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⁴ n. 2.

⁵ e.g. Gallant, T. W., Risk and Survival in Ancient Greece: Reconstructing the Domestic Rural Economy (Cambridge, 1991).Google Scholar

⁶ It should be noted that the terms nomadisme and transhumance in French have shades of meaning which are not identical with those of the English terminology.

⁷ e.g. Campbell, J. K., Honour, Family and Patronage: A Study of Institutions and Moral Values in a Greek Mountain Community (Oxford, 1964).Google Scholar

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¹² I use the term ‘animal husbandry’ here in what I take to be its original English sense: the keeping of livestock, however they are maintained. In this I differ from the usage in Whittaker (n. 11), 2.

¹³ For an overview and critique of recent archaeological approaches to pastoral exploitation in the Mediterranean, see Chang and Koster (n. 2), esp. 102–4.

¹⁴ Cf. Dyson-Hudson, R. and Dyson-Hudson, N., ‘Nomadic pastoralism’, Annual Review of Anthropology, 9 (1980), 15–61, at 15–16.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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¹⁸ The use of the term ‘mobility strategy’ (Chang, n. 15) is very helpful in this context.

¹⁹ Chang (n. 15), 70.

²⁰ Unpublished field notes made during a short ethnographic survey conducted in Apr. 1974.

²¹ Whittaker (n. 11), 1–2.

²² Dyson-Hudson and Dyson-Hudson (n. 14), 18–20.

²³ Koster (n. 17), 447–63.

²⁴ Spooner (n. 11), 1.

²⁵ Dyson-Hudson and Dyson-Hudson (n. 10), 50–3; cf. Chang (n. 11), 69. For the political dimension to pastoralism in the ancient world, see Hodkinson, S., ‘Politics as a determinant of pastoralism: the case of southern Greece, c.800–300 BC’, in The Archaeology of Pastoralism in Southern Europe, i (special issue of Rivista di studi liguri, 16; 1990), 139–64Google Scholar; id., ‘Imperialist democracy and market-oriented pastoral production in classical Athens’, in Grant, A. (ed.), Les Animaux et leurs produits dans le commerce et les échanges (special issue Anthropozoologica, 16; 1992), 53–60.Google Scholar

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²⁷ Whittaker (n. 10).

²⁸ S. Hodkinson, ‘Animal husbandry in the Greek polis’, in Whittaker (n. 27), 35–74. For a contrary view see Skydsgaard, same volume.

²⁹ Mee, C., Gill, D., Forbes, H., and Foxhall, L., ‘Rural settlement change in the Methana peninsula, Greece’, in Barker, G. and Lloyd, J. (eds), Roman Landscapes: Archaeological Survey in the Mediterranean Region (Archaeological Monographs of the British School at Rome, 2; London, 1991), 223–32, at 228–30.Google Scholar

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³¹ Dyson-Hudson and Dyson-Hudson (n. 14), 51.

³² This argument is well presented in Chang and Koster (n. 2), 103.

³³ Forbes, H. A., Strategies and Soils: Technology, Production and Environment in the Peninsula of Methana, Greece (Ph.D. diss.; Ann Arbor, Mich., 1982), 236–7.Google Scholar

³⁴ Koster (n. 17), 240–1.

³⁵ Cf. Chang (n. 15), 87, who argues that Mediterranean pastoralism is never divorced from cultivation regimes.

³⁶ Forbes (n. 33), 230–89; cf. Foxhall, L., Olive Cultivation within Greek and Roman Agriculture: The Ancient Economy Revisited (Ph.D. thesis, Univ. of Liverpool, 1990), appendix 2.Google Scholar

³⁷ Cf. Chang (n. 15), 70.

³⁸ Skydsgaard (n. 28), 80.

³⁹ Chang (n. 11), 69.

⁴⁰ Hodkinson (n. 28) concentrates his discussion of ancient Greek pastoralism on documentary evidence which derives from those within the mainstream of polis life, for whom specialized pastoralism was generally unimportant (p. 36). But he notes that there are also occasional hints of the existence of specialized pastoralists: owners in their own right, rather than hired men serving arable farmers (ibid.).

⁴¹ Claudia Chang (per epist.) suggests that in modern Greece how people gain access to land on which to graze their animals is the limiting factor in pastoral strategies.

⁴² See Forbes, H. A., ‘The uses of the uncultivated landscape in modern Greece: a pointer to the value of the wilderness in antiquity?’, forthcoming in Shipley, G. and Salmon, J. (eds), Human Landscapes in the Ancient World: Environment and Culture (Leicester–Nottingham Studies in Ancient Society, 6; London, 1996).Google Scholar

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⁴⁴ Cf. Hodkinson (n. 28), 38–50.

⁴⁵ Cf. Koster and Koster (n. 15).

⁴⁶ Foxhall, L., ‘Household, gender and property in classical Athens’, CQ 39 (1989), 22–44, at 33.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁴⁸ Isaeus, vi. 33.

⁴⁹ Koster (n. 17), 384–430.

⁵⁰ Koster and Koster (n. 15).

⁵¹ H. A. Forbes, review of Herzfeld (n. 16), LCM 1990, 13–14.

⁵² Cf. Chang (n. 11), 76–9.

⁵³ It should be noted that these sorts of distances, which I define as quite significant, are the same as those described as relatively short by Hodkinson (n. 28), 53. Hodkinson also suggests that movement across polis boundaries was relatively restricted (ibid. 51–3), not least because citizens of one polis would be exploiting land in another. However, it is unclear how citizenship was defined in most poleis, so the existence of ‘dual nationals’ in some circumstances is not impossible. Moreover, some form of joint ownership of flocks between partners in different poleis would avoid the problem of the non-citizen flock-owner at one end of a transhumance route. Nevertheless there is no reason to assume that distances of, say, 100 km and more were regularly travelled in Greek antiquity (ibid. 54).

⁵⁴ Snodgrass, A. M., ‘Archaeology and the study of the Greek city’, in Rich, J. and Wallace-Hadrill, A. (eds), City and Country in the Ancient World (Leicester-Nottingham Studies in Ancient Society, 2; London, 1991), 1–23Google Scholar; W. G. Gavanagh, ‘Surveys, cities and synoecism’, ibid. 97–118; van Andel, T. H. and Runnels, C., Beyond the Acropolis: A Greek Rural Past (Stanford, Calif., 1987), 108–17Google Scholar; Wells, B., Runnels, C., and Zangger, E., ‘The Berbati–Limnes archaeological survey: the 1988 season’, Opuscula Atheniensia, 18 (1990), 230–3Google Scholar; Mee et al. (n. 29).

⁵⁵ For a recent example of this thinking, see Cherry, J. F., Davis, J. L., and Mantzourani, E., Landscape Archaeology as Longterm History: Northern Keos in the Cycladic Islands from Earliest Settlement until Modern Times (Monumenta Archaeologica, 16; Los Angeles, 1991), 339.Google Scholar

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⁵⁷ L. Foxhall, ‘The control of the Attic landscape’, in Wells (n. 56), 155–9.

⁵⁸ Cf. H. Lohmann,, ‘Agriculture and country life in classical Attica’, in Wells (n. 56), 29–57; Osborne (n. 56).

⁵⁹ Foxhall, L., ‘The dependent tenant: land leasing and labour in Italy and Greece,’, JRS 80 (1990), 97–114.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Barker, G. and Grant, A. (eds), ‘Ancient and modern pastoralism in central Italy: an interdisciplinary study in the Ciccolano mountains’, PBSR 59 (1991), 34.Google Scholar

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⁶² Barker and Grant (n. 60), 71–2.

⁶³ Ibid. 36, where a pastoral function for a site in the Molise survey is also assigned on the basis of location.

⁶⁴ van Andel and Runnels (n. 54).

⁶⁵ e.g. ibid. 18.

⁶⁶ Ibid. 104.

⁶⁷ Ibid. 108.

⁶⁸ Ibid. 113–17.

⁶⁹ Ibid. 17, 128–31.

⁷⁰ Foxhall (n. 36), ch. 3.

⁷¹ Osborne (n. 56), 22.

⁷² Cf. Foxhall (n. 36), chs 1–3.

⁷³ Forbes, H. A., ‘Ethnoarchaeology and the place of the olive in the economy of the southern Argolid, Greece’, in Amouretti, M.-C. and Brun, J.-P. (eds), La Production du vin et de l'huile en Méditerranée (BCH supp. 26; 1993), 213–26.Google Scholar

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⁷⁵ Forbes, H. A. and Foxhall, L., ‘“The queen of all trees“: preliminary notes on the archaeology of the olive’, Expedition, 21. 1 (1978), 37–47Google Scholar; cf. van Andel and Runnels (n. 54), 106, fig. 6, where a supposed olive press is missing this crucial evidence.

⁷⁶ van Andel and Runnels (n. 54), 115–16.

⁷⁷ Mattingly, D., ‘Olive oil production in Roman Tripolitania’, in Buck, D. J. and Mattingly, D. J. (eds), Town and Country in Roman Tripolitania: Papers in Honour of Olwen Hackett (BAR; Oxford, 1985)Google Scholar; id., ‘Megalithic madness and measurement: or how many olives can an olive press press?’, OJA 7 (1988), 177–95; id., ‘Maximum figures and maximising strategies of oil production? Further thoughts on the processing capacity of Roman olive presses’, in Amouretti and Brun (n. 73), 483–98.

⁷⁸ H. A. Forbes, ‘The ethnoarchaeological approach to ancient Greek agriculture: olive cultivation as a case study’, in Wells (n. 56), 95–6.

⁷⁹ Jameson, M. H., Runnels, C. N., and van Andel, T., A Greek Countryside: The Southern Argolid from Prehistory to the Present Day (Stanford, Calif., 1994), 383–94.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Jameson et al. (n. 79), 386–91.

⁸¹ Koster (n. 17), chap. 5.

⁸² Author's unpublished field notes.

⁸³ Lohmann (n. 58) for Attica; but see cautionary comments by Osborne (n. 56), 22; Jameson et al. (n. 79), 383–94, 400–4.

⁸⁴ Mee et al. (n. 29).

⁸⁵ Ibid. 82 per cent of these sites were associated with definite evidence of pressing equipment, and a further 7 per cent had probable associations.

⁸⁶ Cf. Osborne, R., Classical Landscape with Figures: The Ancient Greek City and its Countryside (London, 1987), 37–42.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Mee et al. (n. 29).

⁸⁸ Hodkinson (n. 28).

⁸⁹ n. 30.

⁹⁰ nn. 54, 115.

⁹¹ Forbes, H. A., ‘The struggle for cash: the integrated exploitation of the cultivated and uncultivated landscapes in the southern Argolid, Peloponnesus, Greece’, unpublished MS.Google Scholar

⁹² Spencer, N., Asty and Chora in Early Lesbos (Ph.D. thesis, Univ. of London, 1993), ch. 3.Google Scholar

⁹³ Ibid.

⁹⁴ de Polignac, F., La Naissance de la cité grecque: cultes, espace et société (Paris, 1984).Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Hodkinson, ‘Politics’ (n. 25).

⁹⁶ e.g. Hodkinson (n. 25).

⁹⁷ Such a situation closely mirrors that documented by Koster (n. 17), 183–4, for a modern pastoralist community, in which grazing territories are not rigidly fixed and agreed by all, but are frequently maintained or modified in the face of aggressively competitive acts by other herders with adjacent territories. That areas of grazing at the borders of polis territories continued to be disputed long after the end of the archaic period is exemplified by the recent discussion of the border dispute between Hermion and Epidauros in Jameson et al. (n. 79), 596–606.

⁹⁸ A welcome exception is Hodkinson (n. 25).