^{page 213 note 1} The Heroic Age, pp. 437, 456.

^{page 213 note 2} The Aryans, p. 55.

^{page 213 note 3} On the map (Pl. 38) I have used the medieval name, Zante.

^{page 213 note 4} Riemann, O., Recherches Archéologiques sur les Iles Ioniennes, 1879.Google Scholar

^{page 213 note 5} B. Schmidt, Die Insel Zakynthos, 1899.

^{page 213 note 6} Χιώτης, ῾Ιστορικἀ ᾿Απομνημοβεύματα

^{page 213 note 7} Wheler, , Travels in Greece, 1647, p. 41.Google Scholar

^{page 213 note 8} Riemann, op cit. Zante, p. 11.

^{page 214 note 1} Blinkenberg, , La Chronique du Temple Lindien, 1912, p. 33Google Scholar, No. 26 (Mr. Barnett's reference).

^{page 214 note 2} Beazley, Lewis House Gems, p. 2, pl. 1, No. 5.

^{page 214 note 3} Olympia, Vol. IV, N0. 217. Cf. also a Cretan bronze, Museo Italiano Pl. XI.

^{page 214 note 4} Kinch, Vroulia, fig. 73 (pointed out to me by Mr. Payne).

^{page 214 note 5} Mon. Ant. xxxiii, p. 94, fig. 20. Can there be any connection between terracottas and coins? Did one perhaps offer a terracotta drachma? (Professor Myres' suggestion.) That some kind of drachma was dedicated at Perachora is proved by a new inscription. Cf. also the bronze ‘drachma’ found at Anthedon (Artemis Orthiap. 393). Note a mould in the Ashmolean Museum from Tarentum, said to be for making cakes, a dolphin above waves. This is a coin-type of Tarentum and also of Zakynthos.

^{page 214 note 6} ᾿Εφημερὶς ῾Εβδομάς Oct. 19th, 1891. A.M. 1891, p. 360.

^{page 215 note 1} In a private collection at Zante but almost certainly with the same provenience. Cf. Artemis Orthia, p. 256 and fig. 118b.

^{page 215 note 2} The inscription on this plaque (not shewn in the drawing) is bogus.

^{page 215 note 3} Cf. Argive Heraeum, II, Pl. xlix, no. 8a for a centaur on a similar rectangular plaque.

^{page 215 note 4} Pl. 39, I.

^{page 215 note 5} Most of the sherds mentioned in this paper are in the collection of the British School at Athens.

^{page 216 note 1} I should like to call these ‘slab-graves.’

^{page 217 note 1} Fouilles de Delphes, V, Pl. I, No. 7.

^{page 217 note 2} Athens Nat. Mus., 6098, 6110.

^{page 217 note 3} Kunze, , ‘Zu den Anfangen der Griechischen Plastik,’ A.M. 1930, pp. 140 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 218 note 1} Plut. Dion 23.

^{page 218 note 2} Cf. the form Κριτόλαος from Bougiato, Riemann, op. cit. p. 13, no. 6.

^{page 219 note 1} I.e. the Salt-pans.

^{page 220 note 1} Thuc. II, 66.

^{page 220 note 2} Grose, Coins of the Fitz William Museum, No. 6701, may represent a Geometric tripod without animals' feet. Its attribution to Zakynthos is uncertain. A similar coin in the British Museum was found at Mende and the incuse square looks at home in Chalkidike. The absence of feet is not certain, and nos. 1408 and 1409 on Pl. XXXII of the Warren collection suggest that the omission of spandrils may also be accidental. From these coins we may be sure that Grose no. 6700 has spandrils between the legs and not a pellet and crescent as stated.

^{page 220 note 3} Gardner, P., Num. Chron. 1885, p. 84.Google Scholar

^{page 220 note 3} See Holland, Travels, Appendix I.

^{page 220 note 5} Riemann, op. cit. Céphalonie pp. 57–60. Goodison, p. 141.

^{page 222 note 1} Kavvadias calls them ‘box-graves.’

^{page 222 note 2} These bear no resemblance to the vases shewn in Kavvadias Προϊστορικὴ ᾿Αρχαιολογία p. 354, fig. 336, which they are said to resemble, but they have their counterparts in the F graves at Leukas: Alt-Ithaka, Beilage 73.

^{page 222 note 3} B.M. Vases, I, i, p. xli.

^{page 222 note 4} See ibid. nos. C. 620, A. 957, A. 728.

^{page 222 note 5} Kyparisses, Δελτ. fig 19, p. 95. Kavvadias, op. cit. p. 360, fig. 449.

^{page 222 note 6} Πρακτ 1912, fig. 6, p. 95.

^{page 222 note 7} See Note 2 below, and Rev. Arch. 37, pp. 128–47.

^{page 222 note 8} Δελτ 1919, fig. 24, no. 1; fig. 25, no. 1. Rev. Arch. 37, p. 138, fig. 12. Neuchâtel catalogue, nos. 55, 56, 67.

^{page 222 note 9} See p. 219 above, and J. d. I. xlvi, p. 267.

^{page 223 note 1} Δελτ 1919 p. 114, figs. 17–20, 29.

^{page 223 note 2} Museum Catalogue 65, 65, 2 and 85, badly illustrated loc. cit. fig. 20.

^{page 223 note 3} Kavvadias, op. cit. p. 367, no. 457.

^{page 223 note 4} The sword-hilt on Pl. XXII seems incompatible with the date soon after 1400 which is assigned to the pottery in the tomb.

^{page 223 note 5} J.H.S. 1932, p. 248.

^{page 223 note 6} I am much indebted to Mr. Kyparisses for the trouble he took in order to showme the contents of these tombs.

^{page 223 note 7} Stais, , Δελτ. 1915, p. 192Google Scholar, fig. I.

^{page 223 note 8} Δελτ 1919, pp. 82–94.

^{page 224 note 1} Kyparisses, op. cit. fig. 7. It is impossible that this should be of Roman date. It may be sixth century.

^{page 224 note 2} See fig. 7 (Kyparisses).

^{page 225 note 1} Note the knobs below the rim in no. 11. No. 15 is Corinthian.

^{page 226 note 1} Od. XI, 321. Hes. Theog. 986

^{page 226 note 2} Töpfer, Attische Genealogie, p. 255.

^{page 226 note 3} Stephani, , C. R. Ac. Inscr. 1872, p. 180Google Scholar, has collected 50 examples. Nos. 13, 42, 16, 28, 39, 44 are certain. The hunter named Tithonos on the Hermitage vase shows that vocation is not here a certain criterion. Ibid. Pl. IV.

^{page 227 note 1} Paus. III, 18, 12.

^{page 227 note 2} Gerhard, Etruskische Spiegel, Pl. CCCLXIII.

^{page 227 note 3} Dio, XI, 84.

^{page 227 note 3} IX, 28; VI, 127.

^{page 227 note 5} B.M. Coins of the Peloponnese, Pl. XVII, 10, etc. 21. Pl. XVIII, 4, 9, II. That the Parthenon figure is also Kephalos is doubtful.

^{page 228 note 1} Apoll. I, 9, 4.

^{page 228 note 2} Apoll. II, 4, 7.

^{page 228 note 3} Apoll. II, 4, 5.

^{page 229 note 1} Eustathios ad Hom. 1817, 43.

^{page 229 note 2} Od. XVII, 207.

^{page 229 note 3} Herod. V, 59. Hes. Aspis, ad init.

^{page 229 note 4} Partsch affirms it of Pale, on the strength of a report of Biedermann of Corinthian coins countermarked with the Pale monogram (p. 40), but see what he says of another report by the same authority on p. 81.

^{page 229 note 5} I.L.N. Dec. 6th, 1930; Feb. 20th, 1932; Jan. 14th, 1933. J.H.S. 1931, p. 195; 1932, p. 245.

^{page 229 note 6} A.J. viii, p. 540, and Who were the Greeks?, p. 397.

^{page 229 note 7} Cf. I.L.N. Dec. 6th, 1930, fig. 2, bottom left-hand corner. Alt-Ithaka, Beilage 72, 4, 5, 7.

^{page 230 note 1} Op. cit. Beilage 59 b, No. 1.

^{page 230 note 2} Op cit. Beilage 89 b, centre.

^{page 230 note 3} Olympia: Weege, , A.M. 1911, p. 176Google Scholar, Abb. 20.

To the one sherd hitherto reported from Olympia I should like to add the greater part of an Ithakan bevelled kylix which has hitherto escaped detection in the workroom at Olympia. We should welcome a revision of the pottery from ‘Building V.’

^{page 230 note 4} Op. cit. Beilage 57 b. These sherds are not sacral Achaean, (op. cit. Vol. I, p. 169)Google Scholar, but eneolithic; see also Beil. 56 b. Cf. our Plate 41, nos. 4–9.

^{page 230 note 5} Op. cit. Beil. 89.

^{page 230 note 6} The only Italian painted Neolithic pottery I have seen is in the Bari Museum. The three-colour ware there closely resembles some of the Leukas and Astakos sherds; one might describe it as a three-colour ware like Thessalian A in quality. In Rome there are sub-Mycenaean sherds from Gargano that resemble pottery in Kephallenia and Ithaka in quality and pattern: compare Mon. Ant. xix, Pl. IV, no. 9, with a sherd in Ithaka, and no. 11 with jugs in Argostoli.

^{page 231 note 1} Alt-Ithaka, Beilage 57 b, as Beilage 56 b from Nidri, and p. 169.

^{page 231 note 2} Cf. a complete bowl in the lowest layer at Armenochori, , B.S.A. Report 1930–1931, p. 8.Google Scholar

^{page 232 note 1} Cf. Blegen, Zygouries, No. 323, fig. 175, possibly dated to the middle of the fourth century A.D.

^{page 232 note 2} Mr. Tait drew my attention to this wall.

^{page 232 note 3} Mr. O. Davies' identification.

^{page 233 note 1} Leake, , Travels in Northern Greece, Vol. III, pp. 29 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 233 note 2} Meliarakes, Kephallenia and Ithaka, pp. 159 ff.

^{page 233 note 3} Perhaps Meliarakes' πόλισμα see pp. 12, 2.

^{page 233 note 4} Mentioned by the Protogeros.

^{page 234 note 1} Leake's Protegeros places Muli (i.e. Kalamos) and Episkopi West and East of the hill, instead of North and South: see p. 12, I.

^{page 234 note 2} It also gives the name as Vuni, an obvious misunderstanding, and places ‘Xilo Castro’ and tower in the middle of the island.

In von Marées' map of Kalamos I suspect that the wall marked West of the village of Kalamos has its origin in this Chart error, and that it represents another migration of Xylokastro. Karten von Leukas, 1907, no. I.

^{page 234 note 3} Hence the name Muli in Leake, op. cit.

^{page 234 note 4} Measurement 0·50 by 0·30 metre. Depth into the cliff 0·45 metre.

^{page 234 note 5} Since I wrote this a Christian ossuary has been found close to it.

^{page 236 note 1} Leake, , op. cit. IV, p. 2.Google Scholar

^{page 236 note 2} Strabo, 458.

^{page 236 note 3} Ibid. 459.

^{page 237 note 1} Il. II, 626.

^{page 237 note 2} II, 10.

^{page 237 note 3} II, 102–3.

^{page 238 note 1} This name does not look right and Professor Myres suggests κυνήγημα from his knowledge of naval ways. The shooting is good round these marshes.

^{page 238 note 2} See Myres, Who were the Greeks?, p. 151.

^{page 238 note 3} Rhomaios, , Δελτ. 1915, pp. 267, 269.Google Scholar

^{page 238 note 4} From Goumenitsa; Kyparisses, Δελτ. 1922–5, Παράρτημα pp. 14–19. Goumenitsa is not in the district of Kynouria as stated: the neighbourhood is called Kalavryta. I do not know why fig. 2 has been repeated. Professor Myres suggests that these Mycenaean tombs in Kalavryta may be taken as confirmation of Bury's explanation of ἄν ῾Ελλάδα (J.H.S. xv, p. 217); at any rate these tombs, which are very numerous (at Chalandritsa there are many still unopened, and more are being discovered in the neighbourhood), cannot well be connected with invasion from the sea. Chalandritsa is two hours' motor run from Patras, and Goumenitsa is another two hours on foot. The tombs differ considerably from their rock-cut prototypes at Mycenae and Asine. They have generally to be entered by crawling, and it is seldom possible to stand upright inside. This would suggest a considerable period of isolation for the dwellers in these mountains.

^{page 238 note 5} Kindly shewn me by the Ephor, Mr. Nerantzoules.

^{page 229 note 1} For Astakos see p. 243 below.

^{page 229 note 2} Poulsen and Rhomaios, Kalydon, Pl. LIII, p. 51. Mycenaean sherds: fig. 19, nos. 1–6 (7 from Kekropoula), 10–12; fig. 20, nos. 8, 9. Mr. Nerantzoules called my attention to Mycenaean pottery on this site.

^{page 229 note 3} Neolithic sherds: fig. 19, nos. 8, 9, 13 (fig. 20, no. 3 from Astakos); geometric sherds, fig. 20, nos. 1, 2, 4–7, 10, see also fig. 21.

^{page 229 note 4} Strabo 459 (X, 21): ‘After (i.e. East or South of) the Euenos (the Phidaris) is the hill Chalkis which Artemidoros calls Chalkian. Then comes Pleuron, then the village of Halikyrna, 30 stades inland from which lies Kalydon.’ He then proceeds to Taphiassos and the Lokrian borders. The hill East of the Euenos must be Varasovo, and at its foot is Kryoneri, which cannot possibly be Pleuron. Confusion is evident when Strabo speaks of a village seawards of Kalydon, now well behind us, as also when he chides Artemidoros for putting the hill Chalkis between the Acheloos and Pleuron, as he himself seems to have done in the preceding sentence.

^{page 240 note 1} Koronta, , Πρακτ. 1908, p. 100.Google Scholar

^{page 240 note 2} Thompson, , L.A.A.A. 1912, p. 133.Google Scholar

^{page 240 note 3} Photograph Akarnania, No. 61, by kind permission of the German Archaeological Institute.

^{page 241 note 1} Δελτ 1916, Παράρτημα p. 49.

^{page 242 note 1} For Greek mistakes about Asiatic names, cf. MissChrimes', article, J.H.S. 1930, pp. 89 ff.Google Scholar᾿´Αδραστος p. 91; θαρσεἴς p. 95, note 22. There seems sufficient confusion between the Greek word δίδυμος = twin and the Phrygian word Dindymene which Kretschmer thinks means height and which is an epithet of Cybele. Strabo, XII, 575, objects that a certain mountain Δίνδυμον is μονοφυές

Didyma was the name of the site of the Temple of Apollo at Branchidae. Is not this the Greek for Dindyma, and is not Apollo here as at Delphi taking over the oracle of the Great Mother?

Even if Δίνδυλα does mean no more than ‘twin,’ the persistence of the Phrygian spelling here in the West is interesting.

^{page 244 note 1} B.S.A. xxviii, p. 180. See also Alt-Ithaka Beilage 86 e, there called a figurine.

^{page 244 note 2} Cf. V. G. Childe, The Danube in Prehistory, p. 76, fig. 40.

^{page 244 note 3} One sherd to the East of the mountain wall, Plate 41, no. 15.

^{page 245 note 1} Δελτ 1915, p. 192, fig. 1.

^{page 245 note 2} While convinced that it is Greek work I prefer not to hazard a date without further study.