Acknowledgements: I am deeply grateful to Mr. Sinclair Hood for correcting my English text and for some valuable suggestions.

Abbreviations additional to those in standard use:

Branigan, SL = ‘Silver and Lead in Prepalatial Crete’, AJA lxxii (1968) 219–29

Branigan, TM = The Tombs of Mesara (1970)

Branigan, FPC = The Foundations of Palatial Crete (1970)

Evans, PM = The Palace of Minos at Knossos I–IV (1921–35)

Higgins, GRJ = Greek and Roman Jewellery (1961)

Higgins, MMA = Minoan and Mycenaean Art (1967)

Karo, SGM = Schachtgräber von Mykenai (1930–3)

Mylonas, TKB = O Taphikos Kyklos B tön Mykenön (1973)

Pendlebury, AC = The Archaeology of Crete (1939)

Pini, BMG = Beiträge zur minoischen Gräberkunde (1968)

Renfrew, EC = The Emergence of Civilisation (1972)

Seager, Mochlos = Explorations in the Island of Mochlos (1912)

Xanthoudides, VTM = The Vaulted Tombs of Mesara (1924)

Zervos, ACr = L'Art de la Crète (1956)

¹ For a preliminary report cf. ADelt xxvi (1971) Chronika (in print); Amaltheia ii (1972) 52. For a recent critical survey of Seager's excavations cf. Zois, A., Krete, Epoche tou Lithou (Ancient Greek Cities 18, 1973) 98–104.Google Scholar

² For a hieroglyphic MM III prism bead see Kadmos xii(1973) 109–13, fig. 1 and pl. II. For the other seals see AE (1973) 82 if., nos. 3 and 4, pls. 44 and 45.

³ An American student who, under the supervision of the author, was cleaning and planning this house-tomb complex in preparation of his thesis. Mr. Soles undertook the study of the tombs cleaned or re-excavated by the author. He also undertook the study of the pottery recovered from Tomb VI together with a marble bowl, a triangular copper dagger still preserving its rivets, and a copper scraper. He also found nos. 24 and 25 of the Catalogue in the earth spoil.

⁴ Mochlos 50.

⁵ This is known to have been done with other gold objects from the Mochlos cemetery, and in one or two cases with diadems: cf. Seager, Mochlos 33.

⁶ Cf. Evans, PM i. 97; Matz, , Kreta, Mykene, Troja (1956) 38.Google Scholar

⁷ By means of strings: cf. Tsountas, , AE (1899) 123Google Scholar; Pendlebury, AC 73; Mylonas, , TKB 329, 337.Google Scholar Nevertheless, in some cases other means might have been used, such as hair-pins like no. ai below (cf. Pendlebury, AC 73) or strands of fine gold wire (cf. Branigan, FPC 147) which are sometimes found in the same deposits.

⁸ On this technique cf. Seager, Mochlos 105; Maryon and Plenderleith in Singer, et al., A History of Technology i (1955) 642 f.Google Scholar; Higgins, GRJ 9 f.

⁹ Our diadem is the second one from Mochlos decorated with animals, as we will see below.

¹⁰ Cf. n. 8 above.

¹¹ With the exception of the foremost left antenna.

¹² Cf. Seager, Mochlos 32, no. 11. 30, figs. 10 and 11; Zervos, ACr fig. 202; Higgins, GRJ 14 with n. 1, fig. 4a–d.

¹³ Cf. Evans, PM i fig. 69; Xanthoudides, VTM III pls. XV and LVII; Higgins, GRJ 14.

¹⁴ Cf. Woolley, , Ur Excavations ii (1934) pls. 146 and 159Google Scholar; Higgins, , GRJ 14, 55 f.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Seager, Mochlos 30 no. 11, 15a–b figs. 8 and 9, 32 nos. 11. 30 and 36 figs. 10 and 11; Evans, PM i. fig. 69; Zervos, ACr fig. 202; Higgins, GRJ 58 pl. 2D. One of them has the Herakl. Mus. inv. no. 338.

¹⁶ Tholos A: Xanthoudides, VTM III no. 484 pls. XV and LVII.

¹⁷ Coldstream, et al., Kythera (1972) 261Google Scholar no. 2 pl. 84 (National Museum Athens Inv. 5392).

¹⁸ Seager, Mochlos 30 f. no. 11; 18a–i fig. 8, 68 no. XVI; 13 figs. 20 and 38; Zervos, ACr fig. 200 top. They have the Herakl. Mus. inv. nos. 287–93 and 315.

¹⁹ La Civilisation égéenne (1923) 98.

²⁰ According to Higgins, , BSA lii (1957) 49.Google Scholar Similar strips have been found at Mochlos. They have the Herakl. Mus. inv. nos. 278–82. Cf. Xanthoudides, VTM III no. 6 pl. LVII 491–3 (Platanos A); F. H. Marshall, Brit. Mus. Cat. Jewell, nos. 685–90 (Aegina Treasure); Higgins, loc. cit. 49 no. 9; P. Demargne, Mallia, Nécropoles i (Études crét. vii) pl. 65.

²¹ Metropolitan Museum (Seager Bequest 1926): Higgins, , GRJ 57 pl. 2C.Google Scholar

²² Xanthoudides, VTM no pl. LVII upper row.

²³ Seager, Mochlos 31 no. II. 24a–c figs. 10 and 11; Zervos, ACr fig. 202; Marinatos-Hirmer, Crete and Mycenae (1959) fig. 13; Higgins, GRJ 57 no. 2A; MMA figs. 41 and 42; Hood, , The Minoans (1967) pl. 69Google Scholar; Alexiou, , Platon, , and Guanella, , Das antike Kreta (1967) pl. 37Google Scholar; but cf. Branigan, TM 73: ‘leaf attachments to diadems’; cf. below, n. 35.

²⁴ Seager, Mochlos 31; Matz, loc. cit. 38; Higgins, GRJ 57; MMA figs. 41 and 42; Hood, loc. cit. 101.

²⁵ Matz, , Ägäis (HdA ii 4, 1950) 228Google Scholar; Hutchinson, , Prehistoric Crete (1962) 146 f.Google Scholar

²⁶ They were, however, elements of elaborate head dresses, and not independent hair-pins, as seems to have been the case here. Cf. Woolley, loc. cit. no. U 12380 pl. 144 and especially 135.

²⁷ Evans, , The Prehist. Tombs at Knossos (Archaeologia lix (1906) 85 fig. 96.Google Scholar

²⁸ Müller, K., AM xxxiv (1909) 295 no. 1 fig. 12.Google Scholar

²⁹ AE 592: Higgins, GRJ pl. 8D bottom right.

³⁰ Coldstream et al., loc. cit. 262 no. 8 fig. 95 (National Museum, Athens Inv. 5395).

³¹ Cf. Mylonas, TKB 344 f.

³² Seager, Mochlos 72 no. XIX. 11 figs. 41 and 42; Evans, , PM i 97 figs. 67 anf 69Google Scholar; Zervos, ACr fig. 202; Higgins, GRJ 75 pl. 2B; Alexiou, Platon, and Guanella, op. cit. pl. 37. One of them has the Herakl. Mus. inv. no. 260.

³³ Cf. Seager, loc. cit.; Matz, loc. cit. 38; Higgins, GRJ 57; Hood, loc. cit. ioi; Renfrew, EC 332.

³⁴ Pini, MGK 22, interprets them as dress ornaments, and Alexiou, , Odigos Mouseiou Herakleiou (1968) 42Google Scholar, as dress ornaments or hair-pins. In favour of their interpretation as dress ornaments is the relatively sharp end of the pin, which can pass through some kinds of cloth.

³⁵ Seager, Glotz, loc. cit. 98, and Branigan, FPC 147, evidently influenced by the existence of Mycenaean diadems enriched with leaves or rosettes attached to their upper edges, believe that these daisies are diadem attachments (cf. Branigan, TM 73, on the leaves as attachments to diadems). This suggestion no longer seems possible: cf. below on the antennae of the new diadem and of those found by Seager. At the same time it cannot be excluded that they were used in some cases for fastening the diadem around the head instead of strings: cf. above, n. 7.

³⁶ Cf. Hood, loc. cit. 101. Cf. below.

³⁷ Seager, Mochlos 48 no. IV. 11 fig. 20, 55 no. VI. 27 fig. 25. Cf. Pendlebury, AC 73; Higgins, GRJ 57; Mylonas, TKB 343 fig. 30, 8 (from Mycenae).

³⁸ Cf. Pini, BMG 21.

³⁹ Cf. Mylonas, TKB 341. In any case its popularity cannot be doubted, since it was used for the manufacture of outstanding objects, as Branigan, SL 224, remarks. There is some evidence to suggest that silver was more valuable than gold in Egypt before the time of the Middle Kingdom, the higher value of silver being no doubt due to the fact that the Egyptians had access to plentiful supplies of gold, but not to supplies of silver (Lucas, A., Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries (4th edn. revised by Harris, J. R.) (1962) 247Google Scholar; Černé, J., Cahiers d'histoire mondiale i (1954) 903 ff.Google Scholar I am grateful to Sinclair Hood for these references).

⁴⁰ Cf. Branigan, SL 219.

⁴¹ Seager, Machlos 52 no. VI. 8 fig. 22.

⁴² Cf. Frankfort, , Studies in Early Pottery of the Near East ii. 873 n. 7Google Scholar; Evans in Xanthoudides, VTM ix. See mainly Branigan, SL 225 ff.

⁴³ On Cycladic influence on Minoan metallurgy see Branigan, SL 227.

⁴⁴ Cf. Marinatos, , ADelt xii (1929) 129 with n. 2Google Scholar; Pini, BMG 21; Branigan, , TM 25, 74.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Faure, P., ‘Les minerais de la Crète antique’ RA (1966) 68–71Google Scholar, has localized several such ore deposits in Crete; cf. map: 47 fig. 1; La Vie quotidienne en Crète (1973) 67, 250; Le Problème du minerai d'argent dans la Crète antique, Third Cretolog. Congress, Rethymnon 1971 (Athens, 1973) 70–83; Branigan, SL 226 f.

⁴⁶ SL 225 ff. Cf. TM 25.

⁴⁷ For a survey cf. Branigan, SL 225 ff.

⁴⁸ For preliminary reports see Amaltheia ii (1971) 197–9; iii (1973) 42–4; AAA iv (1971) 392–7 figs. 1–15; ADelt xxvi(1971) Chronika (in print).

⁴⁹ Branigan, SL 227; FPC 184 with n. 5. Perhaps also from Asia Minor during later times: cf. Mylonas, TKB 341.

⁵⁰ Branigan, FPC 146.

⁵¹ About the origin of Minoan gold see below n. 81.

⁵² Cf. Alexiou, loc. cit. (Guide) 92.

⁵³ Cf. Karo, SGM 182; Mylonas, TKB 328, 335 and passim. Of course some of these pieces might have been mounted on a backing of leather or fabric: cf. Stais, , AE 1907, 45 ff.Google Scholar; Karo, SGM 184; Higgins, MMA 169 fig. 211.

⁵⁴ Cf. V. Stais, loc. cit., 49; Marinatos-Hirmer, loc. cit. 64.

⁵⁵ Cf. Renfrew, EC 431: ‘Very few, if any, objects seem to have been made specially for the grave.’

⁵⁶ Cf. below, n. 109.

⁵⁷ Cf. above, no. 7.

⁵⁸ Cf. Ohiy, D., Griechische Goldbleche des 8. Jh. (1953) 68.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ These are much less common and of an inferior quality: cf. Higgins, GRJ 60.

⁶⁰ Cf. Seager, Mochhs 26 f., nos. IL 1–7, 72 no. XIX. 13; Zervos, ACr fig. 200; Higgins, GRJ 56. A large diadem exhibited in the Mochlos case (Herakl. Mus. inv. no. 541) is of unknown provenance.

⁶¹ Xanthoudides, VTM 83 no. 394 pls. VIII and XLIIb (Kalathiana), 47 no. 216 pl. XXIXb (Koumasa A), 67 nos. 236–7 pl. XXXIXb (Porti), III nos. 481–3 (and others in fragments) pl. LVII (Platanos A). Cf. Higgins, GRJ 60 f.; Pini, BMG 21; Branigan, TM 71 f. fig. 15 top (Koumasa), top right (Kalathiana), 73 (Hagia Triada A).

⁶² Platon, N., Zakros (1971) 11Google Scholar (Frontispiece), 22 f. (Giamalakis Collection).

⁶³ Études Crétoises vii 52 ff. pl. 65; Higgins, GRJ 60; Pini, BMG 21 with n. 196.

⁶⁴ JHS Archaeol. Reports for 1955 33; Pini, BMG 21 with n. 199.

⁶⁵ Pendlebury, et al., BSA xxxvi (1935–1936) 102Google Scholar, nos. 1, 2.

⁶⁶ Dating from the EC III period: cf. Hutchinson, loc. cit. 147. Higgins, GRJ 50, considers them as local imitations of a common Minoan type.

⁶⁷ Tsountas, , AE (1898) 154, 186 f. pl. 8,1Google Scholar; Schachermeyr, , Die ältesten Kulturen Griechenlands (1955) 179 fig. 53, 6Google Scholar; Zervos, L'Art des Cyclades (1957) fig. 127; Higgins, GRJ 50; Renfrew, , EC 317, 333 fig. 18. 1, 2.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Tsountas, , AE (1899) 123 pl. 10, 1Google Scholar; Dechelette, , RA 13 (1909) 311 ff. fig. 4Google Scholar; Evans, , PM i. 95Google Scholar n. 4 (not from Siphnos!); Seager, Mochlos 27 (notfrom Siphnos!); Hutchinson, loc. cit. 147 (not from Siphnos!); Vermeule, , Greece in the Bronze Age (1964) 53 fig. 9Google Scholar; Higgins, GRJ 50; Renfrew, EC 333 fig. 18. 1, 1; Mylonas, TKB 336 (from the Acropolis on Kastri and not from the cemetery at Chalandriani).

⁶⁹ Cf. Higgins, GRJ 56 with nn. 1–3. These influences evidently reached Crete through Syria.

⁷⁰ Woolley, loc. cit. 299 nos. U 8173, pl. 139 and U 13790 pl. 146.

⁷¹ Seager, Mochlos 26 figs. 8 and 9; Pendlebury, AC 73 pl. XIII; Zervos, ACr fig. 200 lower row; Higgins, GRJ 56 fig. 6; Branigan, FPC 148; Renfrew, EC 333. It is the largest Mochlos diadem (length 0·323 m.); the new diadem is the second largest (length 0·292 m.).

⁷² In the way that Seager illustrated them, a position to which there can be no objection.

⁷³ Cf. Seager, Mochlos nos. II. 3, 5, and 6 figs. 8 and 9, II. 28 fig. 10.

⁷⁴ Mochlos 26. Cf. also Renfrew, EC 333. Pendlebury, AC 73, on the other hand, suggests that a net cap attached to these holes may have been worn over the head, but assuming that was the case, the number of the holes and their arrangement would be different.

⁷⁵ Cf. above, nn. 33 and 34.

⁷⁶ Mochks 30.

⁷⁷ Seager, Machlos 27 no. II. 11b figs. 8 and g, 30 nos. II 16a–f fig. 8, 32 nos. II. 31a–b figs. 10 and 11, 73 nos. XIX. 21 and 24 fig. 43.

⁷⁸ Seager, Mochlos 27 no. II. 11 figs. 8 and 9, 30 nos. II. 16c–d, 32 nos. II. 31a-b, 73 nos. XIX. 21 and 24 fig. 43.

⁷⁹ Seager, Mochlos 30 nos. II. 16a-b and e–f.

⁸⁰ No. II. 11b has a dotted line down centre; no. XIX. 21 is plain.

⁸¹ On the origin of Minoan gold cf. Pendlebury, et al., BSA xxxvi (1935–1936) 103Google Scholar; Higgins, GRJ 56: possibly from Egypt and the Nubian mines. Cf. Stubbings, , CAH ² (1964) fase. 26, 20.Google Scholar In fact‘Nubia’ means ‘the land of gold’; (from the Egyptian nub). Cf. Branigan, FPC 182. On the other hand gold might come from the Pactolus round Sardis; this was used in making some of the objects from the Royal Tombs at Ur according to tests made by Young, W. J., ‘The fabulous gold of the Pactolus Valley’, Boston Mus. Bull, lxx (1972) 5–13.Google Scholar Of course the Pactolus is much nearer to Crete than to Ur; I owe this suggestion and the above reference to Sinclair Hood; cf. his paper: ‘An early oriental cylinder seal impression from Romania?’, World Archaeology v (1973) 192. For later times cf. Forbes, R. J., A History of Technology ii (1956) 41 f.Google Scholar

⁸² Mochlos 15, 32 f.

⁸³ Cf. Pini, BMG ai; Alexiou, loc. cit. (Guide) 92.

⁸⁴ Evans, , PM i. 95, 97Google Scholar, writes ‘diadems’ or gold bands.

⁸⁵ Evans, , PM 95, 97 ff.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Mochlos 33.

⁸⁷ Cf. above, n. 48. Cf. two EM double axes found at Vasiliki, which seem to have been ritually broken although they are not connected with burials: cf. Seager, , Transact. Mus. Perms, iii 2 (1905) 219Google Scholar; Branigan, , BSA lxiv (1969) 6Google Scholar; SMEA ix (1969) 30 f., 89; FPC84, III.

⁸⁸ Mochlos 27.

⁸⁹ Mochlos nos. II. 3 and 5, and possibly some others.

⁹⁰ Cf. Pendlebury, et al., BSA xxxvi (1935–1936) 102.Google Scholar For the Mycenaean diadems cf. Stais, loc. cit. 45 f.; Karo, SGM 184. In later glyptic we observe female figures wearing some sort of diadem: cf. the seal CMS 187 from Mycenae, depicting two antithetic Sphinxes.

⁹¹ This use of gold diadems seems to be well attested in Mycenaean times: cf. Higgins, MMA 46 figs. 41 and 42. Seager's opinion on the Mochlos diadems has been followed by other scholars: cf. Glotz, loc. cit. 330: ‘Les bijoux des morts ne sont pas des simulacres, mais les objets mêmes dont ils se paraient sur terre.’ He correctly remarks that ‘I'abondance des bijoux dans les tombes serait incompréhensible, si I'on n'avait pas voulu permettre à ceux qui partaient d'emporter ce qu'ils possédaient de plus personnel et de plus précieux’.

⁹² PM ii 644, 775 ff. fig. 504B.

⁹³ Marinatos, , AE (1937) A, 278 ff.Google Scholar fig. 1 and pls. 1 (fig. 7) and 2 (fig. 1); Kritikos, P. and Papadaki, S., AE (1963) 90 ff.Google Scholar fig. a–b.

⁹⁴ Cf. above, n. 61.

⁹⁵ Cf. above, n. 67.

⁹⁶ Cf. Karo, , SGM 43 no. 1 pl. XIIGoogle Scholarand passim; Marinatos-Hirmer, loc. cit. fig. 169 left. Mycenae and other Mainland sites: cf. Higgins, GRJ 71. One should be careful not to misinterpret the diadems from Tombs I and III of the Grave Circle A, which are in fact without attachments, as being connected with the ‘half-diadems’ exhibited in the National Museum, Athens, in a radiating position above them, and giving the impression that they originally formed a single adornment. This combination, attached to a panel, has of necessity often been illustrated as it is exhibited: cf. Karo, SGM 44 no. 3, pl. XIII–XIV; Marinatos-Hirmer, loc. cit. 118, fig. 169 right, who notes that the exact use and position of these ‘half-diadems’ are unknown; Higgins, MMA 169, fig. 211; Hood, , The Home of the Heroes (1967) 73 III. 59.Google ScholarKaro, , AM xl (1915) 177ff.Google Scholar; SGM 182 f. and passim; and more recently Kardara, Chr., AJA liv (1950) 260 f.Google Scholar; lxiv (1960) 343 ff., have well shown that these so-called ‘half-diadems’ stood upright, strengthened and kept taut by means of copper wires inserted into their piped edges. In contrast to the free tops, the bases were either piped or broadly folded and pierced with holes in a way indicating that they were originally attached to a leather or cloth cap or head band by means of wire or thread. In two cases the actual diadem was evidently worn outside the ‘half-diadems’ and in front of them, quite independently, but nevertheless forming a unity with them. In one case—from Tomb III—the seven ‘half-diadems’ were probably worn without a diadem: cf. Kardara, , AJA lxiv (1960) 344 pl. 98 fig. 5c.Google Scholar The independent existence of ‘half-diadems’ is again shown by four silver examples found at Pylos: Biegen, et al., The Palace of Nestor iii (1973) 146 f. figs. 225, 6Google Scholar; 227, 8; the figured decoration, consisting of palm-trees, on these, proves beyond any doubt that the pieces stood upright. These Mycenaean ‘half-diadems’, worn with or without a diadem in front of them, are in fact a mainland counterpart to the typical Minoan diadem with antennae, as we may now conclude, even if they do not directly use an EM diadem as a prototype. The elegance, lightness, and grace of the Minoan diadem and the richness, monumentality, and tectonic composition of its Mycenaean counterpart well illustrate the difference of spirit between the two related cultures.

⁹⁷ Cf. Schmidt, H., Schliemanna' Samml. trojan. Altertümer (1902) no. S 876Google Scholar; Becatti, G., Oreficerie antiche (1955) pl. I.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Cf. Higgins, , GRJ 62, 198Google Scholar; MMA fig. 78; recently published by A. Greifenhagen, Staatl. Museen Berlin, Schmuckarbeiten in Edelmetal pl. 1.

⁹⁹ 13f. with nn. 69 and 70; cf. Schachermeyr, , Die minoische Kultur des alten Kreta (1964) 52 f.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Woolley, loc. cit. no. U 12380 pls. 135–6 and 144 (body 61); cf. Strommenger-Hirmer, , The Art of Mesopotamia (1964) pl. 84.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Woolley, loc. cit. pl. 128. On the leaf-crown in the Aegean and the Near East cf. Riis, P. J., Berytus ix (1949) 82 f.Google Scholar; Kardara, loc. cit. 343 ff., also discussing survivals.

¹⁰² Cf. Wiesner, , Grab und Jenseits (1938) 118, 120 f.Google Scholar: Teilmaske (but he cannot see any possible connection between these presumed ‘partial-masks’ from Mochlos and the masks of Mycenae); Platon, N., A Guide to the Archaeol. Museum of Herakleion (1964) 53Google Scholar; Higgins, MMA 44 fig. 38. Of the same opinion seem to be Pini, BMG 21, Alexiou, loc. cit. (Guide) 41 f., and Mylonas, TKB 336. A further development of this theory has been suggested by Picard, Ch., Les Religions préhelléniques (1948) 204Google Scholar: ‘A-t-on pratiqué en Crète minoenne certaines pratiques de momification et embaumement des cadavres? II serait intéressant, à ce sujet, d'appeler L'attention sur le bandeau d'or de Mochlos, qui est orné significativement d'yeux.»

¹⁰³ Herakl. Mus. inv. no. 268. Seager, Mochlos 27 no. II. 5 figs. 8 and 9; Evans, , PM i 97 fig. 67Google Scholar; Montelius, La Grèce préclassique fig. 131; Zervos, ACr fig. 200; Higgins, MMA 44 fig. 38 (with some reserve).

¹⁰⁴ This fact has also been stressed by Pendlebury, AC 73.

¹⁰⁵ On the gold masks from Mycenae see Karo, SGM 76, 121, 180 pls. 49, 51, and 52; Fischer in Karo, SGM 320 ff. Cf. Mylonas, , Ancient Mycenae (1957) 107Google Scholar; Biesantz, , Marburger Winkelmanns-Progr. 1958, 15f.Google Scholar; Blegen, , AJA lxvi (1962) 245 fr.CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Marinatos-Hirmer, loc. cit. figs. 162–7 and pl. XXXIV. A complete bibliography is given by Buchholz and Karageorghis, Altägäis und Altkypros (1971) 103 nos. 1243 and 1244.

¹⁰⁶ This is also the opinion of Renfrew, EC 333, who remarks that this diadem ‘is embellished with two eyes’.

¹⁰⁷ Cf. Dussaud, , Les Civilisations préhelléniques ² (1914) 41Google Scholar, who thinks that the eyes of this diadem ‘devaient écarter le mauvais œil’. On the other hand, the magical properties with which the Sumerians endowed gold and silver are well known: cf. Maxwell-Hyslop, K. R., Iraq xxii (1960) 105 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Cf. Wiesner, loc. cit. 120 f.

¹⁰⁹ Cf. Mylonas, , Mycenae and the Mycenaean Age (1966) 132.Google Scholar This scholar remarks that ‘placing masks in the graves of men was not a prevalent custom, if it was a custom at all. It certainly has no antecedents in Greece, nor did it have a place in the traditions of the people; it was an intrusive element, an innovation …’

¹¹⁰ Herakl. Mus. inv. no. 188. Xanthoudides, , AE (1904) 49 fig. 12Google Scholar; Evans, , PM i 99.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Length 0·15., height 0·108 m.

¹¹² Cf. Marshall, loc. cit. nos. 151–96; SCE i (1934) pl. 92. 177 and 84, 198 43. Cf. Ohly, loc. cit. 69f. figs. 37 and 38; Higgins, GRJ 87 pl. 11D.

¹¹³ Cf. Marshall, loc. cit. nos. 151, 156, 167, 174, 177, and 193, and perhaps nos. 185 and 195; Higgins, GRJ 87.

¹¹⁴ On the diadems from Mycenae as belonging to women cf. Matz, , Ägäis (HdA ii 4 (1950)) 266Google Scholar; on jewellery in general cf. CAH ² fasc. 12 (1962), 12; Kardara, loc. cit. 343; Mylonas, Ancient Mycenae 107; Marinatos-Hirmer, loc. cit. 64; Higgins, MMA 169 fig. 211. Cf. Mylonas, TKB 329: gold bands ξ–404, 0–410, 0–411, and y–439 had been used as diadems on women's heads, while only the band no. n–390 served for the adornment of a man, but clearly not as a diadem. Picard, loc. cit. 263, 284, with no apparent reason, doubts whether the diadems from Mycenae are in fact diadems or pectorals.

¹¹⁵ Cf. Olympia iv 46 nos. 297 and 316 pls. XVIII and XIX; Andronikos, M., Vergina i (1969) 251 ff.Google Scholar fig. 88.

¹¹⁶ Cf. Pini, BMG 22.

¹¹⁷ Cf. Seager, Mochlos 51; Pini, BMG 7; Renfrew, EC 377.

¹¹⁸ On the social organization of EM Crete cf. Branigan, FPC 119.

¹¹⁹ Evans, , PM i 72, 97Google Scholar; Hutchinson, loc. cit. 146; Marinatos-Hirmer, loc. cit. fig. 13; Higgins, GRJ 199; Branigan, FPC 146; TM 71 (on the almost complete absence of gold jewellery in EM III and MM I tombs); Caskey, CAH ² fasc. 24 (1971).

¹²⁰ Cf. Hutchinson, loc. cit. 147; Branigan, SL 222; Coldstream et al., loc. cit. 262; Zois, loc. cit. 104. For a possible broader chronological range cf. Hood, loc. cit. 225 f.

¹²¹ Cf. Seager, Mochlos 55 ff.: ‘seems … also to have suffered least at the hands of later intruders.’