 455Google Scholar; Rycaut, , Hist, of the Turks, iii. 518, 525, etc.Google Scholar

^{page 139 note 3} Gordon, , Hist. of the Revolution, i. 350ff.Google ScholarFinlay, , Hist. of Greece, vi. 251–263Google Scholar: Stamatiades, ii. 176: for an eyewitness's account of the town after the massacre, R. Walsh, Constantinople, ii., ch. 3.

^{page 139 note 4} Gordon, ii. 450–473 (with a plan).

^{page 139 note 5} S. K. Paganeles, οί Σεισμοὶ τῆς Χίου (eyewitness's account of relief work), Athens, 1883.

^{page 140 note 1} Cf. Thévenot, 1. 298, quoted below, p. 176. Latins were prohibited from residence in the citadel after 1599, and many of the palaces lay deserted and in ruins even earlier (cf. the letter of J. Palaeologus).

^{page 140 note 2} Amsterdam, 1727, i. 297, cf. Jerome Justinian (1606) p. 21: ‘Le Bourg n'est point entouré de murailles: mais il ne laisse pas pourtant d'estre bien fortifié, a de belles portes et de bons boulleuars.’

^{page 140 note 3} Pl. IX. A B.M. Add. MSS. 15760, f. 35 vso. A similar plate is reproduced by Rhodokanakes with the erroneous date ‘about 1500’ (Pl. 1).

^{page 140 note 4} Civitates Orbis Terrarum, Vol. iv. (1617). This is the basis of the more modern plate in Dapper's Archipel. Other early views and plans of the town are to be found:—

(1) In G. F. Camocio's series of island maps (8vo. Venice, about 1571; B.M. Maps, 6. b. 41. f. 50). The fortress is drawn almost circular and two gates, the P. Maggiore and the N. postern, are indicated, as are the churches of S. Nicolo and S. Rocco: there are no signs of Turkish occupation or of town walls.

(2) In G. G. Rossi's Teatro della Guerra (fol. Roma, 1687: B.M. Maps, K ₄, Tab. 50). This charming plate shews the town and environs from the sea, marks three gates (N., W., and watergate), churches of S. Nicolo, S. Rocco, and S. Sebastiano, Bazarro, Palazzo del Cadi, Lazareto, etc.

(3) In Coronelli's Archipelago (Venice, n.d.): (a) Pl. 61, fanciful view of the town and citadel from the sea, reproduced in the Isolario (1696) p. 269; (b) Pl. 62, unrecognisable engraving probably related to Martelli's drawing, of a fortified harbour; (c) Pl. 63, careful plan of town and citadel, interesting as shewing the extent of Venetian information previous to 1694 and, by comparison, of the alterations carried out during their occupation.

(4) In the Acquisto (1710) plans of (a) town and citadel (reproduced by Rhodokanakes), and (b) Citadel (Fig. 2, below).

(5) In Bruyn's, LeVoyage (Delft, 1700, p. 169)Google Scholar folding panoramic view of the town from the land side.

(6) In Fontana's, F.Pregi della Toscana (Firenze, 1701), Pl. xi.Google Scholar, Plan to illustrate the Florentine raid in 1599.

(7) In Choiseul-Gouffier's, Voyage Pittoresque (Paris, 1782) III.Google Scholar (a) Pl. 35, View of Vounaki, (b) Pl. 36, View of the harbour. The former has been frequently republished.

The latest map is an inset in Admiralty Chart, 1645 (893) from which Fig. 1 (below) is taken.

^{page 141 note 1} For the name cf. A. di Millo (B.S.A. xiv. 341) and G. Sandys' Travels, p. 10.

^{page 142 note 1} When Thevet visited the island (c. 1550) this moat was full of water. Its state in 1694 is shewn by the Venetian map (Fig. 2). In 1677 the ‘graff’ was ‘for the most part dry, yet a strong easterly wind drives the sea in sometimes’ (Covel). It is now cut off from the port by the new quay.

^{page 142 note 2} Between 1346–1556 Chios was definitely besieged by the Genoese under Corrado d'Oria in 1409, and by the Venetians in 1431, while for the last hundred years of the Genoese occupation it was in continual apprehension of Turkish attack.

^{page 143 note 1} Scio Sacra, 45: cf. inscription (10) quoted below.

^{page 143 note 2} Loc. cit. i. 278.

^{page 143 note 3} The north postern was closed in 1694, perhaps after the attempt of 1599, but was used for a sally during the siege of 1827 (Gordon, 464). Two gates were open in 1593 according to Jacobus Palaeologus.

^{page 143 note 4} Grand Insulaire, quoted below, p. 183.

^{page 144 note 1} Gratianus, , Hist. Venet., ii. 638.Google Scholar

^{page 145 note 1} Below, No. 5: the polygonal casing of the originally round outer tower and the marble work of the postern adjoining are clearly Turkish.

^{page 145 note 2} Choiseul-Gouffier, III. 36, cf. also Coronelli, Pl. 63, which shews the space occupied by houses. Diedo, (Storia Rep. Ven. iii. 485)Google Scholar says the Latin inhabitants in 1694 ‘offerivano spontanea mente le proprie habitazioni per atterrarle.’ Karavàs (Τοπογρ. τῆς Χίουi p. 33) says that houses were destroyed here and the open space much enlarged after the disaster of 1822. Cf. Vlastos, ii 112. The Piazza di Vunachi (Βουνἀκι) is mentioned about 1639 in Scio Sacra, pp. 201, 220.

^{page 145 note 3} English ed. i. 245. Zolotas (p. 300 (16)) read VENETVS V … and MDCXCIV.

^{page 145 note 4} Fustel de Coulanges in Arch. Miss. Scient. 1856, 496.

^{page 146 note 1} Rhodokanakes, ᾿Εκτ. Σημ p. 13.

^{page 146 note 2} This was certainly done at Amastris and probably at Pera (cf. Alli Soc. Lig. xiii. Pl. XII.).

^{page 146 note 3} Op. cit. ἐκτενεῖς σημειώσεις, p. 8, text of inscr. at p. 24.

^{page 147 note 1} Hopf, art. Giustiniani, p. 341.

^{page 147 note 2} The document is reprinted from J. Justinian by Rhodokanakes, p. 26, note 53.

^{page 147 note 3} Thasos, Conze, Thr. Inseln. Pl. III. 4.

^{page 147 note 4} B.S.A. xi. 61.

^{page 147 note 5} Memoirs Odessa Soc. vii. 276.

^{page 147 note 6} A full list of Podeste is given by Rhodokanakes, op. cit. ἐκτενεῖς σημειώσεις pp. 10 ff.

^{page 147 note 7} Pl. 12.

^{page 148 note 1} For the dialect see Casaccia, Vocabulario. Notable here are the infinitive in -a of a-verbs, butâ for butare= gettare) and omission of t between vowels (decretao mod. decretou for decretato). Specimens of similar date are given by Pagano, Genovesi nella Grecia, p. 310, Atti Soc. Lig. xiii. 125 doc. xviii.

^{page 148 note 2} For this officer see Hopf-Vlastos, p. 95. The govenani are the twelve gubernatores, ib. p. 95.

^{page 148 note 3} For the perper (ὑπέρπυρον) see Mas-Latrie, Bibl. Ec. Chartes, ser. i. vol. v. 121 ff. About this period it seems to have been equivalent to two grossi.

^{page 148 note 4} Pagano, loc. cit. p. 314.

^{page 148 note 5} Ibid.

^{page 149 note 1} Scio Sacra, p. 5, where the harbour is spoken of as ‘riempito da una torrente che vi sbocca.’ A recent attempt to restore the παλαιὸς ὀχετὸς is mentioned by Karavàs, Τοπογρ. τῆς Χίου, 1866, P. 33.

^{page 149 note 2} The ‘Farriers'; quarter,’ from ᾿Αλβάνης a shoeing smith.

^{page 149 note 3} I owe the illustration to the never-failing courtesy of the Directors.

^{page 150 note 1} This is not, however, absolutely final, since members of the family might be appointed to foreign consulates, as Battista Giustiniani to Caffa in 1473, where his arms occur (Mem. Odessa Soc. vii. 281, Fig. 5).

^{page 150 note 2} Atti Soc. Lig. xiii. 323, S. Nicolas; 330, S. Bartholomew, cf. Clarke's, E. D.Travels, ii. 149.Google Scholar

^{page 150 note 3} Viaggi in Toscana, v. 427.

^{page 150 note 4} P. 77 and ἐκτ.σημ 12.

^{page 150 note 5} Sic.

^{page 151 note 1} Atti Soc. Lig. xiii. 330, Inscr. 27, cf. ib. p. 951.

^{page 151 note 2} Colucci, , Ant. Picene, XV. cxxxiii.Google Scholar

^{page 151 note 3} See below, p. 171. Chiote vessels flew the flag ofS. George even after the Turkish conquest (Moryson, Fynes, Itinerary, 11, 86 (1596)Google Scholar, ‘This Island hath Saint George for their protecting Saint, and beares his crosse on their Flags as England doth’ and Stochove, in 1631, writes that by ancient privilege the cross was still flown from the castle at that date (Voyage, p. 201).

^{page 151 note 4} See below, No. 33.

^{page 151 note 5} Coins struck by him for Chios have recently come to light (Riv. Ital. di Num. i. 13).

^{page 151 note 6} Travels, i. 215. The gun was probably Maltese.

^{page 151 note 7} Cf. Woolwich Museum, No. 80, Tower, 112, 113. Marion, Recueil des Bouches à feu, Pl. 109.

^{page 152 note 1} Finlay (MS. Journal), ‘The Turks can boast of some guns of the Greek brig commanded by Captain Thomas that went on shore during the siege … they are now [1853] mounted on the rampart.’

^{page 152 note 2} ii. 227 (31): also in Bent, p. 476.

^{page 152 note 3} Hopf, 339.

^{page 153 note 1} Burckhardt-Bode, , Cicerone (1904), ii. 135.Google Scholar

^{page 153 note 2} The northern pair, and, I suspect, the capitals of all, are of wood.

^{page 154 note 1} I took it down phonetically from the dictation of my guide, a Cretan sergeant. Dr. Karl Süssheim has since been kind enough to transcribe it, correcting obvious errors.

^{page 155 note 1} E.g. Thevet, , Cosmog. Univ. i. 237.Google Scholar

^{page 155 note 2} J. Palaeologi epistola (1573).

^{page 155 note 3} Descr, de l' Isle de Scio, 1606, ii. 96; Scio Sacra, 48: copied with slight variations by A. Vlastos (Χιακά ii. 96), Paspates, Χιακὸν Γλωσσάριον, 422 (62), who had it from Dethier, and Rhodokanakes, p. 146.

^{page 155 note 4} Scio Sacra, 21.

^{page 155 note 5} Ibid. p. 18, quoting Lupazzolo.

^{page 156 note 1} Lequien, iii. 890; cf. de Burgo, G. B., Viaggio, i. 325Google Scholar; Garzoni, 541; cf. Rhodokanakes, p. 692.

^{page 156 note 2} The inscription is given in Zolotas' Προσθῆκαι, p. 521 and Fig. 5.

^{page 156 note 3} Hopf, Chron. G.-R. p. 515, tab. 2, see below, no. 28.

^{page 157 note 1} It is interesting in this connection to note the counter-influence of Genoese sculpture on Chios. Not only does the island possess (like the other Aegean islands and coast-towns) many elaborately carved wooden chancel-screens, but relief sculpture in marble is much practised. Many private houses have marble tablets with more or less elaborate devices built into their fronts, and even in churches, more latitude than is usual in orthodoxy is shewn towards reliefs of religious subjects: of these the local efforts are, needless to say, entirely devoid of artistic merit, being merely Byzantine eikon-types rudely translated into flat relief.

^{page 158 note 1} When Z. saw the stone it was unbroken.

^{page 159 note 1} See Hopf, Giustiniani, and Papadopoulos-Kerameus, Φωκαϊκά.i

^{page 159 note 2} Lequien, , Oriens Christianus, iii. 1079.Google Scholar M. Pierre Agius, the archivist of the Latin Community, informs me that the family of da Todi is known to the Chian records and survives in Smyrna.

^{page 159 note 3} Zolotas, Προσθῆκαι, 519 and Fig. 4.

^{page 159 note 4} Hopf, Chron, G.-R. 515.

^{page 160 note 1} Rogato is Italian rather than Latin for ‘signed,’ ‘attested.’

^{page 160 note 2} Hopf, 515, Rhodokanakes, 755.

^{page 160 note 3} Byz. Zeit. xi. 327.

^{page 160 note 4} Atti Soc. Lig. xiii. 334 (xxxi).

^{page 161 note 1} A similar tabernacle at South Kensington has Hic est locus reliquiarum.

^{page 161 note 2} Probably after 1599, since we have seen that they had still a church in the citadel in 1578.

^{page 161 note 3} Scio Sacra, 145, cf. Rhodokanakes, 441.

^{page 161 note 4} Or, three bars, gu.

^{page 162 note 1} Cf. Acta SS. May 15th, p. 446 … pedibus equo alligatur et per asperas et montanas creptitudines distrahitur: moxque virtute divina in ipso loco per quem tractus est aculei et spinae in arbores gummi masliches diffluentes conversae sunt: et in testimonium eius martyrii manant usque in praesens, etc. A later version of the legend, that the mastic first solidified after the martyrdom of S. Isidore, is cited as current at Chios in his day by M. Giustiniani in L. Chiensis, De Vera Nobilitate, p. III, cf. L. Allatii, de Graecorum Opinationibus, xxviii. Blunt, H., Voyage, 1637, p. 29Google Scholar, Rhodokanakes, 532–3.

^{page 162 note 2} Scio Sacra, 195, Rhodokanakes, 66, 183, 376.

^{page 162 note 3} Hist, de Chio, iii. 47.

^{page 163 note 1} f. 81 vso. ‘Visited Greek and Latin churches, see Latin inscription on opposite page.’

^{page 163 note 2} For particulars of his life, 1498–1578, see Firmin-Didot, Biogr. Universelle, s.v. Paulin; J. Chesneau, Voy. de M. d Aramon, ed. Schefer, p. 154 note.

^{page 163 note 3} Thou, De, Hist. Sui Temporis (Genevae, 1620), p. 373Google Scholar; Charrière, E., Négociations de la France dans le Levant, ii. 237, 253Google Scholar; Voy. de M. d Aramon, p. 153.

^{page 163 note 4} Other Frenchmen, who died of wounds and sickness incurred during the Duke of Cleves' unsuccessful assault on Mytilene (1501) and were buried in the Franciscan church at Chios, are mentioned in the Chroniques of Jean d' Auton (ed. Paris, 1889, ii. p. 196), ‘Six jours entiers y [sc. à Syo] demeurèrent pendant lequel temps moururent le messire Jehan de Porcon seigneur de Beaumont. … Là mourut pareillement Blanquefort, Arzelles, et plusieurs autres, lesquelz furent enterrez dedans l'eglize des Cordelliers de Syo et sollempnellement servyz. Auquel lieu est pareillement ensepulturé feu Jacques Cueur [of Bourges, minister to Charles VII., d. 1456] dedans le milieu du cueur de ladite eglize.’

^{page 164 note 1} See above, p. 147.

^{page 164 note 2} Hopf, Chron. G.-R. p. 525.

^{page 165 note 1} Rhodokanakes, ᾿ Εκτ. Σημ, p. 12.

^{page 165 note 2} Ibid.

^{page 166 note 1} See above, No. 39.

^{page 166 note 2} Atti Soc. Lig. xiii. Pll. XVII., XVIII.

^{page 166 note 3} See Corpet, E. F. in Ann. Arch. xvii. 89, 103Google Scholar (cf. ibid. xiv. 30), who publishes a ninthcentury commentary on Capella, and d'Ancona, P. in L' Arte, v. 1902, 137ff.Google Scholar

^{page 166 note 4} P. 99, Eyssenhardt.

^{page 166 note 5} As at Siena and Pisa (d' Ancona, pp. 146, 213).

^{page 167 note 1} P. 321, note 65.

^{page 167 note 2} Cf. Steph. Byz. s.v.

^{page 167 note 3} Χιακά p. 74. I have consulted the chief authorities on the siege of Malta in vain, to check Vlastos' statement, which may of course depend on local tradition.

^{page 167 note 4} A family Dandree is cited by G. B. de Burgo in his list of existin Genoese families in Chios (Viaggi, 1686).

^{page 168 note 1} Hopf (p. 337, ed. Vlastos, p. 152) mentions that architects were imported from Genoa and that the arts generally flourished in Chios under the Maona. A contract, dated 1464, between Michelozzo Michelozzi and two members of the Giustiniani family, is published in Giorn. Lig. 1883, 457–60: it binds the architect to work for not less than six months in Chios at the rate of 300 sequins per annum. Cf. also below, p. 174.

^{page 168 note 2} Cervetto, L. A., I. Gaggini da Bissone, Milano, 1903Google Scholar; di Marzo, G., I. Gaggini e la Scultura in Sicilia, Palermo, 1880–1884Google Scholar; Filippini, L., Elia Gaggini da Bissone in L' Arte, xi. 1908, 17–29.Google Scholar

^{page 168 note 3} The marble generally used at Chios in the fifteenth-sixteenth centuries seems to have been Parian, the local marbles being coloured. Cyriac writing in 1446 to his friend Andriolo Giustiniani says, Vidi ipse in Pario portu onustam jam navim expolitis plerisque pario ipso de lapide listis Chyensi praeclarae Coloniae Vestrae ingenti decori et ornamento futuris (Targioni-Tozzetti, v. 425): Thevet in 1551 says that Parian was the only marble used except the local (Cosmog. du Levant, p. 29). But Francesco da Bissone (see below, p. 174) seems to have brought marble (from Carrara?) with him.

^{page 169 note 1} I now hear that the fragments have reappeared and that they are to be replaced.

^{page 169 note 2} τῶν τριῶν τετάρτων ἀπολεσθέντων ὑπολείπεται μόνον ὁ ἄγγελος

^{page 169 note 3} Witmann, in 1802, noticed ‘sculptures of Genoese workmanship in front of the churches’ at Chios (Travels, p. 451).

^{page 171 note 1} P. 508, table F. The family was, however, definitely connected with Chios and was represented there till late in the seventeenth century.

^{page 171 note 2} A. Wiszmewski, Hist, de la Banque de S. Georges, pp. 39–40, cf. Cervetto, document XV. (payments ‘pro lapide cum vexillo S. Georgii’).

^{page 171 note 3} I found one not enumerated in his list, in situ at Genoa, Via di Pré, 68.

^{page 171 note 4} Nos. 7255, 7256, ‘attributed to Giovanni Gaggini’; the former is of very inferior workmanship. No. 7256 is illustrated in the Burlington Magazine, March, 1911.

^{page 171 note 5} W. Bode, Ital. Plastik. (Hdbch. Kgl. Mus.) p. 151.

^{page 171 note 6} Les Arts, 1903, 2; Catal. Kann Coil. i. Pl. 43.

^{page 171 note 7} Cervetto, op. cit. p. 217. The work gives its name to the Sala di S. Georgio at Palermo.

^{page 172 note 1} Op. cit. Pl. IX. cf. also Pl. X. which is decidedly more Gothic in feeling.

^{page 172 note 2} Hopf, Chren. G.-R. p. 517; the initials are a rare combination: the only other suitable married pair in Hopf's tables are Simone (d. 1472) and Argentina Longhi (p. 518, Tab. R), which seems too early for the sculpture.

^{page 174 note 1} Rassegna d' Arte, 1908, p. 74.

^{page 174 note 2} Filippini, 25.

^{page 174 note 3} No. 7254 (in pietra nera), illustrated in the Burlington Magazine, March, 1911.

^{page 174 note 4} Loc. cit. 165–7. The Giustiniani palace at Genoa on which this artist worked was unfortunately pulled down about 1850.

^{page 174 note 5} The considerations brought forward on p. 150, note 1, have less weight in the case of domestic sculpture. The Maona never had much to do with Mytilene, the only connection I can find between the two islands being the marriage of Domenico Gattelusi of Lesbos (1455–8) with Maria Longhi-Giustiniani. The Archbishop Leonard (though the contrary has been affirmed) was certainly not a member of the Giustiniani family, as he himself confesses (‘humilibus parentibus egenisque ortus’) in his De Vera Nobilitate Tractatns, p. 59.

^{page 174 note 6} It was given to the gymnasium by Zacharias Altiparmakis, a master-mason of Ayasso, who, I am informed by the gymnasiarch, Dr. E. David, says that the original was found by Mr. Paton at Molivo (Methymna): Mr. Paton, however, knows nothing of it. [While this paper is in the press I find that the stone was seen by Conze built into the church of Panteleëmon at Molivo (Lesbos, p. 23, Pl. XI. 1).]

^{page 175 note 1} Cf. the attitude of the shepherd in the ‘Nativity’ overdoor (No. 221, ‘Genoese of 1472’) at South Kensington.

^{page 175 note 2} Cf. p. 531 where it is described as τεμάχιον ἀναγλύφου ἀρχαίων χριστιανικῶν χρόνων

^{page 175 note 3} A photograph of the doorway and relief with notes by Zolotas, has been published by Rhodokanakes, ᾿Ιουστινιάναι, ᾿Εκτενεῖς Σημειώσεις pp. 25 ff.

^{page 175 note 4} The first ends with the left coat of arms.

^{page 176 note 1} Cf. Reinhardt, , Palast-Archilectur v. Oberitalien, Genua (1886), p. 40.Google Scholar

^{page 176 note 2} Voyage, ed. Amst. 1727, i. 298, ‘Ce château est fort beau et bien bâti. Toutes ses maisons ont été bâties du tems que les Chrétiens en étoient les maîtres, aussi sont-elles très bien élevées, et de belle pierre de taille et ornées de plusieurs armoiries et figures fort bien faites: entr' autres il y en a une au dessus de la porte, qui représente en bas relief l'entrée de Notre Seigneur en Jérusalem sur l'ânesse.’ Thévenot, or his authority, was copied by Piacenza (Egeo, 375) and Albrizzi (cf. Rhodokanakes, op. cit. p. 25). Hopf (ed. Vlastos, p. 145) mentions the same subject in fresco over the door of the church of S. Antonio, but refers to this passage in Thévenot.

^{page 176 note 3} Deser, of the East, ii. 2, p. 5. ‘At a village called Carchiosè I saw over the church a very antient alt-relief of our Saviour's triumphal entrance into Jerusalem; the sculpture is but in different.’

^{page 176 note 4} Rhodokanakes, op. cit. ᾿ Εκτ. Σημ, 26 (from Zolotas).

^{page 176 note 5} Orally from Kanellakes.

^{page 176 note 6} Orally at Chalkiós.

^{page 177 note 1} Cf. the blocks of houses (marked x ) destroyed in the Venetian plan, Fig. 2. But already in 1573 J. Palaeologus speaks of the ‘palatia ampia (sc. in arce) olim habitacula Principům et Dominorum diruta et inhabitata … facta praeda militum,’ etc.

^{page 177 note 2} Zolotas ap. Rhodokanakes, loc. cit. p. 27.

^{page 177 note 3} Zolotas recognized these as of a different period, but considered them Genoese and the outer jambs and door-frame Roman. To me they seem to be ordinary island work of the seventeenth century at earliest, inspired to some extent by the outer jamb to which they were to be fitted.

^{page 177 note 4} These stones end of course at the upper step: the lower base-blocks on which they stand betray their late local origin.

^{page 177 note 5} The dimensions of the opening are 1·70 x 0·91 m. The door is the principal entrance of the villa, and as is usual at Chios opens on the terrace.

^{page 179 note 1} ᾿Ιουστινιάναι, p. 742.

^{page 179 note 2} Zolotas speaks of it as ‘built into one of the towers of the castle,’ but this is corrected in the Προσθῆκαι,

^{page 180 note 1} Atti Soc. Lig. xiii. 145 (xxix.).

^{page 180 note 2} Hopf, Chron. G.-R. p. 507> Tab. C.

^{page 180 note 3} It may be the stone which was seen in situ over the gate of a small castle near the sea between Mesta and Pyrgi by van Egmont: ‘the substance of it was that in the sixteenth century this castle was built by one Marcus Justiniani’ (i. 252). Zolotas' copy should probably be interpreted ‘Hoc opus fecit <Iustinianus> fieri Marcus (Iustinianus).’ The first lustinianus seems to have crept in from the line below.

^{page 181 note 1} Hopf, Chron. G.-R. p. 514, Tab. P.

^{page 181 note 2} Above, No. 10.

^{page 181 note 3} Loc. cit. i. 312.

^{page 181 note 4} Cf. the quotation from L. in Scio Sacra, p. 4, and Thévenot, i. 307.

^{page 182 note 1} i. 313, ‘Ce château étoit commandé des seigneurs Della Rocca comme on voit par leurs armes qui y sont:’ the stone may, however, be our No. 60.

^{page 182 note 2} There was also an inscription at the castle of Volisso, but it has been buried in dćbris and is now inaccessible.

^{page 183 note 1} Bibl. Nat. MS. Fr. 15,453 [1586].

^{page 183 note 2} The account in the Grand Insulaire is much more informing than that in the Cosmog, du Levant and may have come from Jerome Justinian or some member of the family resident in Paris.

^{page 184 note 1} I here omit the story of the construction of the port by Herod, based on a misapprehension of Josephus, Ant. Jud. xvi. 18.