² A good but brief summary of present knowledge about ancient bells is given by Trumpf-Lyritzaki, ‘Glocke’, although this neglects the development of their shapes. Still well worth reading are Pease, ‘Bells’, and Cook, ‘Gong’, who provide in-depth discussions on the ancient meaning and usage of bells, superseding the earlier attempts by Espérandieu, E., DA V, 341–4Google Scholar, s.v. ‘Tintinnabulum’, and Morillot, Étude. Only the bells from Samos and their Near Eastern connections have been given a thorough archaeological analysis (see below nn. 96–7); otherwise, the most comprehensive survey of ancient bells in the archaeological record is found in Spear, Treasury, but little space is allocated to Greek bells.

A fairly comprehensive list of bells from Greek sanctuaries is given by Simon, ‘Ionia’, 289–96, but with hardly any discussion as to their development or meaning. Bouzek, Bronzes, 87–93, makes a first attempt at a typology of Greek bells. A brief but authoritative summary of bells in the Near East is given by Calmeyer, ‘Glocke’. A number of authors have tackled the issue of Roman (see below, n. 28) and Egyptian bells (cf. the various contributions by H. Hickmann cited throughout the article, esp. id., ‘Zur Geschichte’).

³ Wiesner, J., ‘Aus der Frühzeit der Glocke’, Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, 37 (1941–1942), 46–51Google Scholar.

⁴ Dickins, ‘Sparta 1907’, 150, records that the principal finds in the upper stratum, i.e. in the second period of the sanctuary, Postgeometric, included ‘a series of bronze bells, some inscribed with dedications to Athena’, and that (p. 153) in 1907 a series of terracotta votive bells was also found, which were ‘doubtless a cheap variety of the bronze type’. In the following year, Dickins, ‘Sparta 1908’, 142, 145, records that the only objects of interest were found in the SW corner of the E half of the sanctuary, among them three bronze bells.

⁵ BSA 26 (1923–1925), 249, 273Google Scholar.

⁶ The excavators identified what appeared to be the foundation of a temenos wall, a stoa, and a further small building; according to Pausanias (iii. 17. 2–18. 2) the sanctuary consisted of a temenos with an entrance area, a temple and a small building. The identification of the sanctuary with the excavated site is confirmed by numerous votive inscriptions as well as by stamped tiles. Other acropolis cults are attested by Pausanias (a sanctuary each of Athena Ergane, Zeus Kosmetas, the Muses, Aphrodite Areia, and Athena Ophthalmitis, as well as the grave of Tyndareos and a number of statues), but little has come to light in the excavations to suggest that more than a very small part of the finds could belong to any other cult than that of Athena. On the cult of Athena at Sparta, see further below, section III. On Spartan Athena and Spartan cults in general, see most recently Hupfloher, A., Kulte im kaiserzeitlichen Sparta (Berlin, 2000), 195–201Google Scholar; Villing, A. C., ‘Aspects of Athena in the Greek Polis: Sparta and Corinth’, in Lloyd, A. B. (ed.), What is a God? Studies in the Nature of Greek Divinity (London, 1997), 81–100Google Scholar. On Spartan topography cf. Kourinou, E., Σπἀρτη: Συμβολή στη μνημειακή τοπογραφία της (Athens, 2000Google Scholar).

⁷ On Spartan bronze-working, see most recently Cartledge, P., Spartan Reflections (London, 2001), 169–84Google Scholar; see also below, n. 215.

⁸ A thorough analysis of the small bronze fragments in the Sparta storerooms may bring to light more bell fragments, but is unlikely to reveal much more significant material.

⁹ The ratio of body height (without handles/feet) to diameter mostly falls between 6: 7 and 7: 6. Against Price's claim (Bells and Man, p. xiii) that for bells of dome-conical shape across all times and cultures the average ratio of body height to diameter is 3: 4, the Spartan bells appear quite tall. Only in the small group of Spartan bells made of thin, sheet-like bronze can the diameter be as much as twice the bell's height.

¹⁰ From Roman (?) Egypt, however, moulds for casting bells are preserved: Hickmann, H., Catalogue Général des Antiquités égyptiennes du Musée du Caire: Instruments de musique (Cairo, 1949), 66–8Google Scholar.

¹¹ They conform on all counts to the modern definition of the bell (as given e.g. in the Encyclopaedia Britannica) as an open mouthed, hollow vessel (of varying shape and varying material) that resounds when struck near the rim by an interior clapper or exterior hammer, mallet, or stick, producing a ringing sound. See e.g. Price, Bells and Man, pp. ix–xvi. Sometimes, related idiophones of different shapes are also called bells by some modern authors, but, for the sake of clarity, I prefer to adhere to the strict definition of the bell here, which differentiates it from the rattle (or crotal, jingle, pellet-bell, sleigh bell), a hollow spherical (or conical, ovoid, pear-shaped) vessel, with or without slits or other apertures in its body, which resounds when one or more pellets, which roll freely within it, strike against its interior. Also different is the gong, a stone slab or flat metal plate that resounds when struck by a stick, mallet, or baton. Both these instruments work in a different way and produce a different sound from that of the bell.

¹² Still today church bells are cast in bronze and clappers made of iron, which, over the centuries, has proven to be the best sound-producing combination: see Ellerhorst, W., Handbuch der Glockenkunde (Weingarten, 1957), 77–8, 80–1, 117Google Scholar. The sound a bell produces is determined essentially by the shape and thickness of its profile, its size, and its material; cf. e.g. Lehr, A., in Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, iii (2nd edn., Kassel, 1995), 1463–4Google Scholar s.v. ‘Glocken und Glockenspiele’; Schilling, M., Glocke— Gestalt, Klang und Zier (Dresden, 1987), 50–2Google Scholar; Ellerhorst, op. cit., 80. The sound of ancient bells has been examined on a number of occasions. Egyptian bells in the Cairo Museum have had their tonal quality analysed, and quite a range of pitches was obtained (Hickmann, ‘Zur Geschichte’, 14–5). Interestingly, bells found together in tombs in the Carpathian basin conformed to a certain harmony of sound; see Bakay, K., Scythian Rattles in the Carpathian Basin and their Eastern Connections (Budapest, 1971), 59–68Google Scholar. This seems to suggest that, just as it is of importance for shepherds in modern times that bells used for flocks of animals together produce a harmonious sound (ibid., 67), harmony of sound could also be a consideration for ancient bells. For the impact of cut-outs and slits on the sound of bells, see also below, n. 156.

¹³ The inscriptions were probably added after casting. It is generally assumed that votive inscriptions were incised into bronze objects after casting, even though Schmaltz has made a case for at least some of the Kabeirion bronzes to have been inscribed into the wax model before casting: Schmaltz, B., Metallfiguren aus dem Kabirenheiligtum bei Theben (Das Kabirenheiligtum bei Theben, iv; Berlin, 1980), 7–9Google Scholar.

¹⁴ An inscribed bell from the Museum Kircherianum, recorded only by de Montfaucon, B., L'Antiquité expliquée et représentée en figures, iii/i (2nd edn., Paris, 1722), 106Google Scholar, pl. 55 supposedly carried the words ‘meni chous artemis ephistion air’, which was taken by Morillot, Étude, 61–2 to be a votive inscription to Tyche, Athena, Artemis and Hephaistos. But, as has been shown already by Pease, ‘Bells’, 48–50, this interpretation is untenable. Otherwise, there is a Greek Hellenistic terracotta bell as well as Egyptian, Nubian, and Roman bells, particularly of the later Imperial period, with inscriptions. These identify the bells mostly as lucky charms (regarding seafaring, races, games), but also as magical objects or cultic instruments. See esp. Nagy, A. M., ‘ΕΥΟΠΛΙ ΕΥΤΥΧΙ’, Bulletin du Musée Hongrois des Beaux-Arts, 76 (1992), 15–29, esp. 24–5Google Scholar, who gives a (incomplete) list of inscribed bells of the Roman period. Hickmann, ‘Zur Geschichte’, 18, mentions an Egyptian bell with a votive inscription to the crocodile-god Sobek with the plea for life by the dedicant Djeho (Teos). An even rarer phenomenon in ancient Greece are bells with figural decoration: the terracotta bells of the Late Archaic Attic ‘Swan Group’ carry rows of schematically drawn swans (see below, n. 52). Contrast this with Egyptian bronze bells decorated with plastic heads of animal-headed gods or Meroitic bells depicting scenes of war (cf. Hickmann, ibid., 3–4, 9–11; Hermann, A., ‘Magische Glocken aus Meroë’, Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde, 93 (1966), 79–89CrossRefGoogle Scholar), a 3rd-c. Roman bronze bell from Alba Fucens with representations of Mercury, Fortuna, and Hecate surrounded by magical signs (Nagy, ibid., 24 no. 9 with n. 38), or a Late Roman bell representing gladiators (Nagy, ibid., passim).

¹⁵ On this bell see below, n. 41. Cf. also what appears to be a Roman bell inscribed ‘Kabirio’: Nagy (n. 14), 25 no. 18 (CIL xiii. 3. 2, 10027. 255).

¹⁶ For the name, see LGPN IIIA. 142.

¹⁷ This name is without known parallel; Woodward, (BSA 24 (1919–1921), 118Google Scholar) suggested that the fourth letter in the name, although clearly shaped like a delta, was in fact intended to be a rho, and the resulting name ‘ειράνα’ could be a local version of the name ‘Eirene’. This has been followed most recently by the editors of LPGN IIIA. 185.

¹⁸ For Lakonian script, seejeffery, LSAG ², 183–202; ead., ‘The development of Laconian lettering: a reconsideration’, BSA 83 (1988), 179–81Google Scholar. On the basis of Jeffery's assessment, the delta on Br 1 is of pre-4th-c. date, the epsilon with its vertical stroke prolonged below the bottom cross-stroke of Br 1 and 8 is an Archaic feature that was in use certainly until the end of the 5th c, while the ‘regular’ E of Br 12 appears only from the second quarter of the 5th c. The digamma of Br 8 persisted at least as long as the Archaic epsilon type, as did the crossed theta of Br 1, 10, 12, and 26, which can be found in various versions. The dotted theta of Br 8 is a later, Classical feature, but does not need to be post-400, as Woodward, (BSA 24 (1919–1921), 118Google Scholar) had suggested (cf. LSAG ², 191). The four-stroke sigma is of the shape that became common after the mid-5th c, but on Br 1 it is reversed—and thus perhaps still in the earlier ‘free-style’ Lakonian tradition for the sigma-shape. The inscribed bells thus all appear to belong into the Classical period, but a more precise dating is made impossible by the combination of earlier and later traits occurring together in one and the same inscription.

¹⁹ Knigge, U., Kerameikos, ix: Der Südhügel (Berlin, 1976), 96 no. 36Google Scholar. 4–6, pl. 47.

²⁰ Hesp. 11 (1942), 406–7Google Scholar no. vii d, fig. 8.

²¹ Cf. most recently Karageorghis, V, The Coroplastic Art of Ancient Cyprus, vi: The Cypro-Archaic Period: Monsters, Animals and Miscellanea (Nicosia, 1996), 88Google Scholar. See also below.

²² Berlin, Vorderasiatisches Museum VA Bab 1177. Klingel-Brandt, E., Reise in das alte Babylon (3rd edn., Leipzig, 1977), 110–11Google Scholar, fig. 49; Rashid, S. A. (ed.), Musikgeschichte in Bildern II: Musik des Altertums, ii: Mesopotamien (Leipzig, 1984), fig. 131Google Scholar.

²³ As advocated esp. by Schafer, J., Hellenistische Keramik aus Pergamon (Pergamenische Forschungen, 2; Berlin, 1968), 107–8Google Scholar.

²⁴ Terracotta bells are also found occasionally in other cultures (cf. e.g. Schlichting, H., Glockenmuseum Apolda. Eine kleine Kulturgeschichte der Glocke (ApoldaGoogle Scholar, no year), no), although mostly we cannot be sure how functional they were. From ancient Egypt, faience bells are known (e.g. Hickmann (n. 10), 65–6 nos. 69605, 69606, 69608, 69279). Porcelain bells, produced in Europe since the 18th c, were even installed as chimes in the Frauenkirche in Meissen in 1929. Cf. Ellerhorst (n. 12), 8; Schlichting, ibid., 70–1.

²⁵ As already recognized by Dickins, ‘Sparta 1907’, 153.

²⁶ Bouzek, Bronzes, 87–93.

²⁷ Hickmann, H., in Blume, F. (ed.), Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, v (Kassel, 1956), 274–5Google Scholar = a modification of his earlier typology in id., 1949 (n. 10), 37–40. Cf. also Emery, W. B., The Royal Tombs of Ballana and Quostol, i (Cairo, 1938), 262–71Google Scholar with fig. 94. Bells were produced in Egypt at least from the 23rd dynasty onwards.

²⁸ Flügel, Ch., Die römischen Bronzegefäße von Kempten-Cambodunum (Cambodunumforschungen, 5; Kallmünz, 1993), 99–103Google Scholar, pls. 33–4. For earlier detailed treatments of Roman bells, see esp. Galliazzo, V, Bronzi Romani del Museo Civico di Treviso (Rome, 1979), 157–8Google Scholar; Nowakowski, W., ‘Metallglocken aus der romischen Kaiserzeit im europäischen Barbarikum’, Archaeologia Polona, 27 (1988), 69–146, esp. 73–81Google Scholar.

²⁹ Price, Bells and Man, pp. ix–xiii.

³⁰ In addition to the bells discussed in this article, we may also note the existence of stemmed bell-pendants which are found especially in Northern Greece: a stem ending in a bell-shaped body with three rings at its lower edge with clappers attached: cf. Kilian-Dirlmeier, I., Anhänger in Griechenland (PBF 11. 2; Munich, 1979), 45–8, pls. 18–9Google Scholar. They are obviously not really bells, although mixed types seem to exist; cf. e.g. a small conical bell with a slit in its side and a stick-like handle from the sanctuary of Artemis Enodia in Pherai: Kilian, K., Fibeln in Thessalien von der mykenischen bis zur archaischen Zeit (PBF 14. 2; Munich, 1975) 1979, pl. 78. 71Google Scholar.

³¹ See, however, another bronze bell (H. 3.3 cm) of low dome-shape, with a loop-handle and a square-shaped clapper that is attached to the bell by a wire strung through two opposite holes in the bell's mantle. It is said to have been found in a 5th-c. child's grave in Messenia, together with a terracotta doll. It was once in the Scheurleer Collection, The Hague, bought from Rhousopoulos of Athens in 1904, and is now in Amsterdam, Allard Pierson Museum inv. 634 (C. Scheurleer, W. L., Catalogus eener Verzameling Egyptische, Grieksche, Romeinsche en andere Oudheiden ('s-Gravenhage, 1909), 103Google Scholar no. 168 [not illustrated]; Bulletin van Antieke Beschaving, 3. 2 (Dec. 1928) 11, fig. 6Google Scholar). It might attest the existence of an additional bell type for Classical Messenia, as well as another context—child burials—in which bells were used.

³² Sparta, Museum, from the Menelaion, dome-shaped bronze bell, with thickened base-rim, three feet and low knob at top, found with Lakonian III–V and later pottery. Wace, A. J. B., BSA 15 (1908–1909), 148Google Scholar, pl. 8. 25; Simon, ‘Ionia’, 290 no. 7.

³³ Gythion, Museum, from Aigiai, rural sanctuary of Artemis (?). Ff. 4 cm, D. 3 cm. High dome-shaped bronze bell, with thickened base-rim, four feet, round loop-handle, two small holes for attachment of clapper, 5th/4th c. (?). Bonias, Z., Ενα Αγροτικὀ Ιερό στις Αιγιές Λακωνίας (Athens, 1998), 212 no. 548, pl. 62. 548Google Scholar.

³⁴ Athens, NM X 18845. From Longa, sanctuary of Apollo Korynthos. H. 6.7 cm, (body) 4.9 cm, D. 4.9 cm. High, rounded conical shape, with thickened base-rim, four feet, arched handle with upwards-curled ends (both curls now lost), small hole for clapper attachment at summit, 5th/4th c. (?). A. Delt. 2 (1916), 93Google Scholar no. 25, fig. 33; Simon, ‘Ionia’, 290 no. 8

³⁵ See most recently Zunino, M. L., Hiera Messeniaka (Udine, 1997), 168–77Google Scholar.

³⁶ Bonias (n. 33).

³⁷ See Zunino (n. 35).

³⁸ Bonias (n. 33), 154–5 nos. 205–6, pl. 30.

³⁹ According to the Museum records, the crotal in the National Museum at Athens (inv. 8403) comes from Tsountas's excavations at the Amyklaion in 1890, although De Ridder, A., Catalogue des Bronzes d'Athènes de la Société archéologique d'Athènes (Paris, 1894), 126Google Scholar no. 673 had listed it with unknown provenance. Tsountas's excavations cut across a wide range of periods; cf. PAE 1890, 36–7; Arch. Eph. 1892, 1–26.

⁴⁰ Olbia (O. 1912.95), from Olbia, child's grave. H. 8.9. High, dome-shaped bronze bell with two horizontal incised grooves around lower rim, high arched handle with upward curled ends, and small diamond-shaped knob atop, late 6th Skudnova, c. V. M., Arkhaičeskij nekropoĺ Oĺvii (Leningrad, 1988Google Scholar), in no. 167.3.

⁴¹ London, BM GR 1893.12–21.1, from Theban Kabeirion. H. 5.5 cm, D. 4.4 cm, high conical/dome-shaped bronze bell with thickened, double-ridged rim, high arched handle ending in ivy-leaf-shaped attachments, very small hole at top for attachment of clapper. Inscribed (three lines of dotted characters): Πυρίας Καβίρωι καὶ Παιδί. 4th c. (?). Wolters, P. and Bruns, G., Das Kabirenheiligtum bei Theben, i (Berlin, 1940), 41–2 no. 49Google Scholar; Walters, H. B., Catalogue of the Bronzes in the British Museum (London, 1899), 48 no. 318Google Scholar; Spear, Treasury, 163 fig. 195; Simon, ‘Ionia’, 290 no. 11. Cf. also Daumas, M., Cabiriaca: Recherches sur l'iconographie du culte des Cabires (Paris, 1998), 42Google Scholar.

⁴² Athens, NM 8401. Bought in 1889, supposedly from Boiotia. H. 6.6 cm, D. 4.7 cm, high, dome-shaped bronze bell with thickened rim, high loop-like handle, four feet, incised zigzag line above base, small, cylindrical bronze clapper hanging inside bell on chain made up of two figure of-eight shaped wires attached to short wire through hole at bell's summit. De Ridder (n. 39), 126 no. 670; PAE 1889, 71.

⁴³ For Roman bells of a similar type from the area of Augusta Raurica, see below, n. 74.

⁴⁴ In Knossos, Arthur Evans found a number of small terracotta objects in MM I deposits, of truncated conical shape, with a loop, horn-like projections and two small holes at the top that could have served for the attachment of a clapper. There are also some doubled examples, and in one case a bull's head appears between them: Evans, A., PM i. 175Google Scholar, fig. 124; Lehr, A., The Art of the Carillon in the Low Countries (Tielt, 1991) 25Google Scholar with fig- 33- Cf. also Seewald, O., Beiträge zur Kenntnis der steinzeitlichen Musikinstrumente Europas (Vienna, 1934), 128Google Scholar; Aign, B. P., ‘Die Geschichte der Musikinstrumente des ägäischen Raumes bis um 700 vor Christus’ (Diss. Frankfurt, 1963), 50–1Google Scholar. Most recent scholarship, however, tends to discount an interpretation as bells: Morris, C. E. and Peatfield, A. A. D., ‘Minoan sheep bells: form and function’, in Πεπραγμένα του Ζ´ Διεϑνούς Κρητολογικοὐ Συνεδρίου, A.2 (Chania, 1990), 29–37Google Scholar. Other scholars have noted the existence of vaguely similar bells (?) in Austria and in the Romanian Tordos culture: Seewald, op. cit. 127–31, pls. 5–8.

⁴⁵ e.g. Lehr (n. 44), 25 fig. 34.

⁴⁶ With a height ranging between 5.8 and 9.5 (or possibly 13.4) cm, they are distinctly larger than most of the Spartan bells. A catalogue of finds is given by Karageorghis, Coroplastic Art (n. 21), 88. Add to this a bell in New York, Metropolitan Museum inv. 74–51.960 (Karageorghis, V., Ancient Art from Cyprus: The Cesnola Collection in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York, 2000), 149–51Google Scholar no. 234). A number of fragments of terracotta bells were also found in and around the sanctuary of Aphrodite at Amathus: Hermary, A., Amathonte V: Les figurines en terre-cuite archaïques et classiques/Les sculptures en pierre (Athens, 2000), 58–9Google Scholar nos. 312–22, pl. 22. The ‘thymiatenon lid’ found at the same site might in fact also be a large bell (H. 13.4 cm, D. 15 cm): ibid., 60 no. 330, pl. 23.

⁴⁷ Karageorghis, Coroplastic Art (n. 21), 19 20 no. E(d)I, pl.9. 10; 35 no. J 39, pl. 20. 10; 37 no. K 15, pl. 21. 12; 55–6 nos. S(e)60–6, pl. 33. 10–16. Add to this an unpublished bell in the Allard Pierson Museum in Amsterdam, inv. 11.935, of bichrome V Ware and dating to the CA II period. I thank Geralda jurriaans-Helle for information on this bell.

⁴⁸ At least one terracotta bell is known from Babylon. It is of simple conical shape with a clapper and has been dated to the 6th c.: see above, n. 22.

⁴⁹ Inv. P 7237, from Menelaion, Jio level 7, H. (pres.) 2.9 cm, D. (max.) 6 cm. Three fragments from convex upper part of terracotta bell, stumps of strap handle preserved, round hole in flat top. Poorly fashioned, matt black paint inside and out. Grey clay. Inv. P 7545, from Menelaion, J10/K10 level 15, upper part of body and half of vertical handle, almost cylindrical body with hole in flat top; strap handle, light, brown clay. Both bells are from the lower fill of the Great Pit, in which the vast majority of the finds belong to Lakonian I–III. I warmly thank Hector Catling and Richard Catling for this information and for permission to include the two bells in this chapter.

⁵⁰ Knigge (n. 19), 96 no. 6, pl. 47. A similar bell appears to have been found in an early-5th-c. child's grave near Plato's Academy: Ergon 1958, 10 fig. 6.

⁵¹ Knigge (n. 19), 96 nos. 36. 4–5, pl. 47.

⁵² Bells decorated with swans: from late-6th/early-5th-c. grave unearthed recently in the Kerameikos region (Parlama, L. and Stampolidis, N. C. (eds), The City Beneath the City (Athens, 2000), 318Google Scholar no. 324); from Athenian Acropolis (Graef, B. and Langlotz, E., Die antiken Vasen von der Akropolis zu Athen (Berlin, 1909), pl. 112 no. 2652)Google Scholar; with thickened, profiled lower rim (Hundt, A. and Peters, K., Greifsmalder Antiken (Berlin, 1961), pl. 10.130)Google Scholar. Bell from Athenian Agora, decorated with row of ivy leaves, with flaring rim, dated to around 480: Sparkes, B. A. and Talcott, L., Black and Plain Pottery of the 6th, 5th and 4th Centuries BC. The is Athenian Agora, xii (Princeton, 1970), 184, 332Google Scholar no. 1366, pl. 44.1366.

⁵³ Sparkes and Talcott, ibid., no. 1365, pl. 44.1365. An almost identical bell is now in the Warsaw Museum (inv. 199331. CVA Warsaw 6, pl. 10. 8); and a similar bell in the Chalkis Museum (Coll. Oikonomou 2835).

⁵⁴ Better parallels, albeit undated, are two banded bells supposedly from Boiotia: Spear, Treasury, 161 fig. 190; CVA Reading 1, pl. 18. 6.

⁵⁵ Broneer, O., Hesp. 24 (1955), 133CrossRefGoogle Scholar no. 16, pl. 51 d; id., Hesp. 28 (1959). 335 no 8, pl. 70 h.

⁵⁶ Schilardi, D. U., ‘The Thespian Polyandrion (424 BC): The Excavations and Finds from a Thespian State Burial’ (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University; UMI, 1977), 426–4, 174–5Google Scholar nos. 425–7, pl. 55.

⁵⁷ Halai: Goldman, H. and Jones, F., Hesp. 11 (1942), 400, 406–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar no. vii. d, fig. 8. Eutresis: Goldman, H., Excavations at Eutresis in Boeotia (Cambridge, Mass., 1931), 263–4Google Scholar, fig. 320. 2. Kabeirion: Wolters and Bruns (n. 41), 93, pl. 19.8, 43. 12–13; Braun, K. and Haevernick, T., Bemalte Keramik und Glas am dem Kabirenheiligtum bei Theben (Das Kabirenheiligtum bei Theben, iv; Berlin, 1981), 34–6Google Scholar, 61 nos. 283-4, pl. 19.5, 9–10. (remains of at least eight bells, the largest about 18 cm in height, the smallest 7 cm, one with ivy-wreath and zig-zag decoration). Theban grave: N Pharaklas, A. Delt. 1968, Chron. pl. 165. Uniquely, the bells from this grave feature a triangular cut-out at the lower rim, just like some Samian and Kuban bells discussed below. The four bells in the British Museum, inv. GR 1865.7-20.26(i)-(4), are recorded with Thebes as their provenance, but there is no further information as to their findspot or context. They are all wheelmade, have buff-coloured (beige-brown-orange) clay, are decorated with black-brown stripes of glaze, and are of roughly similar shape and dimensions: (1) H. 8.3 cm, D. 6.8 cm; (2) H. 8.2 cm, D. 6 cm; (3) H. 7.1 cm, D. 5.6 cm; (4) H. 6.1 cm, D. 5.3 cm.

⁵⁸ British School at Athens, Museum inv. no. A 44; unknown provenance. H. 6.7 cm, H. (body) 4.6 cm, D. 5.6 cm, (hole) 1.4 cm, conical/dome-shaped terracotta bell with hole at top and high handle, decorated with one narrow and two wide horizontal bands of streaky, black-to-reddish/brown glaze, pardy flaked off. Hard, light, buff (7.5 YR-7/4) clay. Further terracotta bells in museums: Dome shape: Geneva, inv. H. 177.1888 (CVA Geneva 2, pl. 84. 9). Dome shape, three stripes: Berlin, private collection (Gehrig, U. (ed.), Antikenmuseum Berlin, Staatliche Museen Preußischer Kulturbesitz: Antiken aus Berliner Privatbesitz (Berlin, 1975), no. 113)Google Scholar; Erlangen, inv. I 399b (CVA Erlangen 1, pl. 32. 2); Spear, Treasury, 161 fig. 191. Dome shape, four stripes: Universität des Saarlandes, Antikensammlung, inv. 35 (Braun, K., Katalog der Antikensammlung des Instituts für Klassische Archäologie der Universität des Saarlandes (Möhnsee, 1998), 14 no. 33Google Scholar, pl. 14. 1). Conical/dome shape, two wider stripes and two thinner stripes: Erlangen, inv. I 399a (CVA Erlangen 1, pl. 32. 1). Elongated dome shape, two stripes: Heidelberg, inv. 184 (CVA Heidelberg 1, pl. 29. 6). Elongated dome shape, three stripes: Frankfurt, inv. E 406 (CVA Frankfurt 4, pl. 45. 9; Hillert, A., ‘Ein böotisches Votivglöckchen’, Städel-Jahrbuch 15 (1995), 291–2Google Scholar); Cambridge, inv. 67 (CVA Cambridge 1, pl. 1. 9). Elongated dome shape, three wide stripes: Kiel, inv. B64 (CVA Kiel 1, pl. 4. 6). Elongated dome shape, flaring rim, three stripes: Geneva, inv. H. 171.1888 (CVA Geneva 2, pl. 84. 10); Tübingen, inv. S./10 1252 (CVA Tübingen 1, pl. 48. 10). Elongated dome shape, flaring rim, whitish slip, red stripe: Kiel, inv. B 65 (CVA Kiel 1, pl. 4. 7).

⁵⁹ Bonias (n. 33), 154–5, nos. 205–6, pl. 30.

⁶⁰ Hellenistic examples are known from Pergamon, Kyme and Myrina: see Schafer (n. 23), 107–8, fig. 9, pls. 46, 49. On his misinterpretation of bells as lids, see above, n. 23. A Roman-period inscribed terracotta bell is illustrated by Spear, Treasury, 162–3, figs. 192–4.

⁶¹ Thessaloniki, Museum, from Olynthos: ten small bronze bells, some with iron clappers, all of rounded shape, hemispherical to dome-shaped. Pre-348(?). Robinson, D. M., Excavations at Olynthus, x: Metal and minor miscellaneous finds (Baltimore, 1941), 518–20, nos. 2609–18, pl. 167Google Scholar; Bouzek, Bronzes, 91 no. C3.2.

⁶² Cf. a bell from a Late Roman grave of a small child at Limori, Epanomi: Pazaras, Th. N., AEMTh 11 (1997), 484, 493 fig. 19. 24Google Scholar. 2. One small hemispherical bell (H. 3.3 cm) in the Stathatos Collection, with incised lines and a small hook at the summit to which a thin ring is attached, has no datable context; Bouzek considers it to be ‘most probably of a sixth -fifth century date’ for no discernible reason. Amandry, P., Collection Hélène Stathatos, i: Les bijoux antiques (Strasbourg, 1953), 62 no. 167, pl. 26. 167Google Scholar; Bouzek, Bronzes, 91 no. C3.1.

⁶³ Hemispherical bronze bell (D. 3 cm) with three incised lines above the lower edge, iron clapper, and twisted wire for a handle: Woolley, C. L., JHS 58 (1938), 147 fig. 25, 166 no. MNN.34CrossRefGoogle Scholar (a further bell is mentioned but not published). With its wire handle arrangement it closely resembles the bell from the Malophoros sanctuary, but also the bell from the Macedonian grave mentioned above (n. 62), which is almost a millennium later in date.

⁶⁴ Gabrici, E., Mon. Linc. 32 (1927), 358, 360Google Scholar fig. 154 b; Simon, ‘Ionia’, 290 no. 14. No secure date for this bell is provided by its context, yet this is a case where the dangers of dating bells based on vague comparisons are particularly obvious: the incised concentric circles on its mantle are paralleled equally on a flat hemispherical bell assigned to first-millennium Iran (Muscarella, O. W., Bronze and Iron: Ancient Near Eastern Artifacts in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York, 1988), 280–1Google Scholar, nos. 382–4) and on a bell from 2nd/3rd-c. AD (or later) Poland (Malinowski, T., Przeglad Archeologiczny, 47 (1999), 4g fig. 4. 4Google Scholar), demonstrating the possible wide range of certain shapes and features across time and space.

⁶⁵ From the Argive Heraion. H. 1.95 cm. Small, dome shaped, almost hemispherical bronze bell with four thin horizontal grooves above base and three on upper third of bell, small loop-handle. Date uncertain (Waldstein: pre-423; Bouzek: Archaic). Waldstein, Ch., The Argive Heraeum, ii (Boston, 1905), 264Google Scholar no. 1556, pl. 92; Bouzek, Bronzes, 91 no. C2.1, 88 fig. 26. 2 (incorrect drawing).

⁶⁶ e.g. bronze bell (H. 3 cm) with integral loop-shaped handle from the Chalkidike, dating uncertain (Amandry (n. 62), pl. 26. 167 a; Bouzek, Bronzes, 91 no. C2.2: ‘apparently Archaic’); large (H. 8 cm) dome-shaped bronze bell with loop-handle and incised horizontal line above the base, from hypostyle stoa on the edge of Apollo's sanctuary on Delos (Deonna, W., Delos XVIII: Le mobilier délien (Paris, 1938), 325Google Scholar no. B1200, pl. 92 no. 816, Simon, ‘Ionia’, 289 no. 3); Scythian 3rd-c. bronze bells (Spear, Treasury, 123 fig. 132); Roman bronze bell from Lake Nemi (ibid., fig. 224).

⁶⁷ Possibly the earliest attestations are small bronze bells (?) attached to needles and necklaces found in burials dated to the 15th-14th c. in Tshitahevi, Bordshomi valley, Georgia: Gambaschidze, I. et al. (eds), Georgien: Schätze aus dem Land des Goldenen Vlies (Bochum, 2001), 293 no 127, 296–7Google Scholar nos 133–4; Miron, A. and Orthmann, W. (eds), Unterwegs zum Goldenen Vlies: Archäologische Funde a Georgien (Saarbrücken), 1995, 264Google Scholar no. 175. Gf. also the small gold bells (1.1–1.6 cm high) found in the Pasargadai treasure, which date back to the fourth century: Stronach, D., Pasargadae (Oxford, 1978), 170Google Scholar no. 10, 206–7 fig. 88. 21–3, pl. 153 a, b; Musche, B., Vorderasiatischer Schmuck von den Anfdngen bis zur Zeit der Achaemeniden (Leiden, 1992), 276Google Scholar no. 1.8, pl. 106; cf. also small bells from the Persepolis and Oxus treasures and from Sardis: Schmidt, E. F., Persepolis, ii (Chicago, 1957), pls. 44.22, 45.30Google Scholar; Dalton, O. M., The Treasure of the Oxus (3rd edn.; London, 1964), 39–40Google Scholar nos. 150–5, pl. xxi. 150–2; Curtis, C. D., Sardis XIII: Jewelry and Gold Work (Rome, 1925), 22Google Scholar no. 43, pl. 3. Similar in shape (long, truncated cones) to some of these, but without the horizontal ribbing of the walls, are precious metal bell-pendants from Ephesos which may well be earlier in date: Hogarth, D. G., Excavations at Ephesus (London, 1908), 106–7Google Scholar, pl. 7. 14, 17. Apparently of the same type but of bronze is a small bell-shaped pendant from the harbour sanctuary at Emporio on Chios, which belongs into the late 7th c. (period IV): Boardman, J., Excavations in Chios 1952–1955: Greek Emporio (BSA supp. vol. 6; London, 1967), 227Google Scholar no. 408, fig. 149. The Chian sanctuary of Apollo Phanaios has also yielded two small and apparently clapperless bells, at least one of which may well have been a part of jewellery: Lamb, W., BSA 35 (1934–1935), 151Google Scholar, pl. 32. 9, 19. The same was probably the case with the very small clapperless bronze bell from the sanctuary of Demeter at Taucheira (Tocra): Boardman, J. and Hayes, J., Excavations at Tocra 1963–1965: The Archaic Deposits II and Later Deposits (BSA supp. vol. 10; London, 1973), 78Google Scholar fig. 34, 82 no. F121. In Ptolemaic Egypt, too, small bells of precious material were known; cf. Hickmann (n. 27), 269–70, fig. 6. Whether the small object identified by the excavators as a repoussé bronze bell (H. 1.4 cm, incised horizontal lines) from the Corycian cave (dedicated to Pan and the Nymphs) above Delphi is a bell cannot be decided: BCH supp. vol. 9 (1984), 275 no. 59, fig. 31. 59. Note that the cave of Pan in Vari also supposedly contained two bronze bells, which are mentioned but not illustrated in AJA 7 (1903), 334Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ Small bells could have been worn on necklaces, bracelets, or perhaps on earrings. More unusual is probably a use on frontlets, which is attested in 7th/6th-c. graves in Nubian Sanam (near Napata) that contained small bell shaped bronze pendants hanging from plain bronze frontlets as well as from earrings: Griffith, F. L., LAAA 10 (1923), 120–1Google Scholar, 129, pls. 25. 7, 40. g. For bells as jewellery in general see Porada, E., ‘Of deer, bells and pomegranates’, Irania Antigua, 7 (1995), 99–120Google Scholar; Trumpf-Lyritzaki, ‘Glocke’, 172. Bell-shaped pendants somewhat reminiscent of pomegranates are also found attached to an Archaic metal belt (?) from a grave on Cyprus (Marshall, F. H., Catalogue o the Jewellery, Greek, Etruscan and Roman, in the Department of Antiquities, British Museum (London, 1911), 163Google Scholar no. 1576, pl 26), and it has been suggested that they could also have been attached to clothing (see below, n. 245). For a small Roman gold bell (H. 1.6 cm, now lost) an apotropaic function is explicitly attested through its Greek inscription: ΤΟΙΣ ΟΜΜΑΣΙΝ ΥΠΟΤΕΤΑΓΜΑΙ, ‘I am subject to evil eyes’ (cf. Cook, ‘Gong’, 18; Nagy (n. 14) 24 no. 3), while a gold bell (H. 3.5 cm) from late-4th-c. AD Syria is more likely a love charm, being inscribed τόν σε φιλοῦντα φίλι: Greifenhagen, A., Schmuckarbeiten in Edelmetall, Fundgruppen Staatliche Museen Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Antikenabteilung, (Berlin, 1970), 75Google Scholar, fig. 60. 7, pl. 55. 4, 6.

⁶⁹ Bouzek, Bronzes, 9.

⁷⁰ Simon, ‘Ionia’, 293.

⁷¹ From Perachora, sanctuary of Hera Limenia. H. 3 cm. Conical/truncated pyramid-shaped bell on a square base, four small feet, clapper, handle-ring at top broken off. Dating uncertain. Payne, H., Perachora, i (Oxford, 1940), 183Google Scholar, pl. 82. 15; Bouzek, Bronzes, 88 fig. 26. 1, p. 93; Simon, ‘Ionia’, 289 no. 5.

⁷² The stratigraphy of the site is not quite clear; according to Payne, the temenos of Hera Limenia yielded finds of Archaic to post-Classical date, and even a Roman house was found on the site. Cf. also Menadier, B., ‘The Sixth Century BC Temple and the Sanctuary and Cult of Hera Akraia, Perachora’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Cincinnati; UMI, 1995), esp. 105–14Google Scholar.

⁷³ Jantzen, , Samos VIII, 81Google Scholar no. B 493, pl. 79. Möbius considers another bell, B 627, of slightly rectangular shape, to be a Caucasian import, based on comparisons with bells of Phaskou and the 6th/5th c. Kazbek treasure: Möbius, ‘Glocken’, 5, pl. 2. 10, 12. Cf. also Calmeyer, P., Zeitschnft für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archäologu, 63 (1973), 130–3Google Scholar, esp. 130. On the Kazbek treasure, see I. Gagoshidse, ‘Der Kasbek-Schatz’, in Miron and Orthmann (n. 67), 163–4.

⁷⁴ See most recently Flugel (n. 28), 99; Nowakowski, W., ‘Import czy imitacja? Brazowe dzwonki ze “skarbu z Miezigorje” na tie znalezisk z Europy Wschodniej’, Archaeologia. Rocznik Instytutu historii kultury materialnej Polskiej akademn nauk, 38 (1987), 99–123Google Scholar; Galliazzo (n. 28), 158 (group B). For Black Sea material from Late Scythian graves, see Del Mille al Mille. Tesori e popoli del mar Nero (Milan, 1995), 118Google Scholar nos. 69–71. Note that round-based bells with feet are also attested in Roman times: cf. e.g. examples from Augusta Raurica (Kaiseraugst in Switzerland): Price, Bells and Man, 76 (with fig.).

⁷⁵ See most recently Jurgeit, F., Die etruskischen und italischen Bronzen sowie Gegenstände aus Eisen, Blei und Leder im Badischen Landesmuseum Karlsruhe (Pisa and Rome, 1999), 229–30Google Scholar nos 372–7, pl. 112. As evidence for an early dating of her unprovenanced bells she cites finds from Marzabotto believed to belong to the sixth to the fourth century (Muffatti, G. St., Etr. 39 (1971), 284–5Google Scholar nos. 787–90, pl. 60 a. 1, 2, 5, 11; the dating hinges on Muffatti's general dating of the bronze finds from this site to this period) and a piece from Vetulonia in Grosseto, which is cited by Wikander, O., Medelhavsmuseet. Bulletin, 18 (1983), 34Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ Rashid (n. 22), 154, illustrates square-based bells supposedly dating from the Parthian period, 2nd c. BG. In Egypt, too, square-based bells became common in the Roman period, yet some may date back to Ptolemaic times: Hickmann, H., ‘Zur Geschichte der altägyptischen Glocke’, Musik und Kirche, 2 (1951), 3–19, esp. 4Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ Preserved H. 6.2 cm. Waldstein (n. 65), 299 no. 2257, pl. 136. 2257; Simon, ‘Ionia’, 289 no. 5.

⁷⁸ H. 6 cm. Perdrizet, P., Fouilles de Delphes, v: Monuments figurés. Petits bronzes, terres-cuites, antiquités diverses (Paris, 1908), 121–2Google Scholar no. 657, fig. 449; Simon, ‘Ionia’, 290 no. 12. Simon wrongly catalogues this bell as an offering to Apollo or another deity; if anything it should have been an offering to Athena or one of the other deities worshipped in the Marmaria sanctuary.

⁷⁹ Olympia, inv. 8405. Furtwängler, A., Olympia IV: Die Bronzen und die übrigen kleineren Funde von Olympia (Berlin, 1890), 156Google Scholar, pl. 66.1170. The fact that the bell was found ‘west of the Byzantine church’ leaves all options open as to its date and original usage; Simon's listing of the bell as a votive offering to Zeus or some other deity (Simon, ‘Ionia’, 290 no. 9) is thus as unsubstantiated as is Bouzek's claim regarding its date.

⁸⁰ Bouzek, Bronzes, 93 no. D. 2.1.

⁸¹ Furtwängler, ibid., 156. Additionally, several bronze bells of rounded shape with a square or loop handle were found in various locations at Olympia.

⁸² Cf. e.g. the examples assembled by Flügel (n. 28) on pl. 33. On Greek soil, they were found e.g. in a Roman villa rustica in Toumba, Thessaloniki: Soueref, K. and Havela, K., AEMTh 12 (1998), 216 fig. 12Google Scholar.

⁸³ Cf. e.g. Nowakowski (n. 74), 105, pl. II. 6.

⁸⁴ Cf. also a rectangular-based bell dated between the 3rd and 1st cc. from Lake Nemi in Italy: Spear, Treasury, 183 fig. 225.

⁸⁵ Gehrig, U., ‘Die geometrischen Bronzen aus dem Heraion von Samos’ (Diss. Hamburg, 1964), 91Google Scholar. These as yet unpublished bells belong to a number of different types: conical/dome-shaped reminiscent of truncated cone (B 626, B 632); with slightly flaring rim, the common Roman ‘tulipshape’ (B 629, B 1346); and more or less hemispherical with incised horizontal lines and flattened angular handle (B 630, B 631, B 633, B6 34, B 636, unclear whether from Heraion; B 887, very corroded). One bell, B 2192, is more domeshaped than hemispherical, and of another bell only the top part with the angular handle is preserved (B 179). The range of shapes and sizes is not dissimilar to that encountered at Olympia.

⁸⁶ Vathy Museum, Samos inv. B 1972. H. (pres.) 4.8 cm. Isler, P., Samos IV: Das archaische Nordtor und seine Umgebung im Heraion von Samos (Bonn, 1978), 40Google Scholar no. 32, pl. 40.

⁸⁷ Boehmer, R. M., Boğazköy-Hattuša VII: Die Kleinfunde von Boǧazköy (Berlin, 1972), 70Google Scholar no. 176, pl. 10. 176

⁸⁸ Furtwängler, A. E., AM 96 (1981), 85–6Google Scholar with n. 57. Isler (n. 86) had considered it Archaic.

⁸⁹ Vathy, Museum, Samos B 626. H. 4.5 cm, D. 3.2 cm. Möbius, ‘Glocken’, 5, pl. 3. 3. Bell from Kamunta: ibid., pl. 3. 5.

⁹⁰ Spear, Treasury, 123 fig. 133.

⁹¹ London, BM GR 1919.11–19.26. H. 3.2 cm. Domeshaped bronze bell with flat rhomboid suspension loop with circular hole, circular base, and decoration consisting of three groups of two horizontal lines each at even intervals on the wall. Gardner, E. A. and Casson, S., BSA 23 (1918–1919), 38Google Scholar, pl. 7; Bouzek, Bronzes, 91 no. DI.I. A further bell (?) with angular suspension loop was found in Pella and does not predate the Hellenistic period: Makaronas, Ch., A. Delt. 19 (1964) Chr. 340, pl. 396 βGoogle Scholar; Bouzek, Bronzes, 91 no. D1.3.

⁹² A bell from Sardis, for example, for which the excavators suggest a Byzantine date, is a particularly good parallel for the Samian bell B 626: Waldbaum, J. C., Metalwork from Sardis: The Finds through 1974 (Cambridge, Mass., 1983), 43Google Scholar no. 98, pl. 8. A more conical bell with pentagonal loop and incised horizontal lines is securely dated to the late 6th–early 7th c. AD: ibid., 43 no. 100, pl. 8.

⁹³ For a summary, see most recently Gimm, M., in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, iii (2nd edn., Kassel, 1995), 1422–30Google Scholar; cf. also Lehr (n. 44), 11–21; Spear, Treasury, 27–46. Small bells with clapper were here apparently used for accompanying rituals, as attachment to chariots and boats and as dog- and horse-bells.

⁹⁴ Cf. e.g. Spear, Treasury, 13–15; Wiesner (n. 3) suspected a distribution of the bell in the Near East and Europe via Iranian horsemen, but Calmeyer, ‘Glocke’, 430, argues for a more complex development with origins in Urartu, Eastern Anatolia, Mesopotamia, or Egypt.

⁹⁵ See below n. 147, 151, and 154.

⁹⁶ Möbius, ‘Glocken’, Jantzen, Samos VIII with review by Calmeyer (n. 73); Muscarella, O. W., ‘Urartian Bells and Samos’, Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society of Columbia University, 10 (1978), 61–6Google Scholar; for Geometric bells, see Gehrig (n. 85). See also Bouzek, Bronzes, 84 fig. 25. 1–8, 89–91 nos. A1–10; 91 nos. C1–3, 139 fig. 44. 5–6; 89 no. A11, 139 fig. 44. 7. The article by Grichine, X., ‘Au sujet des cloches caucasiennes à Samos’, Bedi K'art'lisa, 41 (1983), 298–301Google Scholar, is a mere summary in French of Mobius's list of Caucasian bells with a few additional comments.

⁹⁷ See esp. Muscarella (n. 96); id. (n. 64), 427–8 no. 575. Cf. also Özgen, E., ‘The Urartian Bronze Collection at the University Museum: The Urartian Armor’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania; UMI, Ann Arbor, 1979), 159–63Google Scholar. Add to Muscarella's list three further ‘pagoda’ bells: den Berghe, L. Van and De Meyer, L., Urartu: Een vergeten cultuur uit het bergland Armenië (exhibition catalogue; Ghent, 1982–1983), 152Google Scholar no. 75, 153 no. 77; Bisione, R., SMEA 34 (1994), 123–4Google Scholar no. 14, fig. 7 (note also no. 15, fig. 7).

⁹⁸ Jantzen, Samos VIII, 81 no. B 474, pl. 80. Attested are the names of Menua (2 bells) and Argishti (3 bells): Muscarella 1978 (n. 96). But see Özgen (n. g7), who identifies different inscriptions (including 2 of Sarduri) on some of the same bells.

⁹⁹ Athens NM 16705, from Pherai. H. 5.1 cm, D. 2.8 cm. ‘Pagoda’-shaped heptagonal bronze bell with loop-handle set on disk-base, openwork lower body, inside bronze-bar for suspension of clapper (lost), dark brown patina. Muscarella (n. 96), 65–6, fig. 12; Spear, Treasury, 157–9, fig. 185; Bouzek, Bronzes, 91 no. B1. Perhaps another bell from Samos (B 2092), which is of simple conical shape yet features an offset cap and a loop-handle and has a terminus ante quem of 630/620 (Furtwängler, A. E., AM 96 (1981), 84–7, 134Google Scholar no. 1/6, pl. 19. 2), is the result of a similar adaptation—compare the Urartian bells with several ribs just below the handle: Muscarella, ibid., fig. 3; van de Berge and de Meyer (n. 97), 150–1 nos. 68–71.

¹⁰⁰ Gehrig (n. 85), 8 nos. 39–41, pp. 13, 91–2, pl. 16. 1–3. Möbius, ‘Glocken’, 6, pl. 2. 7–8.

¹⁰¹ Walter, H. and Vierneisel, K., AM 73 (1958), 23Google Scholar, Beil. 56. 3; Jantzen, Samos VIII, 82, no. B 1225, pl. 79.

¹⁰² Ibid., no. B 627, pl. 80; Möbius, ‘Glocken’, pl. 2. 10. Calmeyer (n. 73), 130. Also another Samian bell (B 1604), of simple dome shape, attributed by Jantzen, ibid., no. B 1604, pl. 79, to the Kuban area, is taken by Galmeyer to be Caucasian.

¹⁰³ There are, however, late attestations of this shape elsewhere. Cf. e.g. a bell from Visigothic Spain, 5th/6th c. AD: Spear, Treasury, 189 fig. 233. For a conical bell with a separately-made suspension loop and incised horizontal lines from Sardis, for which a Byzantine date has been suggested, see Waldbaum (n. 92), 43 no. 96, pl. 8.

¹⁰⁴ Cf. the early Iranian and Luristan bells listed by Calmeyer, P., Datierbare Bronzen aus Luristan und Kirmanshah (Berlin, 1969), 111–12Google Scholar, and the bell from the Kuban given as a comparison by Möbius, ‘Glocken’, pl. 2. 11. Cf. also Spear, Treasury, 129 fig. 144–5, for Scythian bells from Hungary. The characteristic horse-topped bells of the South Caspian Sea area (?), too, display a straight conical outline; see Muscarella (n. 64), 89–91 no. 150. On conical bells, see also Moorey, P., A Catalogue of the Ancient Persian Bronzes in the Ashmokan Museum (Oxford, 1971), 138Google Scholar, and most recently, on Cimmerian and Scythian bells and rattles, Ivantchik, A., Kimmerier und Skythen (Moscow, 2001), esp. 218–25Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ See Muscarella (n. 64), and also below.

¹⁰⁶ M. Maass and I. Kilian-Dirlmeier, AA 1998, 102–3 no. 55, fig. 19. A further bell of this shape is mentioned by Furtwängler, A., Aigina: Das Heiligtum der Aphaia (Munich, 1906), 419Google Scholar no. 186. High straight-sided conical bells also appear to be a feature of the Punic-Iberian circle, which might suggest Phoenician transfer from the East; see a bronze bell dated to the 3rd c. from Carthage (Moscati, S. (ed.), I Fenici (Milan, 1988), 634Google Scholar no. 299), and bells from Mallorca dated between the 5th and 3rd c. (cf. Spear, Treasury, 177 fig. 213); on the latter, see also below, n. 272.

¹⁰⁷ Jantzen, Samos VIII, 81 no. B 271, pl. 80; Möbius, ‘Glocken’, pl. 3. 1. Cf. Möbius, ‘Glocken’, pl. 3. 4, 6–8, 10–11 (varying shapes: dome-shaped, conical, concave-conical); Spear, Treasury, fig. 130 (Sarmatian, 1st–2nd c. AD), fig. 134 (pole-top rattle, Scythian, late 5th c). For conical rattles, see Rimmer, J., Ancient Musical Instruments of Western Asia in the Department of Western Asiatic Antiquities, The British Museum (London, 1969), pl. 19Google Scholarc; Muscarella (n. 64), 442 no. 588. On openwork rattles of the European Early Iron Age in general, see esp. Bouzek, J., ‘Openwork ‘bird-cage’ bronzes’, in Boardman, J., Brown, M. A., and Powell, T. G. E. (eds), The European Community in Later Prehistory: Studies in Honour of C. F. C. Hawkes (London, 1971), 77–104Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁸ Bell from Idalion: Conical bronze bell (H. 3.8 cm) with concave sides with openwork (three rows of triangles) and loop handle, from Archaic/Classical sanctuary of Athena-Anat at Idalion (from disturbed layer). The Swedish Cyprus Expedition, ii (Stockholm, 1935), 553Google Scholar no. 784, pl. 179.11. Bell from Amathus: Chavane, M.-J., La nécropole d'Amathonte, Tombes 110–385 IV: Les petits objets (Nicosia, 1990), 46Google Scholar no. 382, pls. 12, 22. Several later Cypriot bronze bells, from the Cesnola Collection, are now in the Metropolitan Museum, New York: Richter, G. M. A., The Metropolitan Museum of Art—Greek, Etruscan and Roman Bronzes (New York, 1915), 463–4Google Scholar nos. 1835–1840.

¹⁰⁹ Athens, NM 16704, from Pherai. H. 3.5 cm, D. 3.5 cm. Conical bronze bell, three incised horizontal lines on mantle, small flat handle with small round hole (drilled after casting), on either side of which are two holes in the apex for suspension of clapper. Date uncertain. Spear, Treasury, 158 fig. 186; Bouzek, Bronzes, 91 no. C1.4. A highly unusual wide-mouthed conical bronze bell found in the Archaic sanctuary of Aphrodite Oikous at Miletos (inv. Z 94.63.9) is due to be published by H. Eiwanger-Donder, whom I thank for information on it. Note also a conical bell from Lanuvium (Woodward, A. M., PBSR 11 (1929), 129Google Scholar fig. 37. 55, 133 no. 56), which appears, however, to be of much later date.

¹¹⁰ Möbius, ‘Glocken’, 1–2, pl. 1. 1–2; Jantzen, Samos VIII, 83; Gercke, P. and Löwe, W. (eds), Samos—die Kasseler Grabung 1894 (Kassel, 1996), 76Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ Cf. Möbius, ‘Glocken’, 1–4, pls. 1. 5–7, 2. 1–3; Spear, Treasury, 115 fig. 124–6.

¹¹² Samos B 146: Jantzen, Samos VIII, 81 Nr. B 146, pl. 89; Möbius, ‘Glocken’, pl. 3.2. It is dated by context to before 570, with Gehrig (n. 85), 91 suggesting a late-7th-c. date. Möbius and Jantzen had suspected it to be a Caucasian hybrid, combining elements of bell and openwork jingle.

¹¹³ Athens, NM 17386, from Papagergopoulou's excavations at Tanagra in 1876. H. 6.7 cm, D. 3.6 cm. Conical/dome-shaped bronze bell with offset cap with vertical grooves ending in circular impressions, groups of horizontal incised lines around lower part of bell, large loop shaped handle; inside loop for attachment of iron clapper, of which corroded remains are preserved; date uncertain. De Ridder (n. 39), 126 no. 671. Two further close parallels are known: a bell once in the 18th-c. collection of the Count of Biscari (Fittà, M., Spiele und Spielzeug in der Antike (Stuttgart, 1998), 51Google Scholar fig. 73), and one published without mention of provenance or whereabouts by Schilling (n. 12), fig. 519, p. 347 no. 519. Schilling describes it as a ‘Roman bronze bell from a horse's harness or cart’ without giving reasons for this assessment. A distant relative of this type of bell is found in a small bronze bell in Olympia (inv. Br 11929). The origin of this distinctive bell type, for the time being, remains a mystery.

¹¹⁴ See Brize, Ph., ‘Archaische Bronzevotive aus dem Heraion von Samos’, in Bartoloni, G. (ed.), Anathema: Regime delle offerte e vita dei santuari nel Mediterraneo antico. Atti del Convegno Internazionale, 15–18 giugno 1989 = Scienze dell'Antichità, 3/4 (Rome, 1989/1990), 317–26, esp. 318–20Google Scholar.

¹¹⁵ B 2091: H. 8.4 cm, D. 6.5 cm; Furtwängler, A. E., AM 96 (1981), 84–7, 134Google Scholar no. I/7, pl. 19. 1. B 1093: H. 6 cm; D. 2.6 cm; Jantzen, Samos VIII, 83 no. B 1093, pl. 79.

¹¹⁶ Jantzen, Samos VIII, 83.

¹¹⁷ Local manufacture seems likely, not least clue to the fact that a further bell of this type was found by Mallowan in trench PD5 on the acropolis of Nimrud, and is confirmed by the high lead content of the bells (I am grateful to John Curtis for this information). Only a few of the Nimrud bells have been published to date; see most recently Curtis, J. E. and Reade, J. E. (eds), Art and Empire: Treasures from Assyria in the British Museum (London, 1995), 166–7Google Scholar nos. 159–65. Cf. also Spear, Treasury, 99–104 with figs. 94, 96–108; Rimmer (n. 107), 37–9, pl. 20.

¹¹⁸ The Samian bell B 1093 is quite similar in shape to the Nimrud bells, while B 2091 is more removed. The latter's dome-shape and thickened lower base are paralleled in other bells from Nimrud (e.g. London, BM N159: Rimmer (n. 107), pl. 19 a), as pointed out already by Furtwängler, A. E., AM 96 (1981), 86Google Scholar, but not in connection with this type of handle; the same is true for the slit which both Samian bells share: an instance of Samian imitation, or simply a different (later?) version of the Nimrud bells?

¹¹⁹ This Spartan bell (Br 24) is actually one of the few explicitly identified (by a label attached to the bell and a note and drawing on a loose-leaf catalogue of finds inserted into the excavation diary, no. 24 in the BSA archive) as a stratified find: it was found in 1927 in the ‘black layer’ of area xiv, which is identified in the excavation diary (p. 323) as the ‘NE corner of E pit’, located at the back of the cave to the N of the small buildings; this black layer also contained architectural terracottas, including part of an acroterion with toothed border and painted scales, but it is probably not an undisturbed Archaic layer.

¹²⁰ Of the c. 20 bells known to him when writing Samos VIII, Jantzen (pp. 81–3), mostly following Möbius, considered seven to be imported (‘Caucasian’) and the rest Greek, because of their more ‘taut and severe’ shape. They remain mostly unpublished, but will be included in a study by Philip Brize on the votive offerings of the Heraion. I should like to thank Dr Philip Brize and Dr Hermann Kienast for allowing me to discuss some of them here.

¹²¹ e.g. the bells from Alishar, Muscarella 1978 (n. 96), figs. 3, 4.

¹²² e.g. Spear, Treasury, 65 fig. 36.

¹²³ Vathy Museum, Samos B 2580, from Heraion, SE temenos (found in 1984). H. 6.6 cm, D. 4.7 cm, high dome shaped bell with thickened, rounded base rim, round loop handle on oval ‘cushion’ at apex, two holes for attachment of clapper opposite each other at about three quarters of the body's height. Handle completely worn through.

¹²⁴ Cf. a bell supposedly from Lake Urmia, Iran: Spear, Treasury, 94 fig. 91.

¹²⁵ H. 8.5 cm and 9.2 cm. Karageorghis, V., Salamis V: Excavations in the Necropolis of Salamis, iii (Nicosia, 1973), 20 no. 142, 23 no. 163, p. 83Google Scholar, pls. 80, 254, Other bronze bells found in Cypriot tombs are mostly of a later date; cf. Chavane (n. 108), 46 no. 382, pls. 12, 22. (Archaic–Classical or possibly later); ead., Salamine de Chypre VI: Les petits objets (Paris, 1975), 147–8Google Scholar nos. 422–4, pls. 43, 69 (Roman-Byzantine). For Cypriot terracotta bells, see below.

¹²⁶ On Caucasian dome-shaped and particularly cylindrical/barrel-shaped bells (e.g. Muscarella 1978 (n. 97), fig. 4; Möbius, ‘Glocken’, pl. 2. 1–4, 6), or on cylindrical/barrel-shaped and truncated conical bells in Nimrud, spanning the large opening at the top (e.g. Spear, Treasury, 102 figs. 96–101). It is also found in one of the early bells from Salamis, mentioned above, n. 125.

¹²⁷ Vathy Museum, Samos B 1125, from Heraion (Canal W of Südhalle). H. 9.8 cm, D. 6.3 cm, conical bronze bell with rounded top, arched, flattened handle terminating in ducks' heads, small hole in apex for suspension of clapper. Unpublished; mentioned by Möbius, ‘Glocken’, 12.

¹²⁸ Cf. e.g. the ‘duck askoi’ found on Samos from the 9th to the early 7th cc: Jarosch, V, Samos XVIII: Samische Tonfiguren aus dem Heraion von Samos (Bonn, 1994), 73–5Google Scholar. On duck heads in Greek metalware, see most recently also Raubitschek, I. K., Isthmia VII: The Metal Objects, 1952–1989 (Princeton, 1998), 37Google Scholar with n. 78–9.

¹²⁹ Möbius, ‘Glocken’, 12.

¹³⁰ Greifenhagen, A., Jahrbuch der Berliner Museen, 7 (1965), 141CrossRefGoogle Scholar fig. 21.

¹³¹ See e.g. the numerous examples in Özgen, I. and Öztürk, J. (eds), The Lydian Treasure: Heritage Recovered (Istanbul, 1996), 106Google Scholar no. 60, 109 no. 64, 112 no. 67, 114–15 no. 71, 118–19 no. 73, 120 no. 74, 121–5 nos. 75–8, 238–9 no. 228. Duck-heads also sometimes form part of openwork rattles; cf. an example from the Archaic Ephesian Artemision: Bammer, A. and Muss, U., Das Artemision von Ephesus (Mainz, 1996), 32Google Scholar fig. 29.

¹³² e.g. J. Boardman, Iran, 8 (1970), pl. 8. 188.

¹³³ Ibid., p. 19, pl. 6. 137 (seal from Sardis). For more seals of this shape from Sardis, see e.g. Curtis (n. 67), 18 no. 26 b, 41–2 nos. 107–11, 115, pls. 3, 10.

¹³⁴ See e.g. Vollenweider, M. L., Musée d'Art et d'Histoire de Genève: Catalogue raisonné des sceaux cylindres et intailles, i (Geneva, 1967), 73–5Google Scholar nos. 79–85, pls. 37–8. Cf. also a Neo Babylonian seal type in the shape of a duck: von der Osten, H. H., Ancient Oriental Seals in the Collection of Mr. Edward T. Newell (Chicago, 1934), 9Google Scholar.

¹³⁵ Vathy Museum, Samos B 1281, from Heraion (found in 1961; the Samos archive records ‘N15/IW,a,b+89 above sand' as the exact findspot). H. 6.3 cm, D. 4.2 cm. Dome shaped bronze bell with angular thickened base rim, high arched handle terminating in ducks’ heads, narrow slit in lower third of wall, small hole in upper part of wall.

¹³⁶ New York, MM inv. 1978.514.40: H. 8.3 cm, D. 6.4 cm; Muscarella (n. 64), 443 no. 592; Spear, Treasury, 97, pl. 15.

¹³⁷ Vathy Museum, Samos B 1591, from Heraion (under cement road south of Rhoikos altar, found in autumn 1964) H. 8.4 cm, D. 5.8 cm, conical or dome-shaped bronze bell, thickened lower rim consisting of wide plastic ring framed by two narrow rings each above and below; high arched handle terminating in human hands; triangular cut-out at lower rim, up to height of profiled rings. Mentioned by Möbius, ‘Glocken’, 12, but since the bell had not yet been cleaned he mistook the hands for swimming ducks.

¹³⁸ Van den Berghe and De Meyer (n. 97), 153 no. 77.

¹³⁹ E. Diehl, AA 1965, 846–8 nos. 104–5, figs. 23–5.

¹⁴⁰ e.g. Vathy Museum, Samos B 2257, B 2268, B 2271, B 1014, B 1015, B 1179. Gf. also a similar bronze handle from the sanctuary of Demeter Malophoros at Selinus, : Mon. Linc. 31 (1927). 354Google Scholar fih. 149 m.

¹⁴¹ Walter-Karydi, E., Samos VI. 1: Samische Gefäße des 6. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. (Bonn, 1973), 20–1Google Scholar, pl. 37. 289, 292–7. Walter-Karydi suspects Eastern inspiration for these vessels.

¹⁴² Cf. e.g. Galmeyer (n. 104), 111–12, fig. 115; Moorey, P. R. S., Ancient Persian Bronzes in the Adam Collection (London, 1974), 97 fig. 63Google Scholar.

¹⁴³ Spear, Treasury, 70–2, fig. 45; Muscarella (n. 64), 443–4 no. 590. Unknown provenance; Spear assigns it to Amlash and dates it to the gth c., Muscarella suspects the Caucasus or a neighbouring region and gives the 8th/7th c. as terminus ante quem.

¹⁴⁴ It must be noted that there are also occasional instances of offset arched handles within the repertoire of early bells in the Mediterranean: one, from a grave in Amathus/Cyprus, has been mentioned earlier (n. 108); another is an openwork dome-shaped bell with an arched handle with upturned ends, from a grave in Marsiliana d'Albegna, dated to around 700 (Möbius, ‘Glocken’, 11–12, pl. 1. 3–4).

¹⁴⁵ Gehrig (n. 85), 91.

¹⁴⁶ Spear, Treasury, 101 fig. 95.

¹⁴⁷ For illustrations see e.g. Spear, Treasury, 106–9 figs. 109–11, 113. Cf. also Anderson, J. K., Ancient Greek Horsemanship (Berkeley, 1961), pls. 5Google Scholarb (Sennacherib), 6 b, 11 b, 38 (Ashurbanipal). 7th-c. frescos from Til Barsip show bells (one with cut-outs) on both riding and chariot horses; cf. Thureau-Dangin, F. and Dunand, M., Til-Barsib (Paris, 1936), pls. xxiieGoogle Scholarf, xxxvii e. A saddled bull wearing a bell is represented on a bronze plaque: Calmeyer, ‘Glocke’, 427.

¹⁴⁸ Cf. e.g. Spear, Treasury, 60–7, with figs. 34–5; Anderson (n. 147), pl. 8 b. See also below, n. 206.

¹⁴⁹ See Mitchell, T. C., ‘Camels in the Assyrian bas-reliefs’, Iraq, 62 (2000), 187–94, esp. 191–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the Persepolis camels, see e.g. Spear, Treasury, 65.

¹⁵⁰ In various other regions bells attached to chains may have been part of horses' harnesses: cf. e.g. Spear, Treasury, 82 fig. 59, 71 fig. 43. 91 fig. 90.

¹⁵¹ Cf. the reconstructed horse-harness with bells in Emery (n. 27), pl. 55–6.

¹⁵² Furger, A. R. and Schneider, C., ‘Die Bronzeglocke aus der Exedra des Tempelareals Sichelen 1’, Jahresberichte aus Augst und Kaiseraugst, 14 (1993), 159–72, esp. 166Google Scholar.

¹⁵³ Cf. Price, Bells and Man, 51.

¹⁵⁴ Cf. Bakay (n. 12), 34, 36–7, 41–50, 74–5, 86–7, 115–20; Spear, Treasury, 117–30; Porada (n. 68), 114–16.

¹⁵⁵ Rashid (n. 22), fig. 132.

¹⁵⁶ Experiments with recast ancient bells have shown that a bell's high-pitched sound could be transformed into a lower sound by adding a slit in the bell's side: Drescher, H., ‘Rekonstruktionen und Versuche zu frühen Zimbeln und kleinen antiken Glocken’, Saalburg-Jahrbuch, 49 (1998), 155–70, esp. 158Google Scholar. However, a more practical reason could be that lower sound frequencies travel further, making it easier to track animals, as is claimed by Price, Bells and Man, 51. Perhaps both were, in fact, desired.

¹⁵⁷ Cf. Furtwängler, A., AM 96 (1981), 86–7Google Scholar n. 66.

¹⁵⁸ Brize suggests that Al Mina may have been involved in a mediating role: Brize, Ph., ‘Offrandes de l'époque géométrique et archaïque à l'Héraion de Samos’, in de La Genière, J. (ed.), Héra: Images, espaces, cultes (Naples, 1997), 123–39. esp. 132Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁹ Brize (n. 114), 320.

¹⁶⁰ Brize (n. 158), 130–2. Other parts of horse harness are also among the finds from the Samian Heraion.

¹⁶¹ For the lead figurines, see Boss, M., Lakonische Votivgaben aus Blei (Würzburg, 2000), 224–30Google Scholar; Boardman, J., The Greeks Overseas (2nd edn.; London, 1999), 76Google Scholar; for the masks, possibly based on the demon Humbaba, see Boardman, ibid., 77; Brize (n. 158), 136; Carter, J. B., ‘Masks and Poetry in Early Sparta’, in Hagg, R., Marinatos, N., and Nordquist, G. C. (eds), Early Greek Cult Practice: Proceedings of the Fifth International Symposium at the Swedish Institute at Athens, 26–29 June, 1986 (Stockholm, 1988), 89–98Google Scholar.

¹⁶² As attested by literary (esp. Hdt. iii. 39–60) and archaeological evidence. Cf. Cartledge, P., ‘Sparta and Samos in the Archaic Period: a ‘special relationship’?’, CQ n.s. 32 (1982), 243–65Google Scholar; Pipili, M., ‘Archaic Laconian vase-painting: some iconographic considerations’, in Cavanagh, W. G. and Walker, S. E. C. (eds), Sparta in Laconia (London, 1998), 82–96, esp. 85Google Scholar.

¹⁶³ Cf. Dunst, G., AM 87 (1972), 140–4, pl. 56Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁴ Hdt. iii. 39–46. Cf. Cartledge (n. 162), 246–7.

¹⁶⁵ The exact provenance of the bells from Pherai is not altogether clear (they supposedly came to the Athenian National Museum as part of a larger gift of objects from Velestino/Pherai: cf. PAE 1890, 89–90), but it is at least a possibility that they come from the sanctuary of Artemis Enodia (and Zeus Thaulios) in which rich Geometric bronze finds were made. On the site, its finds and the history of the excavations, see Kilian (n. 30).

¹⁶⁶ There is ample evidence for early bronze-working on Samos, including in or around the Heraion. See Kyrieleis, H., ‘Samos and some aspects of Archaic Greek bronze working’, in Small Bronze Sculpture from the Ancient World (Malibu, 1990), 15–29, esp. 23Google Scholar. For Near Eastern type horse harnessing adapted by local bronze workers, see Kyrieleis, H., AM 103, 37–61Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁷ The most popular lead figurine types from the sanctuary are warriors and women, followed by wreaths, representations of Athena and winged female figures. See most recently Boss (n. 161), esp. 151.

¹⁶⁸ Hodkinson, S., Property and Wealth in Classical Sparta (London, 2000), 271–302Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁹ Jeffery 1990 (n. 18), 196–7, 201 no. 52, pl. 38.

¹⁷⁰ On the Promacheia, see Parker, R., ‘Spartan Religion’, in Powell, A. (ed.), Classical Sparta: Techniques Behind Her Success (London, 1989), 142–72, esp. 145–6Google Scholar.

¹⁷¹ On the cult of Athena at Sparta, see above, n. 6.

¹⁷² This ratio of 3: 1 seems unusual for a major polis sanctuary, but fits in well with the attested greater control over property by Spartan women: see Millender, E., ‘Athenian ideology and the empowered Spartan woman’, in Hodkinson, S. and Powell, A. (eds), Sparta: New Perspectives (London, 1999), 355–91, esp. 370–1Google Scholar. See also Thommen, L., ‘Spartanische Frauen’, Mus. Helv. 56 (1999), 129–49, esp. 143–6Google Scholar. On Spartan women, see now also Pomeroy, S. B., Spartan Women (Oxford, 2002Google Scholar).

¹⁷³ This technique, giving better control over the sound produced by the bell, is attested early on in China (e.g. Lehr (n. 44), 16–7) and we also find it, for example, in the Middle Ages (ibid., 75–80).

¹⁷⁴ Cf. e.g. Tibetan priests' bells (Lehr (n. 44), 7 fig. 10), and Anglo-Saxon handbells (ibid., 10) or town-criers' bells.

¹⁷⁵ See below, n. 238. Note also later representations of bells of this kind being held in the hand: cf. e.g. an Irish stone sculpture of a monk, 9th c. A D (Schlichting (n. 24), 11), or a monk holding a bell on a string or chain on a woodcut of 1568 (ibid., 22).

¹⁷⁶ Schlichting (n. 24), 101, 107; Price, Bells and Man, 54–5.

¹⁷⁷ As suggested by Galliazzo (n. 28), 158.

¹⁷⁸ e.g. Spear, Treasury, 180 figs. 219–20; Wolters, P., B. Jb. 118 (1909), 267–8Google Scholar. Dierichs, A., ‘Klingendes Kleinod: Ein unbekanntes Tintinnabulum in Dänemark’, Antike Welt, 30 (1999), 145–9Google Scholar, gives a list of phallic tintinnabula: p. 149 n. 13. Cf. also De Caro, S., Il Gabinetto Segreto del Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli (Naples, 2000), 70–2Google Scholar. Note also a bust of Mercury with six round-based bells and one square-based one with knobbly feet: Spear, Treasury, 186 fig. 231.

¹⁷⁹ See e.g. Nowakowski, ‘Import’ (n. 74), 112 pl. 5; id., ‘Z badań nad dzwonkami rzymskimi znajdowanymi nad wschodnim Bahykiem. Brazowe tintinnabulum z Malborka’, Archaeologia. Rocznik Instytutu historii kultury materialnej Polskiej akademii nauk, 37 (1986), 107–29, esp. 112 pl. 2.

¹⁸⁰ Evidence for the ancient use of bells had been assembled already by Morillot, Étude, corrected and supplemented by Pease, ‘Bells’; Cook, ‘Gong’, discusses the uses and meaning of bells particularly in relation to cult. For a recent comprehensive summary, see Trumpf-Lyritzaki, ‘Glocke’; a collection of the evidence is also provided by Schatkin, M., ‘Idiophones of the Ancient World’, Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum, 21 (1978), 147–72Google Scholar.

¹⁸¹ On the word κώδων and its attestations, see LSJ, s.v.

¹⁸² Fr. 99 DK (145 Wright): see DK 31 A 86.9 (1.302.11); A 86.21 (1.304.37 = Theophr., de sensibus 9, 21).

¹⁸³ DK A 93. Cf. Long, A. A., ‘Thinking and senseperception in Empedokles: mysticism or materialism?’, CQ n.s. 16, 1966, 256–76, esp. 265CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wright, M. R., Empedokles: The Extant Fragments (New Haven and London, 1981), 296Google Scholar on no. 145 (99). Also those sources that mention bells carried by guards as signal instruments (see below) imply that κώδων refers to a proper bell, the sound of which travels some distance, yet which is easy to carry around.

¹⁸⁴ Lehr (n. 12), 1421, lists as the basic functions of bells across all times and regions: conjuring and chasing away bad or attracting good spirits; ritual function, accompanying ceremonies; functional, to signal events; and musical.

¹⁸⁵ Markets: Strabo 14. 21; Plut. Quaest. conv 4. 4 (668 A); Baths: Mart. 14. 163 (tintinnabulum/aes thermarum), cf. Cic. Orat. ii. 5. 21 (discus in gymnasium), Fronto, , ad M. Caes. 4. 6Google Scholar (discus); cf. also Pease, ‘Bells’, 35. Spraying of streets: Emp., Sext.Math. 8. 193Google Scholar; cf. Pease, ibid., 55–6.

¹⁸⁶ A bell is depicted among other gymnasium implements on grave stelai of gymnasiarchs from Bursa/Bithynia and Chalkedon, dated to the 1st c. AD: Pfuhl, E. and Möbius, H., Die ostgriechischen Grabreliefs, ii (Mainz, 1979), 548–9 nos. 2273–5, pl. 321Google Scholar.

¹⁸⁷ Lucian, , Merc. cond. 24. 31Google Scholar; Sen., , Brev. vit. 12. 5Google Scholar; Sen., Ira iii. 35. 3Google Scholar; cf. Pease, ‘Bells’, 32–4. Use as a doorbell seems not to be attested: ibid.

¹⁸⁸ As can be gathered when Demosthenes says about Aristogeiton: ‘What every other citizen does with as little noise as possible, he performs, one might almost say, with a peal of bells hung about his neck [κώδωνας ἐξαψἁμενος]]' (tr. J. H. Vince, Loeb edn.).

¹⁸⁹ Nicophon fr. 27 Kassel-Austin.

¹⁹⁰ Cf. the commentary by Perrin, B., Plutarch's Lives, xi (Loeb, edn.), ad loc.Google Scholar

¹⁹¹ For a discussion of the possibly different systems and for further ancient sources, see Hornblower, S., A Commentary on Thucydides, ii: Books IV–V. 24 (Oxford, 1996), p. 418Google Scholar ad loc; Trumpf-Lyritzaki, ‘Glocke’, 168–9; Pease, ‘Bells’, 43. For the continued use of the bell as a signal of guards, see Trumpf-Lyritzaki, ibid., 181–2.

¹⁹² P. Cartledge, in Cavanagh and Walker (n. 162), 41.

¹⁹³ Tr. H. Weir Smith (Loeb edn.)

¹⁹⁴ Tr. A. S. Way (Loeb edn.). There is, of course, the question of whether the words used by the authors always necessarily refer to actual bells, or rather to the clanging sound of bronze, for which the bell is merely a metaphor. Such an interpretation cannot be excluded entirely for composite terms such as κωδωνόκροτος and κωδωνοφαλαροπῶλους, although in those cases where the word κώδων appears on its own it seems likely that it is indeed a ‘bell’ that is referred to.

¹⁹⁵ Cf. Pease, ‘Bells’, 41: ‘That little bells like these should have been used with any intention of terrifying the enemy is almost preposterous’. Note, however, that the custom of testing to see whether horses were frightened of bells suggests that bells could indeed disturb animals: Hesych. s.v. κωδωνοφορο῀ν: Etym. Magn. p. 267 s.v. διακωδωνισθέντες:; cf. also Schol. Ar. Ran. 78; Schol. Ar. Lys. 485; Etym. Magn. 325. 21; cf. also Pease, ‘Bells’, 56.

¹⁹⁶ The Nubian battle is reported by the mediaeval historian al Taghribirdi, cited after Vantini, G., Oriental Sources Concerning Nubia (Heidelberg and Warsaw, 1975), 730Google Scholar; see also Welsby, D., The Medieval Kingdoms of Nubia (London, 2002), 81Google Scholar. For war in the Congo, see Schlichting (n. 24), 108–9

¹⁹⁷ e.g. Simon, ‘Ionia’, 293; Herzog, G.-Hauser, RE 2nd ser. vi. 2 (1937), 1408Google Scholar; Villing (n. 6), 96.

¹⁹⁸ Cook, ‘Gong’, 18, cites several vases that represent Pegasos wearing a necklace of bells or bullae. These are, in fact, part of a larger group of Etruscan representations of horses and related creatures (winged horses and hippocamps) adorned with a kind of ‘necklace’ with rounded objects attached (see Beazley, J. D., Etruscan Vase-Painting (Oxford, 1947), pls. 3. 1, 5. 2, 6. 5, 7. 1, 2Google Scholar; Spivey, N., The Micali Painter and his Followers (Oxford, 1987)Google Scholar, pls. 2 a, 7 b, 15 c, 17 b, 19 b; N. Yalouris, Pegasus: The Art of the Legend (1975), figs. 56, 58), These are often identified as bullae (e.g. Yalouris, but see also Beazley, p. 49), the amulet cases worn by Etruscan and Roman children (see below, n. 276). In some cases these objects look more like bells with clappers, but an interpretation as bells seems on the whole less likely.

¹⁹⁹ Morillot, Étude, 30.

²⁰⁰ Picard, C., RA 18 (1941), 278 n. 1Google Scholar.

²⁰¹ Hackin, J., Recherches archéologiques à Begram (Mémoires de la Délégation Archéologique Française en Afghanistan, xi; Paris, 1939), 46–7Google Scholar no. 216, figs. 47–52. For the dating of the finds from Begram, see Boardman, J., The Diffusion of Classical Art in Antiquity (Princeton, 1994), 121Google Scholar.

²⁰² Geometric Etruscan bronze shields with stamped relief decoration also sometimes feature cast bronze pendants attached to the back, possibly with the intention to produce ‘noise or melodious sounds’; however, they, too, were probably not used in battle but for parades, or, more likely, in a funerary or votive context: see Strøm, I., Problems Concerning the Origin and Early Development of the Etruscan Orientalizing Style (Odense, 1971), 19–20Google Scholar, figs. 2, 7. Cf. also the supposed Parthian custom of using a tympanon with bells instead of the salpinx—below, n. 216.

²⁰³ Cf. Trumpf-Lyritzaki, ‘Glocke’, 170; Price, Bells and Man, 74; Hutchinson, G. O., Aeschylus: Septem contra Thebas (Oxford, 1985), 109Google Scholar ad. loc. See esp. Aesch. Sept. 463.

²⁰⁴ Tr. H. Lloyd-Jones, Sophocles: Fragments (Loeb edn., 1996), ad loc. On Sophokles' Trojans being particularly persianized, see Bacon, H., Barbarians in Greek Tragedy (New Haven, 1961), 101–4Google Scholar.

²⁰⁵ Some scholars (e.g. Herzog-Hauser, G., in RE 2nd ser. vi. 2 (1937), 1408Google Scholar), probably correctly, see in this reference mainly a mocking of Aischylos' pompous word-creations. A ‘foreign’ context is not explicitly indicated in Pollux's note that Aischylos termed horses' head-bands avkanoi αὐλωτοὶ φιμοί because of the attached bells, but equally cannot be excluded: Poll. 10.56 = Aesch. fr. 465 Radt. The mention of κώδων in Aristophanes' Peace (1078), if not a mistake, is of no further consequence.

²⁰⁶ At Persepolis, bells adorn the horses led by Medes, but also those of several other peoples, including e.g. Scythians, Armenians, and Cappadocians; in addition, we find them on Bactrian, Parthian, and Aryan camels (cf. e.g. Anderson (n. 147) pl. 8 b; Spear, Treasury, 60–7, with figs. 34–5, 37). The bells are all of a simple high dome-shaped form. For a horse with a bell on an Achaemenid seal of the ‘Court Style’, cf. Boardman, J., ‘Pyramidal stamp seals in the Persian Empire’, Iran, 8 (1970), 36, 44CrossRefGoogle Scholar no. 169, pl. 7. 169. Rhyta of the Achaemenid period, too, sometimes represent horses with bells; cf. an example in Yerevan, probably locally produced: Santrot, J. (ed.), Arménie: trésors de l'Arménie ancienne (Paris and Nantes, 1996), 176, 197Google Scholar no. 181. Cf. also a late-4th-c. rhyton, probably Thracian, in Prague (Svoboda, B. and Cončev, D., Neue Denkmäler antiker Toreutik (Prague, 1956), pls. 1–4Google Scholar, and the rhyta being manufactured in the Petosiris-tomb mural of around 300: Boardman (n. 201), 170 fig. 5. 17 b.

²⁰⁷ Note also that camels, which might have been equipped with bells, were captured by Agesilaos II at Sardis in 396 and brought to Sparta (Xen., Hell. iii. 4. 24Google Scholar).

²⁰⁸ Cf. Hodkinson, (n. 168), 303–3.

²⁰⁹ Paus. v. 12. 5; vi. 1. 1; iii. 15. 1. Cf. Pomeroy (n. 172), 19–24; S. Hodkinson, ‘Inheritance, marriage and demography: perspectives upon the success and decline of Classical Sparta’, in Powell (n. 170), 79–121, esp. 97–9. On Spartan athleticism and horsemanship, see also Powell, A., ‘Sixth-century Lakonian vase-painting: Continuities and discontinuities with the ‘Lykourgan’ ethos’, in: Fisher, N. and van Wees, H. (eds), Archaic Greece; Mew Approaches and New Evidence (London, 1998), 119–46, esp 138–42Google Scholar.

²¹⁰ But note the attested adoption of a number of Persian/Eastern habits in Athens: Miller, M., Athens and Persia in the Fifth Century BC: A Study of Cultural Receptivity (Cambridge, 1997Google Scholar).

²¹¹ An Athena Hippia is actually attested at Athens and Corinth: cf. Yalouris, N., ‘Athena als Herrin der Pferde’, Mus. Helv. 7 (1950), 19–101Google Scholar. Cf. also Brize's suggestion of a Hera Hippia at Samos: above, n. 160.

²¹² Karageorghis (n. 21), 25–6, fig. 26 (horse); 30 no. J 5, pl. 17. The bell-shaped ornaments sometimes worn lower down on horses' chests (id. (n. 46), 153 no. 244; cf. also representations on sarcophagi: ibid., 201–6 nos. 330–1) are more likely tassels of thekind worn by Assyrian horses. The harnessing of Cypriot horses is generally quite close to that of their Assyrian cousins.

²¹³ On the Cypriot bells, see above, n. 125, on Assyrian and Persian horse bells, nn. 146–9. Note also the biblical reference to horse-bells: Zech. 14. 20.

²¹⁴ Vernant, J. P., Myth and Thought among the Greeks (London, 1983), 13Google Scholar.

²¹⁵ On Athena Salpinx and Athena's brazen voice and character, see esp. Serghidou, A., ‘Athena Salpinx and the ethics of music’, in Deacy, S. and Villing, A. (eds), Athena in the Classical World (Leiden, 2001), 57–74Google Scholar.

²¹⁶ Poll. vi. no; x. 56; Schol. ad Hom. Il. 18. 219. We may also note that according to the Suda (01164), the ‘Indians’ (i.e., the Parthians) used a tympanon made of hollowed-out wood and oxhide fitted with bronze bells instead of the salpinx, suggesting that the sound of bells could be seen as equivalent to the sound of the salpinx; cf. Mathiesen, T. J., Apollo's Lyre (Lincoln and London, 1999), 174Google Scholar.

²¹⁷ Note also that there is one further instance in which Athena is explicitly associated with noisy bronze instruments: according to legend, Athena gave bronze clappers (χαλκεῖα κρόταλα)), obtained from Hephaistos, to Herakles in order to help him to drive Stymphalian birds from their cover (Pisander fr. 4 Bern = 5 D., Pherec. FGrH 3 F 72, Hellanicus, FGrH 4 F 104, Rhod., Apoll.Argon, ii. 1055Google Scholar; Apollod. ii. 5. 6; cf. Diod. 4. 13).

²¹⁸ Constantinidou, S., ‘The importance of bronze in early Greek religion’, Dodone, 21 (1992), 137–64, esp. 153–9Google Scholar; Piccirilli, L., ‘Il santuario, la funzione guerriera della dea, la regalita: il caso di Atena Chalkioios’, in Sordi, M. (ed.), I santuari e la guerra nel mondo classico (Milan, 1984), 3–19Google Scholar.

²¹⁹ We may note that, together with Zeus and perhaps the Dioskouroi, Athena is one of the deities to whom is addressed one of the διαβατήρια, sacrifices performed at the frontier by the kings which determined whether a military expedition would take place: Xen., , Lak. pol. 13. 3–4, 15. 2Google Scholar; cf. also Pritchett, W. K., The Greek State at War, iii: Religion (Berkeley, 1979), 67–71Google Scholar. On Spartan war-music and attitudes to war and music, see e.g. Förtsch, R., Kunstverwendung und Kunstlegitimatwn im archaischen und frühklassischen Sparta (Mainz, 2001), 74–5Google Scholar; Pritchett, W. K., The Greek State at War, i (Berkeley, 1971), 106–7Google Scholar.

²²⁰ On the difficult question of Spartan attitudes to manual arts and crafts, see most recently Cartledge (n. 7), 182.

²²¹ Cf. e.g. Trumpf-Lyritzaki, ‘Glocke’, 175.

²²² See above, n. 44. Morillot, Étude (n. 2), 54–5 and others cite representations of bells suspended from branches of trees in cult scenes, especially in connection with Kybele and Attis (cf, e.g. DA i s.v. ‘arbores sacrae’, 359–60, figs. 444, 447; cf. also Cook, ‘Gong’, 16), but these are more likely to be pairs of cymbals rather than bells (see Pease, ‘Bells’, 52–3). In some Roman temples bells may have been suspended, but this seems to have been exceptional: Suet. Aug. 91. Cf. also DA i. 902 figs. 1146–7.

²²³ Of particular interest in this context is a Roman bell from Spain with an inscription stating that the bell belonged to the local Nuntius Junior Felix and was used to announce the beginning of sacrificial ceremonies (Pease, ‘Bells’, 54).

²²⁴ In this context we even find small bells as votive offerings: they were dedicated to the goddess Daksina Kali in Nepal as a sign of devotion, permanently praying to the goddess on behalf of the dedicant. Cf. Price, Bells and Man, 55–6.

²²⁵ Finds of bells in temples of Mithras have led to suggestions that in some later Roman cults bells may have played a liturgical role; cf. a fragmentary statuette from the Mithraeum of Nida-Heddernheim which features a bell on a pedestal or altar: Huld-Zetsche, I., Mithras in Nida-Heddernheim (Frankfurt, 1986), 75Google Scholar no. 39 (cf. also 32 no. 28); Furger-Schneider (n. 152), 169 fig. 14; see also Trumpf-Lyritzaki, ‘Glocke’, 178. Note however that bells are not listed among Roman ritual instruments by Siebert, A. V., Instrumenta Sacra: Untersuchungen zu römischen Opfer-, Kult, und Priestergeräten (Berlin and New York, 1999CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

²²⁶ Argued e.g. by Bonias (n. 33), 99–100, for the bells from Aigiai.

²²⁷ See Trumpf-Lyritzaki, ‘Glocke’, 184–5. Of course, the possibility cannot be excluded, but it also needs to be considered that no cheap forged iron bells, of the kind that appear later on in Roman times and that would have been useful for this purpose, have been found in ancient Greece.

²²⁸ Hickmann, ‘Zur Geschichte’, 15–16, fig. 12; Emery (n. 27), 262–5. In Roman times donkeys also occasionally wore bells: for references, see Trumpf-Lyritzaki, ‘Glocke’, 171, 176.

²²⁹ Especially on Roman coins of the gens Caecilia, but also on other coins; the evidence has been collected by Pease, ‘Bells’, 37–42, and does not include any Greek coins.

²³⁰ Pottier, E. and Reinach, S., ‘Fouilles de Myrina (1). Éléphant foulant aux pieds un Galate’, BCH 9 (1886), 485–93, esp. 486Google Scholar with n. 3 (citing further examples of elephants with bells, but all of a rather late date), pl. 11. Also in modern times, Indian elephants are known to have been adorned with bells.

²³¹ For the Assyrian and Persian reliefs, see above, nn. 146–9. For the relief, dated by Schauenburg to around 300, see Schauenburg, K., ‘Die Cameliden im Altertum’, B. Jb. 155–6 (1955–1956), 59–94. esp. 73–4Google Scholar with n. 4 and pl. 8. 2. For the terracotta figurines, see Weber, W., Die ägyptisch-griechischen Terrakotten (Berlin, 1914), 242–3Google Scholar nos. 434–7, pl. 39. Bells were also worn by camels in Nubian burials: Emery (n. 27), 262–3.

²³² e.g. Weber (n. 231), 239 no. 424, pl. 38. Cf. also Hermann (n. 14), 82. For Roman dogs and cats, see Toynbee, J. M. C., ‘Graeco-Roman Neck-Wear for Animals’, Latomus 35 (1976), 269–75, esp. 273–5Google Scholar.

²³³ de Puma, R. D., CSE USA 2: Boston and Cambridge (Ames, 1993), 36–7Google Scholar no. 14. A connection with Apollo is also suggested by a tetradrachm of Catana of around 410–403, depicting the head of Apollo accompanied in the field by a knotted ‘fillet’ (with crotals?) with a hook at the top and ending in what appears to be a calyx-shaped bell, with its upper part decorated with vertical lines: Kraay, C. M. and Hirmer, M., Greek Coins (London, 1966), pl. 14 fig. 42, p. 285Google Scholar. This has been identified as a tassel (Pease, ‘Bells’, 57) but a clapper seems to be indicated; if not a bell, it might at best be a floral ornament; compare e.g. the ‘Asteas’ flower of 4th-c. Paestan vase-painting (Trendall, A. D., The Red-Figured Vases of Paestum (Rome, 1987), 17–8Google Scholar, fig. 4; cf. also ibid., pl. 101 e), or the bell-like floral ornaments worn by a variety of animals in the tomb of Petosiris in Hermoupolis (around 300), where the confusion might be intentional or the result of a misunderstanding: Lefebvre, G., Le Tombeau de Petosiris (Cairo, 1923–1924), pls. 20, 35, 46Google Scholar.

²³⁴ Trumpf-Lyritzaki, ‘Glocke’, 171; Hermann (n. 14), 84 fig. 11; Keller, O., Die Antike Tierwelt, i (Leipzig, 1909) 284 fig. 90Google Scholar.

²³⁵ Ancient animal bells have often been interpreted in this way: see e.g. Schauenburg (n. 231), Hermann (n. 14). An apotropaic function is advocated particularly by Porada (n. 68), 113.

²³⁶ House D in residential quarter E of stadium, insula I (bell appears on both earlier and later layer of painting): Bulard, M., Délos IX: Description des revètements peints à sujets religieux (Paris, 1926), 156–8Google Scholar, pls. 18, 25. 1. The iconography is essentially Roman. For pigs adorned with ‘tintinnabula culti’, see also Petron. 47. 17.

²³⁷ Cf. Bruneau, P., Recherches sur les cultes de Délos à l'époque imperiale (Paris, 1970), 594–600Google Scholar.

²³⁸ For Dionysos holding a bell, see, e.g.: Apulian rf. volute krater of around 380–70 by the Tarporley Painter (Geneva 15036: LIMC 8 p. 786 Mainades 43, pl. 533); Apulian rf. volute crater (Ruvo J 1499: Trendall, A. D. and Cambitoglou, A., The Red-Figured Vases of Apulia (Oxford, 1978), 167Google Scholar no. 7/33); Apulian rf. bell krater (Dionysos or youth, Rome, Villa Giulia 43995: Trendall and Cambitoglou, ibid., 97 no. 4/233); Sicilian rf. bell krater of the Group of Louvre K 240 (Paris, Louvre K 241: Trendall (n. 233), 45 no. 1/98, pl. 12 d); rf. calyx krater (Reggio 5013: Trendall, A. D., The Red-figured Vases of Lucania, Campania and Sicily (Oxford, 1967), 74Google Scholar no. 374); and a rf. Paestan bell krater by Asteas (London, BM F 153: Trendall (n. 233), 72 no. 2/41). A maenad holding a bell: rf. Paestan calyx-krater by Asteas (Malibu, Getty Museum: Trendall (n. 233), 92–4 no. 2/129, pl. 50). The motif of the maenad holding a bell survived into Byzantine times: see Garezou, M.-X., ‘Le roptron et la clochette: musique dionysiaque sur un plat byzantin’, AK 36 (1993), 111–19Google Scholar.

²³⁹ e.g. Dionysos: Paestan bell krater by Asteas, Melbourne D. 391/1980: Trendall, (n. 233), 66 no. 2/24, pl. 21 c; Trendall, A. D., Red Figure Vases of South Italy and Sicily (London, 1989)Google Scholar, fig. 344. Nude bacchante: rf. hydria in Vienna (Espérandieu, E., in DA v. 341–4Google Scholar, s.v. ‘Tintinnabulum’, fig. 6995; Trendall, A. D., Paestan Pottery (London, 1936)Google Scholar, pl. 14 a). Centaur, on which Dionysos is riding: rf. Paestan bell-krater by Python (Trendall (n. 233), 157 no. 2/252, pl. 95 c).

²⁴⁰ e.g. Dionysos dancing: Sicilian rf. bell krater, by the Painter of Naples 2074, second quarter 4th c. (Trendall (n. 233), 28 no. 23, pl. 3 a). Dionysos seated: Sicilian rf. calyxkrater by the Painter of Louvre K 240 (Lipari 9604: Trendall (n. 233), 44 no. 1/91, pl. 11 a); Apulian rf. amphora (Basel S29: Schmidt, M., Trendall, A. D. and Cambitoglou, A., Eine Gruppe apulischer Grabvasen in Basel (Basel, 1976), 35–6Google Scholar). Dionysos in panther-drawn cart: Apulian rf. volute krater (Naples, private collection: Trendall and Cambitoglou (n. 238), 1020 no. 30/20, pl. 393). Dionysos in Gigantomachy: Apulian rf. volute-krater (Berlin 1984.44: Giuliani, L., Tragik, Trauer und Trost. Bildervasen für eine apulische Totenfeier (Berlin, 1995), 112Google Scholar, fig. 78). Dionysos with bell attached to thyrsos accompanied by Maenad holding bell: Apulian rf. amphora/loutrophoros (Munich 3300: Trendall and Cambitoglou (n. 238), 535 no. 18/297, pl. 200). Maenad/Ariadne(?): Lucanian rf. volute krater (Naples 3237 (inv. 82123): Trendall (n. 238), 114 no. 593; Reinach, S., Peintures de vases antiques recueillies par Millin (1808) et Millingen (1813) (Paris, 1981), 93–4Google Scholar, pl. 2 Millingen). Dirke: Apulian rf. calyx krater (Melbourne, private collection: Trendall, A. D., in Brijder, H. A., Drukker, A. A. and Neeft, C. W. (eds), Enthousiasmos: Essays on Greek and Related Pottery Presented to J. M. Hemelrijk (Amsterdam, 1986), 163 fig. 7Google Scholar). Note also that a thyrsos with fillet and bell, sometimes together with other Dionysiac symbols, appears on the reverse of coins with the head of Dionysos on the obverse, from Amisos/Pontus, at the time of Mithridates Eupator (121–63 BC): SNG v. Aulock i, pl. 2.61; BMC Pontus etc. 17–18, nos. 50–9; cf. Pease, ‘Bells’, 54–5. Bells as symbols in the field can possibly be identified on some further coins, e.g. of Paeonia (Patraos), around 340–315 (BMC Macedonia, etc. 2 no. 4) or of Parion, Mysia, around 400–300 (SNG Delepierre, pl. 68.2531–2). Against Cook's claim (Cook, ‘Gong’, 17, followed by Trumpf-Lyritzaki, ‘Glocke’, 176), however, no bells are represented on the tympanon carried by a maenad on the vase London, BM GR F58.

²⁴¹ As suspected by Langlotz, E., in Scritti in onore di Carlo Anti (Florence, 1954), 76–7Google Scholar, followed by Schmidt, Trendall and Cambitoglou (n. 240), 35–6; cf. also Bélis, A., ‘Musique et transe dans le cortège dionysiaque’, in Transe et Théâtre (Cahiers du GITA 4, décembre 1988; Montpellier, 1988), 9–29Google Scholar. Note also the bell carried by an armed figure on an Apulian volute-krater (Berlin 1984.40), who is interpreted by Giuliani as a korybant in the service of Demeter searching for Persephone in the underworld: Giuliani (n. 240), 105–6.

²⁴² This does not, however, appear to have left many traces in the archaeological record: few bells are found in South Italian graves, among them two 4th-c. bronze bells in tomb 1571 of the necropolis of Lipari: Barnabò-Brea, L. and Cavalier, M., Meligunìs Lipára V: Scavi nella necropolis greca di Lipari (Rome, 1991), 85, 112, pl. 67. 180Google Scholar.

²⁴³ Cf. Cremer, M., ‘Der Schellenmann’, Epigraphica Anatolica, 7 (1986), 21–33Google Scholar, figs 9–18; Koch, G., in Roman Funerary Monuments in the J. Paul Getty Museum, i (Malibu, 1990), 18–21Google Scholar; Pesce, G., Sarcofagi romani di Sardegna (Rome, 1957), 27–33Google Scholar, figs. 9–18; Turcan, R., Les Sarcophages romains à représentations dionysiaques (Paris, 1966), 548–51Google Scholar; Robert, L., ‘Documents d'Asie Mineure xxviii. Stèle funéraire en Méonie’, BCH 107 (1983), 597–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁴⁴ Cf. the modern-day Morris dancers (Price, Bells and Man, 52) or the carnival dances on Skyros or Naxos (Lawson, J. C., ‘A Beast-Dance in Scyros’, BSA 6 (1899–1900), 125–7Google Scholar; Stewart, C., Demons and the Devil: Moral Imagination in Modern Greek Culture (Princeton, 1991), 71CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

²⁴⁵ Schlichting (n. 24), 106–7. Note also a Roman Imperial bronze figurine of a female mimic dancer (?) with 22 jingles attached to her dress: Bieber, M., ‘Mima Saltatricula’, AJA 43 (1939), 640–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Asiatic Shamans, too, are known to have worn bells attached to their clothing (ibid.), as did, according to Targum Scheni (on Esth'r 6. 10), the Persian kings, who adorned the base of their garments with small golden bells. Bells may also have been part of the dress of priests on rare occasions: note in particular the biblical attestation of the bells (?) and pomegranates for the priest's dress (Exod. 28. 33–4; 39. 25–6), probably intended to warn the god of the approaching human to avoid him coming to harm by inadvertently catching a glimpse of the god (cf. e.g. Porada (n. 68), 117–18; Trumpf-Lyritzaki, ‘Glocke’, 178; Calmeyer, ‘Glocke’, 431), and the relief representation of what might be the high priest of Hierapolis wearing a robe fringed with bells: Seyrig, H., ‘Stèle d'un Grand-Prêtre de Hierapolis’, Syria, 20 (1939), 183–8, pl. 26Google Scholar.

²⁴⁶ Cf. e.g. Parker (n. 170), 149–51.

²⁴⁷ Cf. also Eur. Helen 245, where Helen is also associated with the cult of Athena Chalkioikos.

²⁴⁸ Congdon, L. O. Keene, Caryatid Mirrors of Ancient Greece (Mainz, 1981), 46–50Google Scholar; cf. Pipili, M., Laconian Iconography of the Sixth Century (Oxford, 1987), 77–8Google Scholar; Millender (n. 172), 368.

²⁴⁹ Lamb, W., BSA 28 (1926–1927), 86Google Scholar.

²⁵⁰ Mid-6th-c. bronze statuette from the sanctuary of Artemis Orthia at Sparta: Athens, NM 15890: Lamb, W., BSA 28 (1926–1927), 101 no. 16, pl. 12Google Scholar; Wegner, M., Musikgeschichte in Bildern II: Musik des Altertums, iv: Griechenland (Leipzig, 1963), fig. 32Google Scholar. Cymbal with inscription to Artemis Limnatis: IG v. i. 1570; Jeffery 1990 (n. 18), 199 no. 18. Cymbals as votive offerings: Anth. Pal. vi. 234 (cymbals dedicated to Rhea[?] by her priest at end of service); cf. Wegner, ibid., fig. 33; Rouse, W. H. D., Greek Votive Offerings (Cambridge, 1902), 250–1Google Scholar. Cymbals are also attested in the cult of Kybele and Attis (Pind. fr. 79 Bergk; Diogenes trag. TrGF 45 F1 xiv; Firm. Mat. Err. prof. rel. 18 Halm; cf. also above, n. 222, and Cook, ‘Gong’, 16–17), and, like Demeter, Kybele is called χαλκόκροτος (Orph. Hymn 41).

²⁵¹ Hickmann, H., ‘Cymbales et crotales dans l'Egypte ancienne’, Annales du Service des Antiquités de l'Egypte, 49 (1949), 451–545, esp. 524 fig. 47Google Scholar.

²⁵² See above nn. 243–5.

²⁵³ Cf. esp. Cook, ‘Gong’, 14 16; Pease, ‘Bells’, 35.

²⁵⁴ According to a gloss on the papyrus the χαλκεῖον was, in fact, a bell: A. F. S. Gow, Theocritus, i (Cambridge, 1952), 43.

²⁵⁵ For evidence regarding lunar eclipses, see Cook, ‘Gong’, 14; for funerals, see below. Note also that at the Roman Lemuria festival it was customary for the head of the household to clash bronze vessels to scare off the dead who during the festival had revisited their old homes (Ov. Fast. v. 441). During the eclipse of the moon bronze implements were clashed and bronze trumpets blown (Ov. Met. vii. 207–8; Tac. Ann. i. 28; schol. on Theocr. ii. 36). Cf. also Lucian, Philops. 15; Alex. Aphr. probl. ii. 46; Tzetz. schol in Lykoph. 77. See also J. G. Frazer, The Fasti of Ovid, iv (London, 1929), 47–50.

²⁵⁶ Schol. on Ar. Ach. 709.

²⁵⁷ Cook, ‘Gong’, 17.

²⁵⁸ For terracotta bells found in Gypriot graves, at least partly in connection with children's burials: Karageorghis (n. 21), 88. For Caucasian bells, see Gambaschidze (n. 67), 369 no. 291.

²⁵⁹ Clay bells: see above, nn. 50–2

²⁶⁰ Bronze bell: see above, n. 40.

²⁶¹ Bronze bell: see above, n. 31.

²⁶² Clay bells at Halai and the Thespian Polyandrion: see above, nn. 56–7.

²⁶³ Egypt: Petrie, W. M. F., Objects of Daily Use (London, 1927), 24 nos. 33–7, pl. 50Google Scholar. Parthian-Roman Syria: three small bronze bells in wooden cask found under the left hand of young boy, aged 8–9: Novák, M. and Oettel, A., Antike Welt, 29. 4 (1998), 334–5Google Scholar, 337 fig. 23. Iberia (Mallorca): see above, n. 106. Roman tomb in France: Pease, ‘Bells’, 42.

²⁶⁴ e.g. ‘No doubt these objects were meant to be toys’— Karageorghis (n. 21), 88. Others, however, vociferously argue against such an interpretation in favour of an apotropaic function: e.g. Hickmann, ‘Zur Geschichte’, 16: ‘… müssen wir allzu voreilige Deutungen als Kinderspielzeug (sic!) ablehnen’.

²⁶⁵ A different interpretation of bell chains found in (Early Christian) graves (in connection with adults) is suggested by Weber, who points out that they could have been worn by delinquents as punishment, warning, and binding spell: Weber, T., ‘Ein frühes christliches Grab mit Glockenketten zu Gadara in der syrischen Dekapolis’, JOBG 42 (1992), 249–85, esp. 261–73Google Scholar. Cf. also Trumpf-Lyritzaki, ‘Glocke’, 182–3. Note also the double-spatula-shaped instrument with numerous bells attached that was found in the Roman catacombs: Espérandieu (n. 239), 343 fig. 6996.

²⁶⁶ Arist. Pol. 1340^b26. The word used by Aristotle is πλαταγή, from πλαταγέω, to clap or to beat. Clappers of this name are said to have been made of metal or wood (Apoll. Rhod. ii. 1055) and are characterized as a children's toy by Plut. Quaest. conv. 714 e and in Leonidas of Tarentum's, epigram Anth. Pal. vi. 309Google Scholar, and are also mentioned in the Suda. Cf. also Teodorsson, S.-T., A Commentary on Plutarch's Table Talks, iii (Göteborg, 1996), 135Google Scholar; West, M. L., Ancient Greek Music (Oxford, 1992), 126 n. 220Google Scholar.

²⁶⁷ Durand, A., in Jouer dans l'Antiquité (exhibition catalogue; Marseille, 1991), 50–3Google Scholar; Kurtz, D. C. and Boardman, J., Greek Burial Customs (London, 1971), 76–7, 352Google Scholar; Smith, C., ‘Dead dogs and rattles: time, space and ritual sacrifice in Iron Age Latium’, in Wilkins, J. B. (ed.), Approaches to the Study of Ritual: Italy and the Ancient Mediterranean (London, 1996), 73–89, esp. 83–4Google Scholar. For the different phenomenon of flat plates reminiscent of a bell's cross-section (and therefore often termed ‘tintinnabuli’) appearing in Archaic and Classical graves in Northern Italy, see e.g. Fazia, G. M., ‘Due tintinnabuli geometrici al Museo civico di Foggia’, Taras, 3 (1983), 149–53Google Scholar.

²⁶⁸ Cf. Burkert, W., Lore and Science in Ancient Pythagoraeanism (Cambridge, Mass., 1972) 170–1, 373, 380, 384–6Google Scholar; West (n. 266), 234–9. The story that Pythagoras discovered numerical ratios in music when listening to the sound of hammers in a smithy is interpreted by Burkert, 375–7, as ‘a rationalization of the tradition that Pythagoras knew the secret of magical music which was discovered by the mythical blacksmiths (i.e. the Idaean Dactyls).’ Cf. also Plut, De Is. et Os. 32, with the commentary by Griffiths, J. G., Plutarch's De Iside et Osiride (Cardiff, 1970), 404Google Scholar.

²⁶⁹ Porph. Vit. Pythag. 41 = Arist. fr. 196.

²⁷⁰ On the inherent ambiguity of function of such toys which also served as talismans, see Williams, D., ‘Of Geometric toys, symbols and votives’, in Tsetskhladze, G. R., Snodgrass, A. M., and Prag, A. J. N. (eds), Periplous: To Sir John Boardman From His Pupils and Friends (London, 2000), 388–96, esp. 391–2Google Scholar.

²⁷¹ I Cor. hom. 12. 7 (PG 61. 105); cf. Cook, ‘Gong’, 18.

²⁷² Egypt: see above, n. 263. Mallorca: Barcelona, Museu Arqueològic inv. 28994: Spear, Treasury, 177 fig. 213.

²⁷³ Hickmann (n. 27), 271–2 figs. 7–8. That small bells were a means of keeping track of wandering children, as suggested by Petrie, Robinson, and others, is certainly a possibility, but unlikely to be the sole explanation: Petrie (n. 263), 24; Robinson (n. 61), 518.

²⁷⁴ e.g. Ingholt, H., Studier over palmyrensk Skulptur (Copenhagen, 1928), 83Google Scholar (n. PS 50), pl. 15. 2; Mackay, D., Iraq, 11 (1949), 174–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar with fig. 4 d; cf. also Colledge, M. R., The Art of Palmyra (London, 1976), 152Google Scholar.

²⁷⁵ As discussed above, esp. nn. 67–8.

²⁷⁶ Cf. also the Etruscan and Roman bulla, a hollow pendant with an enclosed amulet (made of gold, metal, or leather) worn by children and dedicated to the lares on reaching maturity. Cf. Beazley (n. 198), 33–5; RE v (1897), 1047–51Google Scholar s.v. ‘Bulla’ (Mau).

²⁷⁷ See above, n. 248; cf. also Boss (n. 161), 211, 213.

²⁷⁸ Cf. Schilling (n. 12), 243. According to Spear, Treasury, 77, it was a custom in Europe in earlier centuries to hang arrangements of small bells called ‘fascinators' over babies’ cradles. ‘Mobiles’ with several bells suspended from chains are occasionally also attested in antiquity (ibid., 80 figs. 55–6); whether they could have been used in a similar way remains, however, entirely conjectural.

²⁷⁹ FGrH 244 F 110 b; cf. also Trumpf-Lyritzaki, ‘Glocke’, 174; Cook, ‘Gong’, 14–5.

²⁸⁰ Plin., NH xxxvi. 13. 92Google Scholar: ‘supra id quadratum pyramides stant quinque…, ita fastigatae, ut in summo orbis aeneus et petasus unus omnibus sit inpositus, ex quo pendeant exapta catenis tintinnabula, quae vento agitata longe sonitus referant, ut Dodonac olim factum’.

²⁸¹ Diod. Sic. xviii. 27. 5: 128 golden bells announced the cortège, the sarcophagus was decorated with 54 bells, the canopy was adorned with particularly large bells, and the draught animals also wore bells. On this passage, see also Staehler, K., Form und Funktion (Münster, 1993), 79–8Google Scholar.

²⁸² Tr. A. D. Godley (Loeb edn., 1957).

²⁸³ Cf. Cartledge, P., Agesilaos and the Crisis of Sparta (London, 1987), 331–43Google Scholar.

²⁸⁴ Cf. Cook, ‘Gong’, 14–15 and passim. The gong at Dodona might have been a ring of tripods or cauldrons (λέβητες) placed so closely together that, if one were knocked, the vibration would go echoing around the whole series (as described in some sources), or a bronze lebes with a statue of a boy striking it. Cook suggests that it originally was a ring of resonant tripods that was later replaced by a more artistic construction.

²⁸⁵ Cf. Pease, ‘Bells’, 54. For the ‘acetabulum’, a similar multifunctional, sound-producing vessel, see Cremer (n. 243), 31. It is interesting to note in this context the existence of bronze bowls, from post-Meroitic tumuli dated to the 4th–5th cc. AD, with several small bells attached to the rim: Wildung, D. (ed.), Die Pharaonen des Goldlandes (exhibition catalogue; Mannheim, 1998), 385 no. 458, 386–8 no. 465Google Scholar.

²⁸⁶ See Parker (n. 170), 155–63.

²⁸⁷ On this episode, see also Fortsch (n. 219), 57–60.

²⁸⁸ Cf. Cartledge (n. 7), 116–17. Note also that Cartledge points out that from around 500 women who died in childbirth start to appear on named tombstones.