¹ I am most grateful to the Greek archaeological authorities, in particular Dr K. Davaras, for the permits to carry out my studies and to draw the plans of the sites presented here. The work would not be possible without extremely gracious help and friendship of the inhabitants of Pefki. First and foremost my thanks go to the mayor of this village, Mr Emmanouil Kanavakis, for his interest in my work and for his and his wife's Cretan hospitality. I would also like to thank his brother, Mr Georgios Kanavakis, for all the information he has given about the archaeology and history of the Pefki area, and Mr Nikos Tavladakis for his hospitality. I would like to express my special thanks to Victoria Batten for improving the English of this paper, and to Donald Haggis for many very helpful comments, particularly concerning the pottery.

² The problem of defensible sites in Crete, and their topography, distribution and evidence as recorded on the surface, will be presented in the forthcoming Defensible Sites in Crete (LM III C–Geometric).

³ Boyd, H. A., ‘Excavations at Kavousi, Crete, in 1900’, AJA 5 (1901), 125–57CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bosanquet, R. C., ‘Excavations at Palaikastro I’, BSA 8 (1901–1902), 286Google Scholar; Hall, E., ‘Excavations in eastern Crete: Vrokastro’, University of Pennsylvania Museum Anthropological Publications, 3. 3 (Philadelphia, 1914).Google Scholar

⁴ Pendlebury, J. D. S. and Money-Coutts, M. B., ‘Excavations in the plain of Lasithi, III: Karphi, a city of refuge of the early Iron Age in Crete’, BSA 38 (1937–1938), 57–45.Google Scholar

⁵ Sackett, L. H., Popham, M. R., and Warren, P. M., ‘Excavations at Palaikastro, VI’, BSA 60 (1965), 269–305.Google Scholar

⁶ Halbherr, F., ‘Cretan expedition, XI: three Cretan necropoleis: report on the researches at Erganos, Panagia and Kourtes’, AJA 5 (1901), 259–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Taramelli, A., ‘Cretan expedition, XII: notes on the necropolis of Courtes’, AJA 5 (1901), 294–301CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Mariani, L., ‘Cretan expedition, XIII: the vases of Erganos and Courtes’, AJA 5 (1901), 302–14CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Taramelli, A., ‘Cretan expedition, XX: a visit to the grotto of Camares on Mount Ida’, AJA 5 (1901), 439–42Google Scholar; Taramelli, A., ‘Ricerche archeologiche cretesi’, Mon. Linc. 9 (1899), 403Google Scholar; Halbherr, F., ‘Cretan expedition, XVI: report on the researches at Praesos’, AJA 5 (1901)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bosanquet, R. C., ‘Archaeology in Greece, 1900–1901’, JHS 21 (1901), 399–400CrossRefGoogle Scholar; id. ‘Excavations at Praesos, I’, BSA 8 (1901–2), 231–70; Petroulakis, E., ‘Κρητιϰῆς Ἀτσιπάδας τάφοι’, Arch. Eph. 1915, 48–50Google Scholar; Boyd (n. 3). 131–6.

⁷ Mariani, L., ‘Antichità cretesi’, Mon. Line. 6 (1895), 293Google Scholar; Hogarth, D. G., ‘Excavations in Zakro, Crete’, BSA 7 (1900–1901), 145Google Scholar; Pendlebury, J. D. S., The Archaeology of Crete (London, 1939), 178, 290, 385Google Scholar; Boyd, H. A., ‘Gournia’, Transactions of the Department of Archaeology, Free Museum of Science and Art, University of Pennsylvania, 1 (Philadelphia, 1904), 17–18.Google Scholar

⁸ Pendlebury (n. 7), 313–16.

⁹ Pendlebury often mentioned the sites as Subminoan or PG, but their contemporaneity with Karphi allows them to be redated to LM III C–PG.

¹⁰ Pendlebury never published a proper list of refuge sites in dark age Crete, but numerous remarks are scattered in his works.

¹¹ Platon, N., PAE 1956, 239–40Google Scholar; Faure, P., ‘Nouvelles recherches de spéléologie et de topographie Crétoises’, BCH 84 (1960), 196–219CrossRefGoogle Scholar; id., ‘Cavernes et sites aux extrémités de la Crète’, BCH 86 (1962), 39–41; Hood, M. S. F. and Warren, P. M., ‘Ancient sites in the province of Agios Vasilios, Crete’, BSA 61 (1966), 178.Google Scholar

¹² Pendlebury gave, for example, a much better context for Karphi as a defensible settlement. Snodgrass, A. M. writes: ‘this site is shown by its pottery to have been curiously aloof from many contemporary developments in the island’ (The Dark Age of Greece (Edinburgh, 1971), 249)Google Scholar; and further on: ‘Karphi was such an isolated site … The evidence of Karphi must, as always, be put forward with qualification, not only because of its general cultural isolation …’ (ibid. 371). He identified the most important links with the outside world as being with Cyprus, in spite of the fact that they were based on a very few items, whereas the connection of Karphi with other Cretan centres is supported by numerous, much better-grounded factors. On the other hand, V. R. Desborough does not want to see Karphi in ‘cultural isolation’, writing that ‘One of the most interesting points is the evidence provided for close contact with other parts of Crete, at least for some periods, and also for overseas contacts’ (The Greek Dark Ages (London, 1972), 127–8). Desborough too, however, did not mention other sites, similar to Karphi and already identified by Pendlebury, when discussing this site's political role on the basis of its geographical location.

¹³ Gesell, G. C., Day, L. P., and Coulson, W. D. E., ‘Excavations and survey at Kavousi 1978–1981’, Hesp. 52 (1983), 389–420CrossRefGoogle Scholar; iid., ‘Kavousi, 1982–1983: the kastro’, Hesp. 54 (1985), 327–55; iid., ‘Excavations at Kavousi, Crete, 1987’, Hesp. 57 (1988), 279–301; iid., ‘Excavations at Kavousi, Crete, 1988’, Hesp. 60 (1991), 145–78; Hayden, B., ‘New plans of the early iron age settlement of Vrokastro’, Hesp. 52 (1983), 367–87.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁴ Haggis, D. C., The Kavousi-Thriphti Survey: An Analysis of Settlement Patterns in an Area of Eastern Crete in the Bronze Age and Early Iron Age (Ph.D. diss., Univ. of Minnesota, 1992)Google Scholar; id., ‘Survey at Kavousi, Crete: the iron age settlements’, AJA 95 (1991), 291; Mook, M. S. and Haggis, D., ‘The Kavousi-Thriphti Survey, 1988–1989’, AJA 94 (1990), 323Google Scholar; Hayden, B. J., Moody, J. A., and Rackham, O., ‘The Vrokastro Survey project, 1986–1989’, Hesp. 61 (1992), 293–354.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁵ Coulson, W. D. E., The Greek Dark Ages: A Review of the Evidence and Suggestions for Future Research (Athens, 1990).Google Scholar

¹⁶ Haggis, D. C. and Mook, M. S., ‘The Kavousi coarse wares: a bronze age chronology for survey in the Mirabello area, East Crete’, AJA 97 (1993), 265–93.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁷ Nowicki (n. 2).

¹⁸ Desborough (n. 12) was able to point out only very general differences between central and E. Crete, and the w part remained for him a blank spot (pp. 113, 115–17, 225, 234–5). Snodgrass (n. 12) proposed a more detailed picture when writing about the border between central and E. Crete: ‘the border between the two may be placed at the defile on the road from Mallia through Dreros, close to the modern town of Neapolis’ (p. 164). It is a pity that he did not draw the rest of this border or explain how and when it was formed. Material from LM III C sites on both sides of S.'s border is very similar, but not that of the PG or G periods. This phenomenon fits very well into the general changes in the settlement pattern of Crete at the turn of LM III C (or Subminoan) and PG. S. may be right to point to the special role of the Neapolis corridor in the expansion of the central Cretan element towards the E, and to some political borderline at this place. The latter can be drawn around the whole Lasithi range, with the outer settlements quickly developing into large towns (Panagia Prophitis Ilias, Lyttos, Kalo Chorio Maza, Anavlochos, Driros, Lato) and the inner Lasithian settlements (Kera Karphi, Gonies To Phlechtron, Adrianos Fortetsa, Kritsa Kastello, Tapes Kastello, Zenia Kastrokephala, Erganos) experiencing decadence or abandonment and moving to other locations (e.g. Kera Papoura). A similar process can be also noted in other regions of Crete, e.g. the w Siteia mountains and the Rethymnon isthmus.

¹⁹ Coulson (n. 15).

²⁰ The picture revealed by two important excavations beyond the palace in Knossos is somewhat different. The Unexplored Mansion area shows continuing, but restricted, occupation during the LM III B, LM III c, and SM phases (Popham, M. R., ‘The Unexplored Mansion at Knossos: a preliminary report on the excavations from 1967 to 1972’, AR 19 (1972–1973), 59–61).Google Scholar The Stratigraphical Museum excavations show this area to be abandoned by late LM III B, but clearly reoccupied in LM III C (Warren, P. M., ‘Knossos: Stratigraphical Museum excavations, 1978–82, part III’, AR 29 (1982–1983), 69–83).Google Scholar The problem of DA Knossos was recently summarized by Coldstream, J. N. (‘Knossos; an urban nucleus in the Dark Age?’, in La transizione del miceneo all'alto arcaismo: dal palazzo alla città (Roma, 1991), 287–99).Google Scholar

²¹ Kanta, A., The Late Minoan III Period in Crete: A Survey of Sites, Pottery and their Distribution (SIMA 58; Göteborg, 1980).Google Scholar

²² e.g. Whitley mentions only 5–9 sites (including non–defensible ones) for SM, 8–12 for PG (Whitley, A. J. M., Style, Burial and Society in Dark Age Greece: Social, Stylistic and Mortuary Change in the Two Communities of Athens and Knossos between 1100 and 700 BC (Ph.D. diss., Univ. of Cambridge, 1986), 261).Google Scholar

²³ All these sites will be presented in detail in Nowicki (n. 2).

²⁴ Nowicki, K., ‘Report on investigations in Greece, VIII: studies in 1991’, Archeologia (Warsaw), 43 (1992), 118–19.Google Scholar

²⁵ Warren (n. 20), 83.

²⁶ See e.g. Desborough, V. R., ‘Crete in the first half of the twelfth century BC: some problems’, in Proceedings of the Third Crelological Congress (Rethymnon, 18–23 Sept 1971). vol. A 1 (Athens, 1973), 62–9Google Scholar, esp. the author's remark ‘This is not a matter of adding to your knowledge of the facts; it is my purpose to bring to your notice certain problems, and even contradictions, that the facts imply.’ Recent field investigations and the new facts yielded by them indicate that there are many fewer contradictions than the facts seemed to imply twenty years ago when D. presented his interesting but controversial paper.

²⁷ This remark concerns two DA sites: Kavousi Vronda and Kavousi Kastro; see reports on the excavations by Gesell et al. (n. 13).

²⁸ Nowicki, K., ‘The west Siteia mountains at the turn of the Bronze and Iron Ages’, Aegaeum, 6 (1990), 161–82.Google Scholar

²⁹ On the geography of the w Siteia mountains see Nowicki (n. 28), 161–6.

³⁰ Pashley, R., Travels in Crete (London, 1837), i. 322.Google Scholar

³¹ Papadakis, N., Siteia, Fatherland of Myson and Korneros: A Historical, Archaeological and Cultural Guide (Siteia, 1983), 73.Google Scholar

³² The sites of Kastello, Akra, and Kieratia Lagos were shown to me by G. Kanavakis, to whom I also owe all the information concerning the history of the destruction of these sites.

³³ The historical tradition of this village goes back to pre-Saracen times. It was sacked by the Saracens, but reoccupied during the Venetian period and destroyed again by the Turkish corsairs at the end of the 15th cent. After this event the village is said to have been moved to the present-day location of Pefki. Surface archaeological evidence seems to support such a history for this medieval village, whose name is unknown. I am much obliged to E. and G. Kanavakis for instructive journeys to the area of Kato and Pano Geitonia, and for all the information about it.

³⁴ The existence of a settlement near the excavated villa at Makrygialos was not ruled out by Dr K. Davaras during the 8th International Symposium at the Swedish Institute at Athens, 6–9 June 1992 (paper on ‘The function of the Minoan villa’).

³⁵ Kanta (n. 21), 185.

³⁶ For the general characteristic of this process see Nowicki, K., ‘Topography of refuge settlement in Crete’, Jahrbuch der Römisch-germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz, 34 (1987), 213–34.Google Scholar

³⁷ For the situation in the W Siteia mountains see Nowicki (n. 28), 161–80; id. (n. 24), 116–18.

³⁸ Papadakis (n. 31). 73.

³⁹ Seiradaki, M., ‘Pottery form Karphi’, BSA 55 (1960), 9 and fig. 4Google Scholar; Sackett et al. (n. 5), 285 and fig. 17.

⁴⁰ These parallels will be published in Nowicki (n. 2).

⁴¹ Ibid.; for similar examples from Kavousi Kastro see Gesell et al. 1985 (n. 13), pls 95–6.

⁴² Seiradaki (n. 39), 3; Sackett et al. (n. 5), 286.

⁴³ The problem of fortification walls in DA Crete is discussed by Hayden, B. J., ‘Fortifications of postpalatial and early iron age Crete’, AA 1988, 1–21Google Scholar, and by Nowicki, K., ‘Fortifications in dark age Krete’, in Van de Maele, S. and Fossey, J. M. (eds), Fortificationes antiquae (McGill University Monographs in Classical Archaeology and History, 27; Amsterdam, 1992), 53–76).Google Scholar It is very probable that many more sites from this period were defended by walls, but because the wall construction was poor only a few can be traced on the surface.

⁴⁴ We can mention here: Zakros gorge Ellinika, Palaikastro Plakalonia Kalamafka, Adrianos Fortetsa, Gonies Porolios, Mythi Kastello, Arvi Fortetsa, Frati Kephala, and Rokka Kisamou, all with very well-defined lower settlements and inaccessible refuge areas on the rocky knolls above.

⁴⁵ According to G. Kanavakis this illegal digging took place between 1954 and 1957. Another inhabitant of Pefki claimed that it took place in the 1960s, but the former informant seems to remember the facts better.

⁴⁶ Papadakis (n. 31), 73.

⁴⁷ Hood, M. S. F., Warren, P., and Cadogan, G., ‘Travels in Crete’, BSA 59 (1964), 92.Google Scholar On my recent visit to Arvi Fortetsa in May 1992 I saw three holes dug during the winter of 1991–2, probably by illegal excavators. They destroyed much of the area, but revealed more fine ware and many fragments of burnt animal bones, which could be seen on the surface. This supports the original identification of the spot as a shrine, proposed by the British archaeologists.

⁴⁸ K. Nowicki, ‘To Phlechtron and other dark age sites near Kera Karphi’ (forthcoming).

⁴⁹ The cult place was probably situated on the top of Kastri, where the Hilltop Building was reconstructed (Nowicki (n. 28), 170 and pl. 37 b). Many burnt animal bones were seen by the author along the s edge of the highest terrace of Kastri.

⁵⁰ Sackett et al. (n. 5), 282–3; Seiradaki (n. 39), 21–2; Day, L. P., Coulson, W. D. E., and Gesell, G. C., ‘Kavousi, 1983–1984: the settlement at Vronda’, Hesp. 55 (1986), 363.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵¹ K. Nowicki, ‘Arvi Fortetsa and Loutraki Kandilioro: two refuge settlements in Crete’ (forthcoming).

⁵² Nowicki (n. 2).

⁵³ I wish to express my warm thanks to J. Driessen, A. Farnoux, S. Müller, and J. A. MacGillivray for showing me pottery from recent surveys and excavations in Mallia and Palaikastro.

⁵⁴ Gesell, G., Town, Palace and House Cult in Minoan Creta (SIMA 67; Göteborg, 1985), 50.Google Scholar The nearest contemporary shrine was found at Kavousi Vronda, where fragments of snake tubes and goddesses with upraised hands were unearthed in great number: Gesell et al. 1991 (n. 13), 161 f.

⁵⁵ Seiradaki (n. 39), 7–8; Hood et al. (n. 47), 93; Sackett et al. (n. 5), 285 and fig. 17.

⁵⁶ Rutkowski, B. and Nowicki, K., ‘Report on Investigations in Greece, VI: studies in 1988–89’, Archeologia (Warsaw), 41 (1990), 120.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Ibid.

⁵⁸ Nowicki, K., ‘Report on investigations in Greece, VII: studies in 1990’, Archeologia (Warsaw), 42 (1991), 142.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Nowicki (n. 2).

⁶⁰ Ibid.

⁶¹ Gesell et al. 1983 (n. 13), 419, fig. 13. 9a.

⁶² Nowicki (n. 2).

⁶³ It was suggested by Donald Haggis that most of the Mega Chalavro pottery may represent MM I–II and LM III B, and I think such a dating reasonable. There are relatively few links with LM III C evidence, a fact which may even suggest earlier or middle LM III B rather than the end. Such an early dating, if supported by other evidence and further research, may shed more light on the sequence of events in LM III B Crete, particularly the late phase between the destruction horizon(s) in III B1/2 and the drastic change in the settlement pattern at the end of III B and the beginning of III C. This was probably a period of wars and migrations, when some coastal areas were abandoned, or at least seriously depopulated, and attempts were made to build fortified citadels—not only in Crete, but also in the Cyclades and Asia Minor. This probably appears in Egyptian and near eastern written sources as the stormy period of the first invasion of the Sea Peoples during Merneptah's reign and the activities of post-Ahhiyawan troublemakers in the E. Aegean, but still before the main attack of the Sea Peoples on Cyprus, Asia Minor, the Near East, and Egypt.

⁶⁴ This remark concerns Erganos (Halbherr (n. 6), 262–81), Kera Karphi (Pendlebury and Money-Coutts (n. 4), 100–12), and Kavousi Vronda (Boyd (n. 3), 131–6). The situation in Vrokastro and Kavousi Kastro is not so clear for LM III c, because intensive occupation during PG and G destroyed much of the earlier layout of the cemeteries.

⁶⁵ Tholos tombs located in pairs are a very characteristic feature of both the Karphi cemeteries (Ta Mnimata; Astividero); see Ta Mnimata, tombs 1–2, 5–6, 7–8, 17–16; Astividero, tombs 2–3 (Pendlebury and Money–Coutts (n. 4), 100–8, pls 12–13).

⁶⁶ I was unable to obtain information as to when this tomb was robbed, but the inhabitants of Pefki clearly stated that this digging took place much later than the illegal excavations on Kastellopoulo and in tombs 1–2.

⁶⁷ For the topographical relation between the cemeteries and settlements in Vronda and Karphi, see Gesell et al. 1988 (n. 13), fig. 1; Nowicki, K., ‘The history and setting of the town at Karphi’, SMEA 26 (1987)Google Scholar, fig. 1.

⁶⁸ W. D. E. Coulson, ‘Recent excavations on the Kastro Kavousi, East Crete’, paper presented to 7th International Cretological Congress, 25–31 Aug. 1991, Rethymnon; Mook, M. S. and Coulson, W. D. E., ‘The Late Minoan III C pottery from the Kastro Kavousi, East Crete’, AJA 97 (1993), 351.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Sackett et al. (n. 5), 269 ff.

⁷⁰ Hood Warren and Cadogan (n. 47), 93.

⁷¹ See n. 68.

⁷² Boyd (n. 3), 131; Day et al. (n. 50), 355–9.

⁷³ D. C. Haggis and K. Nowicki, ‘Khalasmeno and Katalimata: two early iron age settlements in Monastiraki, East Crete’, Hesp. (in press).

⁷⁴ Nowicki (n. 28), 172 and pl. 33; id. (n. 36), pl. 39.

⁷⁵ Nowicki (n. 36), 233–4.