² The house was excavated in 1923, followed by supplementary excavations in 1926. The main excavation report is in DM/DB 1923 (3: for May-June and 1–30July); the principal published account of this house is PM ii, 2. 431–67Google Scholar. Comments on selective aspects of the excavation, the building, and the finds (especially the frescoes) can be found in Evans's notebooks in the Evans Archives in the Ashmolean (AE/NB 1924, 1925 [92, 94, 102–4, 106–12, 115, 118–19, 121, 139], 1926 [7]). Shaw wishes to thank Vasso Fotou for sending her copies of selections from Evans's Archives (often accompanied by her own transcriptions of Evans's writing), as well as of a number of plans of the house that precede the one seen in the final publication in The Palace of Minos. Equally appreciated were Fotou's sharing of her valuable views about the house and its frescoes, and constructive criticisms. Shaw is also indebted to Lefteris Platon, for allowing her to access a short unpublished description and a plan of the house prepared by Nicolas Platon on the occasion of the latter's conservation work in that area of Knossos in 1958–9. N. Platon's published references to his findings at the time and theories about the House of the Frescoes are to be found in Kr. Chron. 12 (1958), 462Google Scholar and Kr. Chron. 13 (1959), 363–4, 385Google Scholar.

³ PM ii. 2. 445–6. Each tray measures approximately 2 × 2 ft.

⁴ Cameron 1968b, 14–19, esp. 18. Mackenzie, however, makes it clear that, during the retrieval of the fragments, ‘it was always sought to keep together in the trays fragments found together in case they might be found to belong to larger complexes’: DM/DB, 1923.3:9A. This was easier to do, as he states, in the case of the larger pieces.

⁵ Evans and Gilliéron fils distinguished three panels: Panel A with a blue monkey in a rocky landscape (PM ii. 2, col. pl. X, opp. 446), Panel B with a blue bird in a rocky landscape (PM ii. 2, col. pl. XI, opp. 454), and a scene with a monkey hunting among papyrus stalks (PM ii. 2. 451, fig. 264). Cameron (1968b, 14–24) convincingly argued that these panels, together with the individual floral motifs, belong to a continuous frieze.

⁶ Cameron 1968b, 25.

⁷ PM ii. 2. 431. Evans's ‘Great Destruction’ and the transition from MM III B to LM I A is the subject of continuing study. The phase in which the House of the Frescoes was built is identified variously as ‘MM III B,’ ‘MM III B/LM I A,’ and ‘early LM I A.’ For a useful summary of the problem with additional references, see J. Driessen and C. F. Macdonald, The Troubled Island: Mino Crete Before and After the Santorini Eruption (Aegaeum, 17; Liège and Austin, 1997), 15–18.

⁸ PM ii. 2. 436; Mackenzie (DM/DB 1923.3:3) also dated the building to LM I A based on the pottery finds.

⁹ Macdonald, C. F., ‘The Neopalatial Palace of Knossos,’ in Driessen, J., Schoep, I., and Laffineur, R. (eds.), Monuments of Minos: Rethinking the Minoan Palaces. Proceedings of the International Workshop ‘Crete of the Hundred Palaces?’ Held at the Université Catholique de Louvain, Louvain-la-Neuve, 14–15 December 2001 (Aegaeum, 23; Liège and Austin, 2002), 35–54Google Scholar.

¹⁰ For detailed discussion of this problem, see below.

¹¹ Evans, (PM ii. 2. 421–32, 435, 450Google Scholar; Index Volume, 52) dated the frescoes to the last stage of MM III B and no later than LM I A; Mackenzie (DM/DB 1923.3:16) to LM I A. Cameron acknowledges the uncertainty and suggests both LM I A (1968b, 26) and MM III B/LM I A: Cameron, M. A. S., ‘A General Study of Minoan Frescoes with Particular Reference to Unpublished Wall Paintings from Knossos,’ 3 vols. (unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Newcastle upon Tyne, 1975), 592Google Scholar. For the date of the underlying buildings excavated by Evans, see PM ii. 2. 435Google Scholar; for the pottery within the house itself, including vessels dated by Evans to MM III, see PM ii. 2. 436–8Google Scholar.

¹² The frescoes from Akrotiri, Thera, belong to a rebuilding campaign after a seismic event (perhaps contemporary with the MM III B earthquake on Crete) destroyed much of Akrotiri and necessitated extensive rebuilding. The frescoes were of course buried in the volcanic eruption, dated by pottery to mature LM I A and perhaps nearly contemporary with the LM I A earthquake that rocked Knossos and other sites on Crete. For the observation that the LM I A earthquake probably preceded and maybe even precipitated the Santorini eruption, see Driessen, J. and Macdonald, C. F., ‘The Eruption of the Santorini Volcano and its Effects on Minoan Crete,’ in McGuire, W. J. et al. (eds.), The Archaeology of Geological Catastrophes (London, 2000), 83Google Scholar. For recent reviews of the problem with extensive references, see Marthari, M., ‘The Chronology of the Last Phases of Occupation at Akrotiri in the Light of the Evidence from the West House Pottery Groups,’ in Hardy, D. A. (ed.), Thera and the Aegean World III, 3 vols. (London, 1990), iii. 57–70Google Scholar; Driessen and Macdonald 1997 (n. 7); Warren, P., ‘LM I A: Knossos, Thera, Gournia,’ in Betancourt, P. P., Karageorghis, V., Laffineur, R., and Niemeier, W.-D. (eds.), Μελετήματα: Studies in Aegean Archaeology Presented to Malcolm H. Wiener as he Enters his 65th Year (Aegaeum, 20; Liêge and Austin, 1999), 893–903Google Scholar; Macdonald, C., ‘Chronologies of the Thera Eruption,’ AJA 105 (2001), 527–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Macdonald 2002 (n. 9).

¹³ Shaw would like to thank Giuliana Bianco for her— as always—amazing architectural drawings. They were first presented in the poster session at the 2005 AIA Annual Meeting in Boston, in which, as in this article, the subject matter was divided into two parts. For the abstract, see http://www.archaeological.org/webinfo.php?page=1024/DB1923.3:236.

¹⁴ PM ii. 2. 434, fig. 251. In the plan here, black is used for the extant walls, grey for the walls restored. Pale grey is used for structures like doorjamb bases.

¹⁵ Many of the destroyed walls could be inferred from the stone doorjamb bases found at floor level. In the two drawings the bases are also shown in a lighter shade, but this does not mean they are all restored.

¹⁶ DM/DB 1923.3:23B.

¹⁷ A number of writers have commented extensively on the Minoan Hall: Graham, J. Walter, The Palaces of Crete, rev. edn. (Princeton, 1987), 94–9Google Scholar; Driessen, J., ‘The Minoan Hall in domestic architecture on Crete: to be in vogue in Late Minoan IA?’ Acta Arch. Lov. 21 (1982) 27–92Google Scholar; Preziosi, Donald, Minoan Architectural Design: Formation and Signification (West Berlin, 1983), 33–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hitchcock, Louise, ‘The Minoan Hall system: writing the present out of the past,’ in Locock, Martin, Meaningful Architecture: Social Interpretations of Buildings (Aldershot, 1994), 14–44Google Scholar.

¹⁸ G-1 has the problem that the doorjamb bases are oriented in such a way that it is implied that G-1 was an interior space—information gratefully received by me from J. W. Shaw and J. McEnroe. Of interest here is Driessen's view (n. 17, 43–6) that the jambs belong to an earlier phase and that in a remodelling of the House of the Frescoes a Minoan Hall was created in which G-1 served as light-well. His earlier phase consists largely of the walls that Evans attributed to a building preceding the House of the Frescoes, and it is to this that he also assigns the frescoes, which, however, were found above these walls and must therefore belong to his next building phase.

¹⁹ PM ii. 2. 435.

²⁰ Cameron 1968a; 1968b.

²¹ Cameron 1968b, fig. 13 (after p. 24). For the colour version, see Evely, 1999, 247.

²² The original locations of the frescoes suggested by Cameron are shown in a restoration he made of the upper floor of the house (Cameron 1968b, 17, fig. 9). This plan is reproduced in Evely, 1999, 129, but both the caption and the text treat it as the ground floor of the house when it was in fact Cameron's restoration of the upper storey, which differs from the ground floor in many respects.

²³ DM/DB 1923.3: plan 2. See also PM ii. 2. 434. In fact, Mackenzie makes the point that the fragments of the fresco stack ‘extended over the width of the wall on the south side’, leading him to believe that they ‘had been displaced in that direction’ by later disturbance in that area (DM/DB 1923.3:10).

²⁴ DM/DB 1923.3:9A.

²⁵ DM/DB 1923.3:10A. Space E had a dirt floor, and the one way its original level could be determined was by reference to the levels of nearby stone doorjamb bases.

²⁶ DM/DB 1923.3:10A.

²⁷ PM ii. 2. 440–2.

²⁸ Cameron 1968a. It is obvious from the illustrations in both this article and those reproduced by Evans (n. 27) that the designs looked like doodles and did not render any ‘spirals’ or ‘rosettes.’ For elaborate cartoons in red lines that have been attested recently among frescoes from House X at Kommos, see Shaw, M. C. in J. W., and Shaw, M. C., ‘Excavations at Kommos (Crete) during 1986–1992,’ Hesp. 62 (1993), 129–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar at 141. In the case of the House of the Frescoes, it is likely that the top surface flaked off mainly in the case of the fragments at the bottom of the pile, possibly because of the pressure above them or as the result of humidity.

²⁹ DM/DB 1923.3:10A; PM ii. 2. 445. The suggestion made recently by P. Warren (pers. comm., 12 Feb. 2006) that the intention was to put the plasters back on the walls has its appeal, but I am not aware of a technology at that time that would have made the process feasible, and, besides, the fact that so much is missing of the original composition among the recovered fragments implies there was little chance to reconstruct the painting with what was preserved.

³⁰ The disposal of frescoes outside buildings or in areas fallen out of use was common practice among Minoans, with numerous examples known from the Palace of Knossos. The relatively tidy deposition of the plaster debris in Space E obviously had nothing to do with a wish to preserve it, since the fresco was irreparably damaged. Rather, its tidiness is the result of the organized way in which the debris was moved from one place to another. Vasso Fotou has made the excellent suggestion that the plasters may have been placed in baskets before being carried to Space E. Baskets are light and they can be carried by their handles by two individuals, so they make a good container for such transport.

³¹ House X was built some time between MM III late and Late Minoan I A. A more specific date must await the completion of the examination of the ceramic evidence before this building's forthcoming publication. Since there is no sign of redecoration in this house, the frescoes in Space X₄ (next to closet X₁) are likely to have been executed when the house was first built. For a preliminary report, see M. C. Shaw in Shaw and Shaw (n. 28), 131–61.

³² As demonstrated by the discovery of a fresco fragment nicknamed by Evans ‘The Captain of the Blacks,’ found in disturbed Minoan fills some distance down from a Roman cist grave, apparently in J-5. This fresco is stylistically later in date than the landscape frescoes that are the subject of this paper, likely LM I B (DM/DB 1923.3:8; PM ii. 2. 755–7).

³³ PM ii. 2. 466–7.

³⁴ PM ii. 2. 443, fig. 260.

³⁵ The only problem there is the lack of vertical lines to suggest the joins between the blocks, unless these lines were simply not preserved.

³⁶ DM/DB 1923.3:17B.

³⁷ Preziosi (n. 17), 39–40, 45.

³⁸ To deal with the problem of H-3's situation Preziosi, locc. citt., hypothesized a clerestory window above it. While clerestories may have been used by the Mycenaeans on the mainland (Blegen, C. W. and Rawson, M., The Palace of Nestor at Pylos in Western Messenia (Princeton, 1966), 201)Google Scholar, there is so far no evidence to show they were used by the Minoans in Crete. Among the most wildly hypothetical clerestory windows in Crete is the large one restored by Evans over the lustral basin next to the Throne Room in the Palace at Knossos. For a comment on the lack of evidence in the last case, see Graham, , The Palaces of Crete (n. 17), 30 and fig. 130Google Scholar.

³⁹ This building is illustrated and discussed by Driessen (n. 17), 39–42, fig. 12, space 3.

⁴⁰ PM ii. 2. 435–7.

⁴¹ I thank V. Fotou for raising this possibility (pers. comm., March 2005).

⁴² Though we cannot prove this for Minoan Crete, this principle is evident in the Late Cycladic I A houses at Akrotiri at Thera, where whole rooms and their paintings are often preserved. See Douraas 1992. It is also supported by the famous fresco cycle from Room 14 of the villa at Ayia Triada. See Militello 1998.

⁴³ Minoan examples are fragmentary. Much more informative is the case of the famous Flotilla Fresco from the West House at Akrotiri in Thera, which is some 0.45 m high. See Doumas 1992, pls. 35–48.

⁴⁴ Cameron's estimate of the height of the frieze was 0.85 m, and nearly the same (0.90 m) as that of a restoration (in progress) of the same fresco by Anne Chapin. This is also discussed in her ‘Landscape and Space in Aegean Bronze Age Art’ (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1995), 298–315Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Chapin, A. P., ‘Power, Privilege, and Landscape in Minoan Art,’ in ead. 2004, 47–64Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ See Palyvou, Clairy, Ακρωτὴρι Θὴρας, Οικοδομικὴ Τὲχνη (Athens, 1999), 408–11Google Scholar; ead., ‘Concepts of Space in Aegean Bronze Age Art and Architecture,’ in Sherratt, S., The Wall Paintings of Thera: Proceedings of the First International Symposium, Petros M. Nomikos Conference Centre Thera, Hellas, 30 August-4 September 1997, 3 vols. (Athens 2000), i. 413–35Google Scholar, esp. 432–3. In these publications Palyvou observes that it is a common misconception that rooms in ground floors or basements in Bronze Age Aegean buildings were usually windowless for safety's sake, and suggests instead that it is likely that every room had a window, if, for nothing else, at least for aeration. She also suspects that Aegean frescoes were viewed under a range of conditions, and some times with little light. The latter would have, naturally, affected visibility, but the Minoans may have used other sources of light, such as lamps.

⁴⁷ Warren, P., ‘Flowers for the goddess? New fragments of wall paintings from Knossos,’ in Morgan, L. (ed.), Aegean Wail-Painting: A Tribute to Mark Cameron (BSA Studies, 13; London, 2005), 131–48Google Scholar. I thank Peter Warren for informing me directly upon publication; it is encouraging to have such evidence in support of my attribution, which had already been made in the original text of this article submitted to the Annual.

⁴⁸ For a description of the decoration, see DM/DB 1923.3:18B.

⁴⁹ Interestingly, Cameron indicates a low black dado at the base of the walls carrying the frieze, but assigned it to a room on the upper storey (Cameron 1968b, fig. 13).

⁵⁰ The plaster revetment on this wall was badly preserved. Perhaps the upper part started collapsing first and had to be removed, if the room was still in use. An intriguing statement by Mackenzie (DM/DB 1923.3:16B) is that ‘it is to be noted that in the South East corner of Room 3 … fragments of fresco occurred resembling those in the deposit of Room 4,’ meaning the fresco stack in Space E. What he meant by this intriguing statement, and whether he was calling attention to a resemblance of motifs or merely to the fact that painted plasters were found in both locations, remains vague.

⁵¹ For a discussion of the height preferred, see Cameron 1968 b, 22.

⁵² This hypothesis remains untested.

⁵³ For continuous friezes of two different heights painted over windows and doors in the same room, there is the example of Room 5 in the West House at Akrotiri at Thera, where the ‘Nilotic’ frieze that complements the Flotilla Fresco is placed above the entrance into the room (Doumas 1992, 64, pl. 30) while the taller compositions depicting coastal towns and ships are placed over windows and at the top of the remaining walls directly below the ceiling (ibid., 68–70, pl. 35).

⁵⁴ For interesting comments on restricted access and circulation patterns in Minoan Halls, see Hitchcock (n. 17), 14–44.

⁵⁵ PM ii. 2. 459, fig. 271.

⁵⁶ Cameron 1968a, 53, 62 (no. 22), 63 (no. 23), pls. VI, VII, fig. 6 a.

⁵⁷ Cameron 1968b.

⁵⁸ Ibid., fig. 12.

⁵⁹ Evely, 1999, 244–5.

⁶⁰ This study, to be entitled ‘Unpublished Minoan frescoes from Knossos Town, Crete’ was initiated and directed by Mark A. S. Cameron, and its aim was a comparative analysis of frescoes from the Town of Knossos and those from the Palace.

⁶¹ PM ii. 2. 458 n. 1. The presence of modern gesso backing makes it now impossible to measure the thickness.

⁶² Cameron, M. A. S., Jones, R. E., and Philippakis, S. E., ‘Scientific analyses of Minoan fresco samples from Knossos,’ BSA 72 (1977), 169Google Scholar.

⁶³ Cameron 1968a, 56–58; 1968b, 3.

⁶⁴ DM/DB 1923.3:9A.

⁶⁵ In the opinions of Cameron, M. A. S. and Jones, R. E., ‘A note on the identification of fresco material from the British campaigns at Palaikastro, 1902–1906,’ BSA 71 (1976), 18Google Scholar n. 14, the 1926 earthquake and the misfortunes of World War II are probably responsible for any damage to the fragments. Work in the storerooms by Helga Reusch and Mark Cameron identified many misplaced fragments.

⁶⁶ PM ii. 2. 458–9.

⁶⁷ Warren, P., ‘From naturalism to essentialism in Theran and Minoan art,’ in Sherratt, S. (n. 46), i. 367Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ Cameron 1968b, colour plate B2 (no. 30), fig. 4 (nos. 30–2).

⁶⁹ Cameron, Jones, and Philippakis (n. 62), 169 (no. 22), pl. 16 b, a detail of the fresco fragment showing the blue crocuses. As reported by Cameron and Jones (n. 65), 15, Dr Helga Reusch's reorganization of the fresco material from Knossos in 1961 identifies the source of the fresco fragments in tray HM 162 Gamma VII as ‘Knossos?’—possibly coming from Knossos but unlabelled.

⁷⁰ Cameron 1968b, 5, 11, 12, 28, 30–1, nos. 9, 11, 31, 32, 35, figs. 1 f 2 b, 4 d–e, 5 b.

⁷¹ Ibid., 12, 30, no. 39, fig. 6 d.

⁷² In the Evans Archive, located in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, there is also a watercolour copy of an otherwise unidentified fragment from the House of the Frescoes depicting blue crocuses on a red ground beside the tops of papyrus flowers. The authors thank Professor Susan Sherratt for permission to examine the watercolour copy.

⁷³ PM ii. 2. 446.

⁷⁴ PM ii. 2. 459, fig. 271.

⁷⁵ Cameron 1968b, 9.

⁷⁶ Ibid., 29 no. 27. The frescoes from Ayia Triada have recently been published in Militello 1998.

⁷⁷ Platon, N., Zakros: The Discovery of a Lost Palace of Ancient Crete (New York, 1971), 161–9Google Scholar. Note the lone crocus plant springing from the rocky landscape.

⁷⁸ Doumas 1992, pl. 91, where the animals are identified as bovine. The small sharp horn preserved on one fresco fragment, however, suggests that the animal is a young goat. For tentative goat identification, see Morgan, L., The Miniature Wall Paintings of Thera: A Study in Aegean Culture and Iconography (Cambridge, 1988), 59Google Scholar; and Marinatos, N., Art and Religion in Thera: Reconstructing a Bronze Age Society (Athens, 1984), 116Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Sackett, H. and Popham, M., ‘Excavations at Palaikastro VII,’ BSA 65 (1970), 218Google Scholar, fig. 9, pl. 57 a.

⁸⁰ Marinatos, N., Minoan Religion: Ritual, Image, and Symbol (Columbia, SC, 1993), 193Google Scholar; Rehak, P., ‘The role of religious painting in the function of the Minoan Villa: the case of Ayia Triadha,’ in Hägg, R. (ed.), The Function of the ‘Minoan Villa’: Proceedings of the Eighth International Symposium at the Swedish Institute at Athens, 6–8 June 1992 (Stockholm, 1997), 163–75Google Scholar.

⁸¹ For the gold ring from Mycenae, see CMS i, no. 155; other images of agrimia in heraldic poses flanking trees include CMS i, nos. 58, 90, 123, 155, 266, 375, xii, no. 27.

⁸² Hiller, S., ‘Potnia/potnios aigon: on the religious aspects of goats in the Aegean Late Bronze Age,’ in Laffineur, R. and Hägg, R. (eds.), POTNIA: Deities and Religion in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 8th International Aegean Conference/8e Rencontre égéenne internationale, Göteborg, Göteborg University, 12–15 April 2000 (Aegaeum, 22; Liège and Austin, 2001), 293–304Google Scholar.

⁸³ Most notably, the somewhat later Griffin Fresco from the Throne Room at Knossos, dated LM III A, features griffins in an abstract landscape heraldically flanking a stone throne and a doorway (though one griffin is restored). For a review of the fresco, see Immerwahr 1990, 96–8, 176 (Kn No. 28). Likewise, the Mistress of Animals Fresco from Xeste 3 in Akrotiri, on Thera, features the image of a youthful enthroned goddess flanked by a monkey and a griffin; for photos, see Doumas 1992, pl. 122. Maria Shaw investigates parallels between these two fresco compositions in ‘The Aegean Garden,’ AJA 97 (1993), 676–8Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ Evely, 1999, 130.

⁸⁵ The position of the line above and roughly parallel to the horn seems to preclude any possibility that the line describes the oudine of an agrimi's body. And while it could preserve part of an architectural feature, too little is preserved to confirm such identification.

⁸⁶ Shaw (n. 28); Militello, P. and Palio, O., Gli affreschi minoici di Festòs (Padua, 2001)Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ Cameron, M. A. S., ‘On theoretical principles in Aegean Bronze Age mural restoration,’ TUAS 1 (1976), 20–41Google Scholar at 20.

⁸⁸ No frescoed images of monkeys were known in Minoan art when Evans restored the Blue Boy (PM i. 265, pl. IVGoogle Scholar). By 1939, however, Pendlebury, J. D. S., The Archaeology of Crete: An Introduction (New York, 1939), 131–2Google Scholar recognized the figure as a monkey. For overview of this composition, see Immerwahr 1990, 41–2, 170 (Kn No. 1).

⁸⁹ Evely, 1999, 118.

⁹⁰ Cameron 1976 (n. 87), 24.

⁹¹ PM ii. 2. 459.

⁹² Cameron 1968b, 25, where he notes that about 80 cm of the upper border stripes survive.

⁹³ Ibid., 25.

⁹⁴ Doumas 1992, pls. 116, 122, 129.

⁹⁵ See N. Marinatos (n. 78), 61–84; id. (n. 80), 203–11; Amigues, S., ‘Le crocus et le safran sur une fresque de Théra,’ Revue archéologique, 1988, 227–42Google Scholar; Rehak 2004.

⁹⁶ Rehak, P., ‘The Aegean landscape and the body: a new interpretation of the Thera frescoes,’ in Wicker, N. L. and Arnold, B. (eds.), From the Ground Up: Beyond Gender Theory in Archaeology (BAR S812, Oxford, 1999), 11–22Google Scholar; Forsyth, Phyllis Young, ‘The medicinal use of saffron in the Aegean Bronze Age,’ Classical Views/Échos du monde classique, 44 = n.s. 19 (2000), 145–66Google Scholar; Ferrence, Susan C. and Bendersky, Gordon, ‘Therapy with saffron and the goddess at Thera,’ Perspectives in Biology and Medicine, 47. 2 (2004), 199–226CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

⁹⁷ Walberg, G., ‘Minoan floral iconography,’ in Laffineur, R. and Crowley, J. L. (eds.), ΕΙΚΩΝ: Aegean Bronze Age Iconography: Shaping a Methodology. Proceedings of the 4th International Aegean Conference/4^e Rencontre égéenne internationale, University of Tasmania, Hobart, Australia, 6–9 April 1992 (Aegaeum, 8; Liège, 1992), 244Google Scholar. ‘Οι Ασαμινθοι στο Ακρωτηρι Θηρας . Σκεψεις για τις Θεσεις Ευρεσεως και τις Χρησεις των Ασαμινθων κατα την Υστερη Εποχη του Χαλκου στο Αιγαιο,’ in Vlachopoulos, A. and Birtaka, K., ΑΡГΟΝΑΥΤΗΣ: Τιμητικος Τομος για τον Καθηγητη Χριστο Γ Ντουμα (Athens, 2003), 440Google Scholar, fig. 16

⁹⁸ See above, n. 88.

⁹⁹ Walberg (n. 97), 244.

¹⁰⁰ Rehak 2004, 96.

¹⁰¹ CMS ii. 5. 269Google Scholar.

¹⁰² Sakellarakis, Y. and Sapouna-Sakellaraki, E., Archanes: Minoan Crete in a New Light, 2 vols. (Athens, 1997), i. 548–62Google Scholar, figs. 552–9, 561.

¹⁰³ For a detailed study of this artistic convention, see Chapin (n. 44), 81–165, 213–27.

¹⁰⁴ See above, n. 88. The dating of this fresco is controversial.

¹⁰⁵ Doumas 1992, pl. 100.

¹⁰⁶ CMS i. 10Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ The upper borders of rockwork are foreshadowed by abstract filling devices appearing on Prepalatial seals of the MM I A period. See e.g. the three-sided ivory seal from Tholos B, Platanos, which preserves a rock-like filling motif above an image of a goat or a deer (CMS ii. 1. 287a, bGoogle Scholar). Later, when pictorial art finds greater development on Kamares pottery, a MM II bridge-spouted jar from the Kamares Cave pictured in PM i. 264Google Scholar, fig. 197, is decorated with crocus flowers springing from an undulating ground line and embellished with semi-circular white shapes that look forward to the depending rockwork of the Neopalatial period. For detailed analysis, see Chapin 1995 (n. 44).

¹⁰⁸ PM iii. 167–77, figs. 109 b, 110, 113, 115–20; Immerwahr 1990, 85–8, 174 (Kn. No. 21), pls. 36–7.

¹⁰⁹ PM iv. 2. 905–13, figs. 884–6, pl. xxxii, frontispiece; Immerwahr 1990, 96–8, 176 (Kn No. 28), pls. 47–8.

¹¹⁰ PM ii. 2. 682–5, 704–12, 719–36, figs. 428, 450, pl. xii, supp. pls. xxv–xxvii; Immerwahr 1990, 88–90, 175–6 (Kn No. 22), pls. 38–40.

¹¹¹ PM ii. 1. 109–16, figs. 49, 51–4, frontispiece; Immerwahr 1990, 78–9, 174 (Kn No. 20), pl. 30; M. C. Shaw, ‘The Painted Pavilion of the ‘Caravanserai at Knossos,’ in Morgan (n. 47), 91–111.

¹¹² Militello 1998; Immerwahr 1990, 49–50, 180 (A.T. No. 1), pls. 17–18.

¹¹³ PM iv. 2, 1002Google Scholar, supp. pl. lxvii a; Immerwahr 1990, 78, 180 (Am No. 2).

¹¹⁴ Doumas 1992, pl. 79. Kriga 2003 (n. 97), 470, fig. 16.

¹¹⁵ The artistic convention continues to appear in later Mycenaean painting. See, for example, the Women's Procession Fresco from the Kadmeia at Thebes and the fresco with the Lyre Player from the Throne Room at Pylos (Immerwahr 1990, 115–17, 133–4, 198 (Py No. 14), 200–1 (Th No. 1), pls. xviii, xxi. For further analysis, see Chapin 1995 (n. 41), 264–5, 268, 270.

¹¹⁶ Doumas 1992, pls. 6–7.

¹¹⁷ Murray, Suzanne P., ‘Reconsidering the Room of the Ladies at Akrotiri,’ in Chapin, 2004, 125Google Scholar, observes that the four-pointed star and net pattern is also found among the textile patterns decorating the flounced skirt of the young woman carrying a necklace in the Adorants Fresco of Xeste 3.

¹¹⁸ Murray (n. 117), 125, argues for a tent enclosure or canopy. Evidence for the export of Aegean textiles for use as wall hangings or canopies can be found in Egyptian art. See Kantor, H., The Aegean and the Orient in the Second Millennium BC (Bloomington, Ind., 1947)Google Scholar; Smith, W. S., Interconnections in the Ancient Near East: A Study of the Relationships Between the Arts of Egypt, the Aegean, and Western Asia (New Haven, 1965)Google Scholar; Shaw, M. C., ‘Ceiling Patterns from the Tomb of Hepzefa,’ AJA 74 (1970), 25–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar, pls. 5–6; Barber, E. J. W., Prehistoric Textiles: The Development of Cloth in the Neolithic and Bronze Ages (Princeton, 1991), 330–51Google Scholar.

¹¹⁹ Blakolmer, F., ‘Textilkunst und Wandmalerei in der frühen Ägäis: ikonographische Evidenz aus dem “Haus der Damen” in Akrotiri, Thera,’ in Lorenz, T. et al. (eds.), Akten des 6. Österreichischen Archäologentages in Graz, 3.-5. Februar 1994, Universität Graz (Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Klassische Archäologie der Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, 3; Vienna, 1996), 28Google Scholar.

¹²⁰ On Aegean textiles, see Barber 1991 (n. 118), 311–57, esp. 316–22.

¹²¹ Shaw, M. C. and Laxton, K., ‘Minoan and Mycenaean Wall Hangings: New Light from a Wall painting at Ayia Triada,’ Creta antica, 3 (2002), 93–104Google Scholar. This painting also preserves what seems to be the suspension device for the hanging at the top and the cloth's wavy hemline. Examples of frescoes with wavy bands bordering textile patterns occur at Mycenae, as will be discussed in a study by Maria C. Shaw (in progress). The two wall hangings relate to women who seem to be participants in procession scenes. One of these women is the famous ‘Mykenaia’ (see Kristeli-Providi, I., Τοιχογραφὶες του Θρησκευτικοὺ Κὲντρου των Μυκηνὼν (Athens, 1982)Google Scholar, cover illustration, and col. pl. γ). The wall hanging related to her is a network of ivy leaves.

¹²² Rehak 2004.

¹²³ PM i. 506, fig. 364; M. Panagiotaki, The Central Palace Sanctuary at Knossos (BSA supp. 31; London, 1999).

¹²⁴ PM i. 506, fig. 364 b.

¹²⁵ Panagiotaki, M., ‘The Temple Repositories of Knossos: New Information from the Unpublished Notes of Sir Arthur Evans,’ BSA 88 (1993), 61Google Scholar, fig. d; ead. (n. 123).

¹²⁶ PM III, 43, fig. 26Google Scholar; Immerwahr 1990, 189 (Ph No. 2).

¹²⁷ Vlachopoulos, A., ‘Κρητολογικοῦ Συνεδρὶου’: Κεραμεικὴ καμῖνος εὶς Ιστρῶνα ὰνατολικῆς Κρὴτης Συμβολὴ του ορυκτοὺ πλοὺτου της Συμβολὴ του ορυκτοὺ πλοὺτου της (1973–2003), in Vlachopoulos, A. and Birtaka, K., ΑΡГΟΝΑΥΤΗΣ: Κρὴτης στην ανὰπτυξη του πολιτισμοὺ της αρχαιὸτητας Πσπραγμὲνα του Ε Διεθνους Κρητολογικοὺ Συνεδρὶου Ντουμα (Athens, 2003), 505–526Google Scholar, with English summary.

¹²⁸ Shaw, M., ‘A miniature fresco from Katsamba,’ AJA 82 (1978), 27–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹²⁹ PM III, 130, fig. 85Google Scholar; Immerwahr 1990, 172–3 (Kn No. 14e).

¹³⁰ Bosanquet, C. R. and Dawkins, R. M., The Unpublished Objects from the Palaikastro Excavations, 1902–1906 (BSA Supp. 1; London, 1923), 148Google Scholar, fig. 3; Immerwahr 1990, 182–3 (Pa No. 1); Rehak 2004, 96, 98 (no. 10).

¹³¹ Cameron, M. A. S., ‘Savakis's bothros: a minor sounding at Knossos,’ BSA 71 (1976), 7Google Scholar.

¹³² PM II, 1, 114Google Scholar. Evans raises the question of textile patterns not because of the wavy lines themselves, but because of the dotted patterns that reminded him of embroideries.

¹³³ See Shaw and Laxton (n. 121). For a textile design rendered in relief fresco excavated from Xeste 3, room 9, see Doumas 199a, 131, pls. 136–7. See also Shaw, M. C., ‘Anatomy and Execution of Complex Minoan Textile Patterns in the Procession Fresco from Knossos,’ in Karetsou, A., Κρητη - Αιγυπτις Πολιτισμοκοὶ δεσμοὶ τριὼν χιλιετιὼν (Athens, 2000), 60Google Scholar.

¹³⁴ PM iii. 66–80, 82, figs. 45 a–b, pl. xviii; Immerwahr 1990, 65–6, 173 (Kn No. 16), pl. 23.

¹³⁵ PM iii. 166–9, figs. 109 b, 113.

¹³⁶ PM i. 537, fig. 389; Immerwahr 1990, 179 no. 10. Additional fragments of an olive tree, perhaps from the east side of the Knossos palace, are illustrated in Cameron (n. 11), pl. 117.

¹³⁷ PM i. 537; Cameron (n. 11), 734.

¹³⁸ Karo, G., Die Schachtgräber von Mykenai, 2 vols. (Munich, 1930–1933), i. 106–8Google Scholar (n. 481), figs. 35–9, pl. 122; Hood, S., The Arts in Prehistoric Greece (Harmondsworth, 1978), 160–3Google Scholar, figs. 154, 155.

¹³⁹ See above, n. 73. See also Shaw, J. W., ‘Evidence for the Minoan tripartite shrine,’ AJA 82 (1978), 437CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁴⁰ Warren (n. 47).

¹⁴¹ Id., ‘The Fresco of the Garlands from Knossos,’ in P. Darque and J.-C. Poursat (eds.), L'Iconographie minoenne (BCH Supp. 11; Athens and Paris, 1985), 187–205; Warren, P., Minoan Religion as Ritual Action (Göteborg, 1988), 24Google Scholar, pls. 14–15.

¹⁴² Warren, P., Minoan Stone Vases (Cambridge, 1969), 168Google Scholar; see also Warren (n. 67).