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The Acropolis Basilica Project, Sparta: a preliminary report for the 2000 season1
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 27 September 2013
Abstract
The Acropolis Basilica, Sparta, was first excavated by G. Guttle, under the auspices of the British School at Athens, in the 1920s. Two further campaigns were carried out by members of the Athens Archaeological Society, who were not privy to the unpublished excavation daybooks of the British campaign. As a result, 80 years on, the church is still poorly understood; its date and chronological development have been the subject of much scholarly debate, as has its attribution to Osios Nikon. The first phase of a new study of the basilica is now well underway. This consists of non-intrusive study and recording to reach a better understanding of the monument and the previous investigations before new excavations are carried out. The aims of the first phase of the project are to undertake archaeological cleaning of the basilica and its associated buildings to facilitate the production of an accurate ground plan of monuments, the creation of stone by stone elevations of the exterior walls of all the buildings, and the detailed photography of every aspect of the entire basilica complex. Detailed recording of the features exposed in the basilica has been carried out in order to assess chronological phasing (both through context and architecture), use of space within the basilica and potential reconstructions of the edifices. Following the first season of the project, we have a number of preliminary ideas regarding the phasing of the basilica and use of architectural space. In this article we present these ideas, our methodology, a new plan of the monument and its associated buildings and, for the first time, a resume of Cuttle's excavations.
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References
2 From now on, for the purposes of this article the so called Nikon basilica is referred to as the Acropolis basilica.
3 The traditional names for the rooms of the north and the south apse are the prothesis and the diakonikon respectively. However, these names imply particular functions; since as we have yet to ascertain with confidence how these rooms functioned, we shall not apply such labels.
4 Soteriou 1939, 110.
5 If the north annexe and the south tower were removed from the plan, one would be left with a plan very similar to the early 7th c. chureh at Aboba, now Pliska, in Bulgaria: Gkioles, N., Βυζαντινή Ναοδόμια (600–1204) (Athens, 1987)Google Scholar, fig. 3.
6 During his original excavation, Cuttle termed this addition and the area surrounding, as ‘the Minaret’. There is no evidence to suggest that this was a minaret; henceforward it will be referred to as the South Tower.
7 Woodward, A. M. et al. , BSA 26 (1923–1924), 116–310Google Scholar; id., BSA 27 (1925–6), 173–254; 28 (1926–7), 1 106; 29 (1927–8), 1–107; 30 (1928–30), 241–54.
8 Adamantiou 1934 and Soteriou 1939 respectively.
9 We are grateful to two BSA Archivists, Anne Saekctt and Amalia Kakissis, for generously aiding our research in the archives. Unfortunately, none of Cuttle's photographs are contained within this archive.
10 We are currently undertaking research concerning Adamantiou's earliest activities at the Basilica.
11 Soteriou 1939, 107.
12 Adamantiou 1934.
13 Soteriou 1939. We are currently working on Soteriou's archival material; however, it appears that nothing survives from this particular excavation but photographs. We intend in following publications to use the evidence produced from a study of this photographic material.
14 Soteriou 1939. This account is more a description of the monument than a detailed report of the excavation season.
15 This plan is not considered to be very accurate, although it has been a good basis for reference.
16 Primarily the Life of St Nikon.
17 Cuttle 1926 and Soteriou 1939, 117–18.
18 Vokotopoulos 1975a, 280–1; Waywell–Wilkes 1994, 425–8; Kourinou-Pikoula 1998, 89.
19 Velissariou, P., ᾿Η τοπογραφική θέση της Μητροπόλεως Λακεδαμιονίας᾿, Lak. Spoud. 9 (1988), 114–16Google Scholar; id., ‘Η Μονή του Οσίου Νίκωνος στην Λακεδαιμονία. Τορογραφικός εντοπιομός᾿ , ΧΑΕ [ =χριστιανισή Αρχαιολογικἡ, Εταιρεία] το Συμπόσιο Βυζαντινής και Μεταβυζαντινής Αρχαιολογίας και Τέχνης (Athens, 1990), 19; id., ‘Η Αρχιτεκτονική του Κοθολικού της Μονής Νίκωνος στη Λακεδαιμονία κατά της πηγές᾿, ΧΑΕ 12 Σεμπόσιο Βυζαντῖνής και Μεταβυζαντινής Αργαιολονίας και Τέχνης (Athens, 1992), 9.
20 Waywell–Wilkes 1994 n. 109.
21 Woodward 1925–6, 265.
22 Adamantiou, A., ᾿Η δημιουργία τοῦ Μυστρᾶ ἐκ τῆς Λακεδαιμονίας, Actes du IIIeme Congres International Les études byzantines 1930 (Athens, 1932), 161–2Google Scholar.
23 Galanopoulos, M. E., Βίος πολιτεία εἰκονογραφία, θαύματα καί ἀσματική ἄκολουϑία τοῦ οσίου και ϑεοφόρου πατρὸς ήμῶν Νίκωνος τοῦ Μετανοεαε (Athens, 1933)Google Scholar.
24 Koukoules, F., ῾Αρχιυ Μελετίου Εύαγγ. Γαλανοπούλου, Epet. 11 (1935), 464–5Google Scholar.
25 Soteriou 1939.
26 Vokotopoulos 1975a; 1975b.
27 Waywell–Wilkes 1994.
28 Ibid., 424.
29 Kourinou-Pikoula 1998.
30 Sullivan, D. F., The Life of St. Nikon (Brookline, 1987), 136–7Google Scholar.
31 1939, 110, 114.
32 1975a, 275–6.
33 Drandaki, N., ῾Εὶκονογραφία τοῦ ᾿Οσίου Νικωνος, Πελοποννησιακά, 5 (1962), 306–19Google Scholar.
34 D. I. Pallas, ᾿Ανασκαφὴ Βασιλικῆς ἐν Λεχαίω᾿ PAE 1956, 164–78; id., ᾿ Ανασκαφικαί ἐρευναι έν Λεχαίῳ, PAE 1965, 137–66.
35 Em. Chatzidakis, ᾿Ανασκαφἠ ἐν ᾿Αθήναις κατά τήν Βασιλική τοῦ Ιλισοοὑ᾿, PAE 1945–8, 69–80; id., ‘Remarques sur la basilique de l'Ilissos’, Cahiers archeologiques, 5 (1951), 61–74; G. Soteriou, ῾Παλαιἁ χριστιανικἠ Βασιλική Ιλισοὐ᾿, AE 1919, 1–31.
36 The Aboba Basilica has been variously dated from the 6th to the 10th cc. For related bibliography see Vokotopoulos 1975b, 278–9, fn. 3, 6.
37 Fyfe, T., ‘The Church of St. Titus at Gortyna in Crete’, The Architectural Review, 22 (1907), 60–7Google Scholar; Orlandos, A., ῾Νεώτεραι έρευναι ἐν ῾Αγιῳ Τιτῳ τῆς Γορτύνης᾿, Epet. 3 (1926), 301–28Google Scholar.
38 Stampoltzis, I., ῾Παρατηρἡσεις ἐπί τριῶν Πρακτικά τοῦ Α᾿ Διεϑνοῦς Συνεδρίου Πελοποννησιακῶν Σπουδῶν, Σπάρτη 7–14 Σεπεμβρίου 1975 (Athens, 1976–1978), 268–70Google Scholar.
39 Ibid., figs. 4–7.
40 Ibid., fig. 9.
41 Ibid.
42 Vokotopoulos 1975a, 280.
43 Cuttle; Soteriou 1939, 118.
44 Ibid.
45 Chronological evaluation of architectural elements and fragments is often based on vague criteria or erroneous premises. As there is a great variance from area to area, styles can remain in use or can be reintroduced, while the fragments themselves can often be reused, often within short periods of time.
46 Aboba has been dated to the 6th and the 9th cc. by Krautheimer 1986, 318 and to the 7th c. by Vokotopoulos 1975b, 279. Agios Titos has been dated to the 6th by Krautheimer 1986, 255, the 7th by Vokotopoulos 1975a, 279, the 8th by Lemerle, P., Philippe et la Macédoine orientate à l'époque chrétienne et byzantine (Paris, 1945)Google Scholar and late 10th cc. by Christern, J., ‘Die Datierung von A. Titos in Gortys (Kreta)’,Πεπραγμένα τοῦ ΓΔιεϑνούς Κοητολογικοῦ Συνεδρίου. Β (Athens, 1974), 37–43Google Scholar.
47 Steps have been undertaken in order to implement this work.
48 Soteriou 1939.
49 More detailed suggestions of phasing will be proposed in the 2001 season.
50 A QTVR tour (n. I) of the basilica is now available on the BSA website (www.bsa.gla.ac.uk).
51 This work will form the basis of a future publication.
52 Since Adamantiou and Soteriou seem to have excavated primarily in the West Complex, we hope, following our second season with its focus on that area, to be able to include more evidence from the archives of Adamantiou and Soteriou in future publications.
53 Cuttle 1925, 100. East end of the central apse, at the NW corner, at the SE corner and below the terrace (marked on FIG. 3).
54 According to Cuttle, Adamantiou's stone is located in the southwest corner of the north room and the burials are located in the western end of the south aisle.
55 Cuttle does not record having excavated any graves or articulated skeletons.
56 This cement was still present in places in 2000.
57 We have yet been able to locate any photographs from either of Cuttle's seasons.
58 Dr G. Sanders has suggested that this may have been of Frankish date.
59 These were recorded in detail and will be published in full in a forthcoming publication.
60 Gkioles (n. 5).
61 Cuttle did not want to investigate any further as it would have meant sacrificing an olive tree in the area. He also left olive trees in the area of the West Porch and in the south wall of the basilica.
62 Soteriou 1939.
63 Although for the most part Cuttle's notebook is legible, his description of the pin is not quite clear, although it is likely that he is describing it as silver.
64 Dr Kieran O'Conor alerted us to this possibility.
65 In some areas Cuttle records that there were only a few cm of mortar where the stones would have stood. This is not the case now, which raises the question of the extent of reconstruction in this area (see also the published plates in Soteriou 1939).
66 Soteriou 1939, pl. 5.
67 Both of these walls have been heavily reconstructed (Soteriou 1939, pl. 5).
68 Cuttle removed the tiles.
69 There were no bones.
70 Soteriou 1939, 109 fig. 3.
71 If the tesserae were from wall mosaics it is likely that they would have survived in greater number, unless there were specific areas of wall mosaic. Without an examination of the tesserae themselves, it would be difficult to say with certainty whether they were wall or floor mosaics.
72 This piece was located in the 2000 season and will be discussed in full in a forthcoming article on the architectural fragments of the basilica.
73 Cuttle originally believed that there was a wall here and that it had been badly robbed out; he later changed his mind.
74 It is noted in the discussion on the narthex that it looks as though a wall had been removed in this area in order to create an access point between the narthex and porch.
75 Although similarities can be drawn, little in terms of conclusive dating evidence can be deduced from this observation.
76 As Cuttle did not undertake any work in the West Complex, what follows is an account of observations made in the 2000 season.
77 Perhaps, as in the font at Peruchtitza detailed in Khatchatrian, A., Les Baptistéres paléochrétiens. Plans, notices et bibliographic (Paris, 1962)Google Scholar, no. 143, the font would have surrounded the mouth of the eastern apse of the baptistery. This would explain the missing elements to complete the circle.
78 We should like to thank Ben Millis for suggesting this.
79 This, of course, would have seemed fitting in Cuttle's mind, given that Nikon had spent time in Crete before getting to Laconia.
80 We hope in forthcoming seasons to learn more about how the basilica would have been roofed.
81 Volanaki, I.. Τἁ Παλαιοχριστιανικἀ Βαπτιστἡρια τῆς Βιβλιοθήκη τῆς ἐν ᾿ Αθήναις ᾿ Αρχαιολογικς Εταιρείας 84; Athens, 1976)Google Scholar.
82 Vokotopolous 1975a, 284.
83 Krautheimer 1986, fig. 211.
84 Vokotopolous 1975a, 278–9.
85 Krautheimer 1986, fig. 60.
86 A violent destruction is certainly obvious from the huge parts of masonry belonging to the upper vaults that have fallen to the side of the monument.
87 Vokotopoulos 1975a, 284.
88 Ibid., fig. 354.
89 Ibid., fig. 297.
90 Vokotopoulos 1975a, 283.
91 Sec n. 8.
92 Vokotopoulos 1975a, 278–9.
93 Ibid., 277.
94 Ibid., 283.
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