1. Bardinet, Léon, “Condition civile des Juifs du Comtat Venaissin pendant le séjour des papes à Avignon (1309-1376),” Revue historique 1, no. 5 (1880): 1–47 Google Scholar; here 17–18. Ginzburg, Carlo, Ecstasies: Deciphering the Witches’ Sabbath (1989; London: Penguin Books, 1992), 45–47 Google Scholar.

2. There is a vast bibliography on the relations between the Papacy and the Jews; however, the following may usefully be consulted: Grayzel, Solomon, The Church and the Jews in the 13^th century, ed. K. R. Stow (1933; New York/Detroit: The Jewish Theological Seminary of America/Wayne State University Press, 1989), 2: 1254–314 Google Scholar; Stow, Kenneth R., Popes, Church, and Jews in the Middle Ages: Confrontation and Response (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007)Google Scholar and especially the monumental edition by Simonsohn, Shlomo, The Apostolic See and the Jews (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1988)Google Scholar. On the positions of the Papacy with regard to the Shepherds’ Crusade, ibid., nos. 304–6, 316–19.

3. Simonsohn, The Apostolic See, 1: no. 368, December 18, 1345, 389–90: Felicis recordationis Johannes papa XXII, predecessor noster, certis causis ipsum ad hoc inducentibus, dictos Judeos de dicto comitatu fecit expelli...

4. The preferred date is 1322; see Loeb, Isidore, “Les juifs de Carpentras sous le gouvernement pontifical,” Revue des Études juives 12 (1886): 34–64 Google Scholar; here 40, 46–49; Ginzburg, Ecstasies, 45–47.

5. Mansi, Giovanni Domenico, Sacrorum Conciliorum nova et amplissima collectif (Venice, 1782), xxv: 569–72 Google Scholar.

6. Ginzburg, , Ecstasies, 57 n. 42 Google Scholar. It has also been mentioned, since then, by David Nirenberg, who also accepts the attribution of the letter to John XXII in his work Communities of Violence: Persecution of Minorities in the Middle Ages (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 65–66.

7. Ginzburg, , Ecstasies, 46 Google Scholar.

8. Ibid., 57 n. 42: “The hypothesis that the entire document (including the letter from Philip d’Anjou and even the Pope’s favorable reaction to it) is the result of a late falsification seems to me absolutely untenable, for internal and external reasons. On one hand, the references (not merely chronological) to contemporary events are very precise; while on the other, the document explains, as we shall see, the Pope’s sudden change of mind regarding the Jews.”

9. Stow, Kenneth R., “The Avignonese Papacy or after the Expulsions,” Popes, Church and Jews, 225–9 Google Scholar; here 293–95. On poison plots, see Albe, Edmond, Autour de Jean XXII. Hugues Géraud évêque de Cahors, l’affaire des poisons et envoûtements en 1317 (Cahors: J. Girma, 1904)Google Scholar; Shatzmiller, Joseph, Justice et injustice au début du XIV^e siècle. L’enquête sur l’archevêque d’Aix et sa renonciation en 1318 (Rome: École française de Rome, 1999)Google Scholar; Collard, Franck, Le crime de poison au Moyen Âge (Paris: PUF, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the effects of John XXII’s policy and the redefinition of heresy: Boureau, Alain, Le pape et les sorciers. Une consultation de Jean XXII sur la magie en 1320 (manuscrit BAV Borghese 348) (Rome: École française de Rome, 2004 Google Scholar) and Id., Satan hérétique. Naissance de la démonologie dans l’Occident médiéval, 1280-1330 (Paris: Odile Jacob, 2004).

10. Brown, Elizabeth A. R., “Philip V, Charles IV and the Jews of France: The Alleged Expulsion of 1322,” Speculum 66, no. 2 (1991): 294–329 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. She also breaks with what had become practically a certainty in the earlier bibliography: Jordan, William Chester, The French Monarchy and the Jews: From Philip Augustus to the Last Capetians (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1989), 246–48 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ginzburg, The Witches’ Sabbath, 63.

11. These documents were given a brief preliminary examination in my doctoral thesis: Theis, Valérie, Le gouvernement pontifical du comtat Venaissin, vers 1270-vers 1350 (Rome : École française de Rome, forthcoming)Google Scholar.

12. Nirenberg, Communities of Violence, for example 43 and 51. This author has indeed strongly insisted on the need to take into account the particular local (historical and geographical) context, and the motivations of those involved in episodes of violence concerning Jews during the Middle Ages, in order to break with transhistorical interpretations, which are often circular (p. 11) and teleological (p. 1–5), which have often been proposed by authors of studies of the Jews in the Middle Ages.

13. For a discussion of this book, see, for example, Buc, Philippe, “Anthropologie et histoire,” Annales HSS 53, no. 6 (1998): 1243–49 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

14. The work from this school of historical studies that has had the greatest impact is that by Moore, Robert I., The Formation of a Persecuting Society: Power and Deviance in Western Europe, 950-1250 (Oxford: B. Blackwell, 1987)Google Scholar. The work that has most clearly opposed the arguments developed by Moore is that of Nirenberg, Communities of Violence.

15. One of the rare historians to have envisaged the question of expulsions in this way is Maurice Kriegel. As we will see later on, the method he proposes is very similar to that expounded in his article: Kriegel, Maurice, “Mobilisation politique et modernisation organique. Les expulsions de Juifs au Bas Moyen Âge,” Archives de sciences sociales des religions 46 (1978): 5–20 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

16. Loeb, “Les juifs de Carpentras,” 34, reminds us that, in Hebrew literature, these communities were part of a whole known as the “Four Communities” (arba kehillot), as Avignon was also considered as being one of them.

17. Loeb’s announcement was made on November 25, 1880, in the presence of the members of the Society for Jewish Studies, which had given rise to the journal: Schwarzfuchs, Simon, “Deux revues et une science : la Monatsschrift für die Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums et La Revue des Études juives ,” in Les revues scientifiques d’études juives : passé et avenir. À l’occasion du 120^e anniversaire de la Revue des Études juives, eds. Mimouni, S. C. and Olszowy-Schlanger, J. (Louvain-la-Neuve: Peeters, 2006), 137–64 Google Scholar.

18. The address to the reader, which is not signed, but which Schwarzfuchs (“Deux revues,” 154) attributes to Zadoc Kahn, is edifying from this point of view. Having noticed that France was lagging behind in the great scientific and literary movement which had led to the renewal of Ancient Jewish studies, Zadoc Kahn, “Éditorial,” Revue des Études juives 1 (1880): v, proposed to “raise France from this inferior position.” During the first assembly of the Société des études juives, he had, moreover, announced that the Society should serve “pure and entirely disinterested scientific goals:” Schwarzfuchs, “Deux revues,” 151.

19. Bardinet, “Condition civile” (1880), and Id., “Antiquité et organisation des juiveries du Comtat Venaissin,” Revue des Études juives 1 (1880): 262–92. Bardinet did not, however, belong to the group of Chartists, and does not appear in the brochure published in 1891: Société de l’École des Chartes, Livret de l’École des Chartes, 1821-1891 (Paris, 1891).

20. Loeb, “Les juifs de Carpentras.”

21. In a second article, Bardinet took time to more clearly explain his aims in that first article on the fourteenth century: to point out that, contrary to what was widely believed at the time, the notion of tolerance did not originate in the eighteenth century, but during the Middle Ages, and that the attitude of the Popes towards the Jews was proof of this. See Bardinet, Léon, “Condition civile des Juifs du Comtat Venaissin pendant le XV^e siècle (1409-1513),” Revue des Études juives 6 (1882): 1–4 Google Scholar; here 1: “We have shown elsewhere that principles of tolerance towards the Israelite community were established during the fourteenth century by the Popes residing in Avignon, and that, thanks to them, these principles spread to the rest of society as a whole.”

22. Bardinet, , “Condition civile” (1880) 15 Google Scholar.

23. Basnage, Jacques, Histoire des Juifs, depuis Jésus-Christ jusqu’à présent (La Haye, 1716)Google Scholar. Deciding to base his account heavily on Basnage led him to neglect other information, such as those found in the documents collected by the Marquis de Valbonnais, Jean-Pierre Moret de Bourchenu (1651-1730), in his Histoire de Dauphiné et des princes qui ont porté le nom de dauphins, particulièrement de ceux de la troisième race, descendus des barons de La Tour-du-Pin, sous le dernier desquels a été fait le transport de leurs États à la couronne de France (Geneva, 1721-1722), I: 74, which show that the Papal expulsion had led a certain number of Jews to take refuge in the Dauphiné.

24. Bardinet, , “Condition civile” (1880) 18 Google Scholar.

25. Simonsohn, , The Apostolic See, 1: no. 368, December 18, 1345, 389–90 Google Scholar: Pope Clement VI requested Hugues de la Roques, Rector of the Comtat, to refrain from molesting the Jews who had recently settled there, and to let others settle there.

26. Loeb, “Les juifs de Carpentras,” 49–50. Loeb based his analysis on an act in the Cartulary of the Bishop of Carpentras, dated January 25, 1385, concerning the negotiations between the Bishop and the Jews of the town, on the subject of royalties that he believed were due to him, an act which integrated other acts, including a list of the heads of households of the town, dating from January 1345 and an exceptional reduction of royalties because of the poverty of the Jewish community in January 1343/1344). As the act of 1385 was dated according to the system of the Incarnation, it seems very likely that the other acts contained in it were also dated in this way, which was the usual way of dating documents used at the Bishop’s court in Carpentras. The act of January 1343 (Carpentras, Bibliothèque Inguimbertine, MS 560, piece 121) should therefore be understood as dating from January 1344.

27. The Papal seigneurial revenues for the Comtat were, indeed, sold by auction each year, and it is for the sale of revenues for the year from Michaelmas 1343 to Michaelmas 1344 that we see a few Jews reappear as tax farmers for the Pope: for example, Astrugue Cassin, who associated with Raymond Audebert and Bertrand Lambert to farm the Papal revenues for L’Îsle-sur-la-Sorgue: Archivio Segreto Vaticano (from now on ASV), Camera Apostolica (from now on Cam. Ap.), Introitus et Exitus (from now on Intr. et Ext.) 223, fo. 19: redditus Insule annii supra proxime designati fuerunt venditi magistro Raymundo Auduberti, Bertrando Lamberti de Mornacio et Astrugo Cassini, judeo, precio franco deducta parte exitarum solita II(M) VIII(C) LXVI turon. arg. et duorum terciorum unius a quibus recepi ego thesaurarius supradictus pro precio dictorum reddituum II(M) LIIII(C) LXVI tur arg.

28. Loeb, , “Les juifs de Carpentras,” 47–48 Google Scholar.

29. We refer to the French translation of this work, made in 1881 by Julien Sée and republished in: Hak-Kohen, Joseph ben Josué, La vallée des pleurs. Chronique des souffrances du peuple juif, ed. J.-P. Osier (Paris: Centre d’études Don Isaac Abravanel, 1981)Google Scholar.

30. Ibid., 74: “In the year 5081, that is to say, 1321, Sancha, the Pope’s sister, wanted to exterminate the Jews; however, being unable to do so herself, she asked her brother to drive them out of his States. The Pope carried out her request, and it was a time of grief for Israel. God, however, put compassion for them into the heart of Frederick, King of Naples, who withstood all the enemies that had risen against them. The Jews made a gift of twenty thousand pieces of gold to that woman, who then kept her peace, and the expulsion order was never carried out.” The author probably mixed up Robert of Naples, Earl of Provence and King of Naples and Provence (1309-1343) and Frederick of Aragon, King of Sicily (1295-1337). Similarly, it is remarkable that the name given to the Pope’s so-called sister, Sancha, is the same as that of the wife of Robert of Naples. Valois, Noël, “Jacques Duèse, pape sous le nom de Jean XXII,” Histoire littéraire de la France (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1914), 34: 391–63 Google Scholar; here 423, points out that the main plot of this story might date back to the chronicle of Profet Duran or Ephodi (1350-1415), written between 1396 and 1412. See, on this subject, Renan, Ernest and Neubauer, Adolf, “Les écrivains juifs français du XIV^e siècle,” Histoire littéraire de la France (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1893), 31: 351–789 Google Scholar; here 752.

31. Valois, “Jacques Duèse”: “The same year, in the reign of Philip, King of France, many people in France fell sick and many died, so that some of the doctors declared that the sickness was the plague, and others said it was poisoning, for the Eternal had confused their language. And thus it was that the Jews and the lepers were accused of putting poison in the wells, and all the people believed it.”

32. Grayzel, , The Church, 323 n. 3 Google Scholar. On this point, Loeb remains more cautious than Bardinet, because he knew of the document mentioned by de Maulde, René, “Les juifs dans les États français du Saint-Siège au Moyen Âge,” Bulletin historique et archéologique de Vaucluse 1 (1879): 6 Google Scholar, which proves that there were Jews living in Avignon in 1327.

33. Bardinet, , “Condition civile” (1880) 47 Google Scholar.

34. On this question, see Shatzmiller, Joseph, “The Papal Monarchy as Viewed by Medieval Jews,” in Italia judaica. Gli ebrei nello Stato pontificio fino al ghetto (1555) (Rome: Ministero per i beni culturali e ambientali, Ufficio centrale per i beni archivistici, 1998), 30–41 Google Scholar. This chronicle is of course neither the first nor the only one to develop the theme of Papal benevolence. It can also be found, for example, as pointed out by Yosef Hayim Yerushalmi, Sefardica. Essais sur l’histoire des juifs, des marranes et des nouveauxchrétiens d’origine hispanoportugaise (Paris: Chandeigne, 1998), 90, in the works of Ibn Verga (Shebet Yehoudah, chapter 14), drawing on an earlier account. Yerushalmi criticizes, in passing, the blindness of Jewish authors, and has, on this point, been contradicted by Maurice Kriegel, “L’alliance royale, le mythe et le mythe du mythe. Sur Y.-H. Yerushalmi, Sefardica : essais sur l’histoire des Juifs, des marranes &des nouveaux-chrétiens d’origine hispano-portugaise, Éditions Chandeigne, 1998,” Critique 632–633 (2000): 14–30, esp. 26–30.

35. Moulinas, René, “Velléités d’expulsion dans le Comtat Venaissin et à Avignon au XVI^e siècle,” in L’expulsion des juifs de Provence et de l’Europe méditerranéenne (XV^e-XVI^e siècles). Exils et conversions, ed. D. Iancu-Agou (Paris: Peeters, 2005), 103–10 Google Scholar; here 103.

36. For example, Danièle, and Iancu, Carol, Les juifs du Midi. Une histoire millénaire (Avignon: A. Barthélémy, 1995), 87 Google Scholar.

37. Balasse, Céline, 1306, l’expulsion des Juifs du royaume de France (Bruxelles: De Boeck, 2008), 65 and 152 Google Scholar.

38. Ibid., 61-62.

39. Valois, “Jacques Duèse,” 422. Followed by Grayzel, Solomon, “References to the Jews in the Correspondence of John XXII,” Hebrew Union College Annual 23, no. 2 (1950-1951): 60–61 n. 1Google Scholar.

40. Letter edited in Simonsohn, , The Apostolic See, 1: no. 312, 326–27 Google Scholar.

41. Ibid., 327–28, no. 313.

42. Ginzburg, , Ecstasies, 58 n. 48 Google Scholar.

43. For a recent account of this expulsion, see Leroy, Béatrice, L’expulsion des Juifs d’Espagne (Paris: Berg international, 1990)Google Scholar; Goetschel, Roland, ed., 1492, l’expulsion des Juifs d’Espagne (Paris: Maisonneuve et Larose, 1995)Google Scholar; Beinart, Haim, ed., The Expulsion of the Jews from Spain (Oxford: Littman Library of Jewish Civilization, 2002)Google Scholar. On the detailed conditions of the sale of their goods by the Jews in Sicily in 1492, see Bresc, Henri, “L’expulsion des Juifs de Sicile,” in L’expulsion des juifs de Provence, ed. Iancu-Agou, 59–76 Google Scholar.

44. Hak-Kohen, , The Vale of Tears, 69: “But they went away with all their goods and all their wealth.”Google Scholar This testimony is, of course, from a later date and not very reliable, but it does show that expulsion and confiscation of goods did not necessarily go hand-in-hand.

45. The only difference between the two authors is that Bardinet believed that there were two separate Papal decisions, whereas Ginzburg imagined the departure of the Jews from Bédarrides, followed, just over a year later, by an expulsion. Before the act of February 1321, the Jewish community of Bédarrides had already been mentioned in letters from the Pope, in conjunction with the Shepherds’ Crusade: Simonsohn, , The Apostolic See, 1: nos. 304–6, 316–19 Google Scholar. One of these letters was addressed to all the nobles and officials, asking them to do what was necessary to protect the Jews in the Comtat Venaissin, but also those in Noves and Bédarrides, in the diocese of Avignon: letter of July 9, 1320, ibid., no. 306, 319.

46. The letter concerning Noves has been published in Simonsohn, , The Apostolic See, 1: no. 321, 337–38 Google Scholar, but presented as a letter concerning Châteauneuf-du-Pape: the editor mixed up the Latin name of Châteauneuf, Castrum Novum, and that of Noves, Castrum Novarum. The letter concerning Carpentras is also in the same volume: Simonsohn, , The Apostolic See, 1: no. 322, 338–39 Google Scholar.

47. The letter concerning Carpentras additionally contains the list of property allocated to the new chapel, among which we find a certain number of properties that had formerly belonged to Jews, including the bath-house and the Jewish cemetery in Carpentras.

48. Acts of July 22 and 31, 1320, ibid., no. 307, 320. On the practice of seizing goods, see Bardinet, , “Condition civile” (1880) 14 Google Scholar.

49. Simonsohn, , The Apostolic See, 1: no. 309, 321–23 Google Scholar.

50. Ibid., no. 323, 340–41.

51. Ibid., 328–29, no. 314.

52. At this time, the accounts were dated according to the Nativity style, and the dates therefore need not be converted. However, this was no longer the case from 1334 onwards. See Faure, Claude, Étude sur l’administration et l’histoire du Comtat-Venaissin du XIII^e au XV^e siècle (1229-1417) (Paris: H. Champion, 1909), 5–13 Google Scholar.

53. ASV, Cam. Ap., Coll. 261, fo. 28v: Pro facto judeorum ut bona omnia que habebant in comitatu venderentur. On the translation given above, we should bear in mind that, in accounts, the term factum can be used to mean either “a business”: pro facto clavarie (ibid., Intr. et Ex. 141, fo. 22), pro facto molendinorum (ibid., Intr. et Ex. 223, fo. 223v), or “a property, an estate:” census pro facto de Balmetis (ibid., Intr. et Ex. 141, fo. 71), emerat... quoddam factum in territorio Serrarum (ibid., Coll. 261, fo. 139). This, however, does not in any way alter the following statement, which clearly indicates that all the property belonging to Jews in the Comtat was to be sold.

54. Ibid., fo. 31.

55. Balasse, 1306, 65.

56. See Starr, Joshua, “The mass conversion of Jews in southern Italy (1290-1293),” Speculum 21, no. 2 (1946): 203–11 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

57. See Grayzel, , “References,” 62 n. 2 Google Scholar: “[this expulsion]... was due to the existence of converts to Christianity at the height of the Shepherds’ Persecutions, who, having found a refuge in the Comtat, now reverted to Judaism. The inquisitors, especially Bernard Gui, thereupon became active and stirred the Pope to action,” and Yerushalmi, Yosef Hayim, “The Inquisition and the Jews of France in the Time of Bernard Gui,” The Harvard Theological Review 63–3 (1970): 317–76, especially 333 n. 45CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

58. On the situation of the castrum of Bédarrides, stronghold of the Bishop in the Comtat, see Faure, Étude, 33–34. The castrum of Noves, however, was part of Provence, and therefore not in the Comtat. The Bishop claimed to have received the town directly from the Emperor, and therefore not to have to pay homage to the Counts of Provence. See, on this subject, Mielly, Marc, Trois fiefs de l’évêché d’Avignon : Noves, Agel et Verquières des origines à 1481 (Uzès: Henri Péladan, 1947)Google Scholar.

59. On the reinforcement of the link between the sovereign and the Jews, which had led, in some cases, to consider the Jews as serfs belonging to the sovereign, see Schwarzfuchs, Simon, “De la condition des Juifs de France aux XII^e et XIII^e siècles,” Revue des Études juives, 1966: 221–32 Google Scholar; Kriegel, Maurice, Les Juifs à la fin du Moyen Âge dans l’Europe méditerranéenne (Paris: Hachette Littératures, 1979), 16–19 Google Scholar; Balasse, 1306, 25–39. On the friction between the Bishopric and the Papacy on this question, in the context of the Comtat, see Jordan, William Chester, “The Jews and the Transition to Papal Rule,” Ideology and Royal Power in Medieval France: Kingship, Crusades and the Jews (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2001), 213–32 Google Scholar.

60. The beginning of construction (in September 1316) is described in detail in ASV, Cam. Ap., Intr. et Ex. 14, from folio 21 onwards. The remainder was published by Schäfer, Karl Heinrich, Die Ausgaben der apostolischen Kammer unter Johann XXII (Paderborn: F. Schöningh, 1911), 277–78 Google Scholar.

61. Albanès, Joseph Hyacinthe and Chevalier, Ulysse, eds., christiana novissima, Gallia. Histoire des archevêchés, évêques et abbayes de France, t. VII, Avignon (Valence: Imprimerie valentinoise, 1920), no. 942 Google Scholar.

62. He had appointed Gérald de Campimulo and Gasbert de Valle, the latter being the treasurer of the Apostolic Chamber, as curates. See the letter of July 5, 1318 in Mollat, Guillaume, ed., Jean XXII (1316–1334). Lettres communes analysées d’après les registres dits d’Avignon et du Vatican (Paris: A. Fontemoing, 1904), no. 8229 Google Scholar. It may be added that, taking advantage of the struggle between Louis of Bavaria and Frederick the Fair, duke of Austria, for the Emperor’s throne, Jean XXII applied the constitution Romani principes that had been promulgated by his predecessor. He therefore declared the Imperial throne to be vacant, and granted himself control of it. For a brief account of this conflict, see Guillemain, Bernard, Les papes d’Avignon, 1309-1376 (Paris: Éd. du Cerf, 1998), 61–74 Google Scholar.

63. ASV, Cam. Ap., Coll. 261, fo. 129: Sequitur venditio et recepta hospiciorum possessionum olim judeorum habitantium infra comitatum Venaissini et curia venaissini confiscatorum. Primo de bonis immobilibus judeorum olim Valriacis habitancium.

64. Ibid., fo. 130: Sequntur venditiones bonorum immobilium judeorum qui olim morari solebant Carpentorati.

65. Ibid., fo. 132.

66. Ibid., fo. 133: Et est sciendum quod pro recompensatione et satisfactione predictorum hospiciorum extimatorum et retentorum pro palacio et hospicio papali prout superius continetur fuerunt quedam hospicia que fuerunt judeorum olim habitancium in civitate Carpentorati extimata et tradita et assignata in recompensatione et satisfactione prout inferius particulariter continetur.

67. Ibid., fo. 136–139.

68. ASV, Cam. Ap., Coll. 260, fo. 332 ss.

69. ASV, Cam. Ap., Coll. 261, fo. 170–170v. There also exists a copy of these documents in the Introitus et Exitus 80, fo. 149–150v.

70. ASV, Cam. Ap., Coll. 261, fo. 170: Sequntur recepta venditioni domorum et possessionum que fuerunt judeorum curie commissarum pro eo quia non vendiderant infra tempus eisdem judeis per judicem venaissini prefixum et assignatum.

71. This right of preemption was referred to when the land for the endowment of the chapel in Carpentras was being bought: ASV, Cam. Ap., Coll. 261, fo. 139. In the acts concerning the exchanges of houses in Carpentras, we may notice that two Jewish owners had had their property seized after it had been sold: ibid., fo. 134: Item pro hospiciis Guillelmi et Alfanti Razeire, extimatis triginta lib. johann. fuerunt tradita et assignata duo alia hospicia quorum unum fuit Compradoni et aliud Astrugue de Bona Hora judeorum qui venditi fuerant XLX lib. johann. et confiscati curie et ideo non solvi aliquid.

72. ASV, Cam. Ap., Coll. 261, fo. 85v.

73. This happened, for example, in 1180, in the royal territories: Jews had been arrested, and then freed, and had to pay 15,000 marks to retrieve their goods. The same thing occurred in 1210, but this time they were ordered to pay a fine of 250,000 livres (Balasse, 1306, 29–31).

74. Brown, , “Philip V,” 314–17 Google Scholar. This would explain why representatives of the Jewish community requested to have produced, before the Parliament, that the document of Louis X, dating from 1315, which guaranteed them the right to live in peace in France until 1327.

75. Ibid., 319–20.

76. Loeb, , “Les juifs de Carpentras,” 50 Google Scholar.

77. Stow, , “The Avignonese papacy,” 293 Google Scholar; Nirenberg, Communities of Violence, 81.

78. Ginzburg, , Ecstasies, 45–46 Google Scholar.

79. Ibid., 35 and 44. This lord of Parthenay was, subsequently, pursued by the Inquisition from 1323 onwards, and managed, thanks to the obstinacy of his family, to have his trial appealed to John XXII and to obtain that all the charges against him be dropped. See Vidal, Jean-Marie, Le Sire de Parthenay et l’Inquisition, 1323-1325 (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1904)Google Scholar.

80. Ginzburg, , Ecstasies, 41–44 Google Scholar.

81. Ibid., 47–48.

82. Ibid., 296 n. 42.

83. Mansi, Sacrorum Conciliorum, col. 569: Joannes episcopus, Servus Servorum Dei, universis Christi fidelibus, praesertim neophytis et cathechumenis, ac omnibus Christianitati adherentibus...

84. Ibid., col. 569: dilecto filio nostro Philippo comite d’Anjou, filio secundum carnem victorissimi viri domini Caroli de Valois...; col. 570: facta fuit horribilis eclipsis solis in comitatu d’Anjou et de Touraine...

85. Mansi in fact merely copied it from the collection of Jean Hardouin, Acta conciliorum et epistolae decretales ac constitutiones summorum pontificum (Parisiis, 1714), vii: col. 1405–9.

86. Emler, Josef, ed., Fontes Rerum Bohemicarum, Prameny dějin českých, vol. IV, (Prague, 1884)Google Scholar.

87. Ibid., 258–60.

88. Ibid., 257: Epistolam vero papalem, ut creditur, causam et materiam huius negocii continentem in Morimundensi monasterio a quodam, qui eam se habuisse fatebatur a Romana curia, propria manu scripsi et hic de verbo ad verbum hanc in cetera annotavi. Utrum autem eadem epistola ex certa sciencia domini pape processerit, pro certo nescio, sed hoc discutere legencium iudicio derelinquo. There are two Cistercian monasteries with the name of Morimond: the largest of these was the fourth of the four daughter-abbeys of Cîteaux, built in the Haute-Marne in the diocese of Langres; the second is the monastery of Morimondo near Milan, in Italy. However, as Zbraslav, which became the necropolis for the kings of Bohemia, was a daughter-abbey to the French abbey of Morimond, there seems to be little doubt as to which monastery this was. See Dubois, Louis, Histoire de l’abbaye de Morimond... quatrième fille de Cîteaux... : ouvrage où l’on compare les merveilles de l’association cénobitique aux utopies socialistes de nos jours, ed. P.-L. Parisis (Paris, 1851), 264 Google Scholar.

89. As Kriegel points out, even though the context in which the letter of Philip of Valois may have been written rules out the possibility of it being the decisive factor persuading the Pope to expel the Jews from the Comtat, the content of the letter is in keeping with what is known of Philip’s action when he became King of France as Philip VI. Grayzel, The Church, 336–37, alludes to a letter from Pope John XXII, dated March 22, 1329, published by Simonsohn, , The Apostolic See, no. 341, 357–59 Google Scholar, replying to a request from Philip VI. The king had written to the Pope, asking him to grant indulgences to all those who visited a chapel, built in the Cistercian abbey of Cambron, in the diocese of Cambrai, after a recently-converted Jew had pierced an image of the Virgin Mary with a spear. This episode is recounted in a number of texts, which vary however in their details and in the date attributed to the event, which is variously said to have been between 1322 and 1326: see Stengers, Jean, “Les juifs dans les Pays-Bas au Moyen Âge,” Mémoires de l’Académie royale de Belgique XLV, no. 2 (1950): 20 and 117–18 Google Scholar, which provides both an analysis of the sources and a bibliography on this question. The importance that Philip VI attached to such an episode might well lead us to think that it is not impossible that a letter such as that alluded to by Peter of Zittau could indeed have been sent by this sovereign to Pope John XII a few years previously.

90. Although we indicated earlier that there are several extant copies of these accounts, the version that we have used here is: ASV, Cam. Ap., Coll. 261, fo. 132–39 Google Scholar.

91. Ibid., fo. 132–32v: Sequntur extimationes hospiciorum emptorum de mandato domini nostri pape in civitate Carpentorati pro faciendo hospicium papale in quibus quidem hospiciis morantur judex maior, procurator thesaurarius et vicarius et tenentur curie judicis et vicarii predictorum et pro dictis hospiciis fuerunt queddam alia hospicia juxta extimationem tradita et assignata prout inferius particulariter continetur.

92. Ibid., fo. 133.

93. Balasse, 1306, 153.

94. ASV, Cam. Ap., Coll. 261, fo. 138v: the total amount of all the purchases made for the chapel and the chaplains’ house comes to 1,159 livres. On the following folio, an additional sum of 50 livres is recorded for the endowment of the chapel.

95. Ibid., fo. 137.

96. On the construction of this palace, see Müntz, Eugène, “Le palais pontifical de Pontde-Sorgues,” Mémoires de la société nationale des antiquaires de France 45 (1884): 17–36 Google Scholar; Faucon, Maurice, “Les arts à la cour d’Avignon sous Clément V et Jean XXII,” Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire ii (1882): 36–65, and iv (1884): 57–130 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Anthony T. Luttrell and Thomas F. C. Blagg, Le palais papal et autre bâtiments du XIV^e siècle à Sorgues, près d’Avignon, Études sorguaises 10 (1997), and Id., “The Papal Palace and Other Fourteenth-Century Buildings at Sorgues near Avignon,” Archaeologia 109 (1991): 161–92.

97. We find them mentioned (with the indication of where they were from) in the accounts relating to the construction in Pont-de-Sorgues, in ASV, Cam. Ap. Intr. et Ex., 37, for example, in fo. 10v.

98. ASV, Cam. Ap., Coll. 261, fo. 1–2v. For example, for the year 1320-1321, just for the so-called “general” Papal revenues (i.e., excluding donations made by the Hospitallers), we find Astrugue de Noves (for the revenues from Pernes, La Roque-sur-Pernes), Senhor Belan (Cavaillon), Bonjudas Cassini (Oppède and Bonnieux, in association with Guillaume Langeri, gentleman, Mormoiron, Malaucène and Serres in association with Bonjudas Belan and Boniface Nigri, Séguret and Sablet in association with Nigri, Crescas and Samuel de Narbonne, Lapalud with Nigri, Mornas with Nigri), Boniface Nigri (Malaucène and Serres, Séguret, Sablet in association with Bonjudas Cassini, Crescas and Samuel de Narbonne, Lapalud with Cassini, Mornas with Cassini), Vinas de Perpignan (Bollène), Salvet de Beaucaire (Caderousse), Dius de Narbonne and Salvet de Lucete (Pont-de-Sorgues and Entraigues).

99. ASV, Cam. Ap., Coll. 260, fo. 209–210v and fo. 241–43v for 1321-1322 and ibid., Coll. 261, fo. 48v–58 and fo. 85–88 for 1322-1323.

100. For example, the combined revenues for the towns of Oppède, Bonnieux and Ménerbes were sold in 1321-1322 for the sum of 4,025 silver tournois; however, by the end of the year, the Jewish bidders had only paid 3,850: ASV, Cam. Ap., Coll. 260, fo. 209v. In 1322-1323, the collection by a local young gentleman, Guillaume Alfant, and by the clavaire Jacques de Crota brought in 5,048 livres tournois: Coll. 261, fo. 49v.

101. Zenobio Thome bought one of the houses that had belonged to a Jewish owner and had not been reserved by the Papacy, in 1323-1324, ibid., fo. 130. Nicola Gerelli, however, described as an Italian living in Carpentras, had the property that he had attempted to buy at the same time taken away by Papal officials: ibid., fo. 139. Several years later, in the accounts for the year 1335-1336 (1334-1335 old style, and in the registers), Zenobio Thome is described as a Florentine living in Oppède (ibid., Intr. et Ex. 141, fo. 57v).

102. Ibid., Coll. 261, fo. 96v.

103. Ibid., fo. 96–97v, fo. 154–56v for 1323-1324.

104. Balasse, 1306, “Besoin d’argent,” 283–91.

105. On the reform of Papal taxation, see Guillemain, Bernard, La cour pontificale d’Avignon, 1309-1376. Étude d’une société (Paris: E. De Boccard, 1962)Google Scholar. For an evaluation of the wealth of John XXII, see Schäfer, Die Ausgaben.

106. ASV, Cam. Ap., Intr. et Ex. 80, fo. 149.

107. Clavaire of Valréas in 1317-1318 (ibid., Coll. 260, fo. 9, 19v) and in 1319-1324 (ibid., Coll. 260, fo. 70v, 112)

108. Judge of Valréas in 1319-1326 (ibid., Coll. 260, fo. 87–88, Coll. 261, fo. 23, 71, 114, Intr. et Ex. 80, fo. 118), criminal judge until December 4, 1334 (ibid., Intr. et Ex. 141, fo. 44v), judge and viguier of Carpentras in 1338-1339 (ibid., Registra Avinionensia 53, fo. 347) and for two and a half months in 1340-1341, (ibid., Reg. Av. 53, fo. 410v).

109. Clavaire of Valréas in 1318-1319 (until October 13, 1319, ibid., Coll. 260, 34v, 42, fo. 70), adjudicator of Richerenches in 1321-1323 (ibid., fol. 241v, Coll. 261, fo. 85v).

110. The first register of the accounts of John XXII begins with a loan of 5,000 florins (ASV, Cam. Ap., Intr. et Ex. 14, fo. 1).

111. On the beginnings of John XXII’s pontificate, see Guillemain, La cour pontificale d’Avignon, 1309-1376, and Valérie Theis, “De Jacques Duèse à Jean XXII. La construction d’un entourage pontifical,” Cahiers de Fanjeaux 45, forthcoming.

112. See Guillemain, , Les papes, 20–59 Google Scholar; Albe, Edmond, “Autour de Jean XXII. Les familles du Quercy. Part 2. I. Le frère et les sœurs du pape,” Annales de Saint-Louis-des-Français I (1902): 57–102 Google Scholar.

113. See Guillemain, , La cour pontificale d’Avignon, 1309-1376; Louis Caillet, La Papauté d’Avignon et l’Église de France. La politique bénéficiale du pape Jean XXII en France, 1316-1334 (Paris: PUF, 1975 Google Scholar), and on the reform of the Apostolic Chamber, see Theis, Valérie, “La réforme comptable de la Chambre apostolique et ses acteurs au début du XIV^e siècle,” Mélanges de l’École française de Rome – Moyen Âge 118, no. 2 (2006): 169–82 Google Scholar.

114. On the palace, see n. 97. On the mint, see Bompaire, Marc, “La monnaie de Pont-de-Sorgues dans la première moitié du XIV^e siècle,” Revue numismatique 6, no. 25 (1983): 139–176 CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Martinori, Edoardo, “La zecca papale di Ponte della Sorga (Contado Venesino),” Rivista italiana di numismatica XX (1907): 215–56 Google Scholar.

115. A trace of many of them can be found in the bishop’s cartulary, Carpentras, Bibliothèque Inguimbertine, MS 560. See Theis, Le gouvernement.

116. On October 24, 1302, the Rector and his senechal had obtained the right to conduct affairs relating to the Comtat Venaissin while residing in Carpentras (ASV, Cam. Ap., Coll. 494, fo. 67). Under Boniface VIII, the Bishop of Carpentras, Bérenger Forneri, was prosecuted for financial affairs, and because a canon of Carpentras, Raymond Durandi, had lodged an appeal against him with the Apostolic See, accusing him of homicide, sacrilege, simony and poisoning, as well as wrongful excommunication of Friars Minor and other clerics. The Papacy drew out the proceedings, and no sentence was passed until 1307: Grandjean, Charles, ed., Le registre de Benoît X. Recueil des bulles de ce pape (Paris: Fontemoing, 1905), no. 990 Google Scholar, and Regestum Clementis papae V e Vaticanis archetypis... nunc primum editum cura et studio monachorum ordinis S. Benedicti (Rome, 1885), nos. 1323, 1682 and 1778.

117. Carpentras, Bibliothèque Inguimbertine, MS 560, piece 10.

118. ASV, Instrumenta Miscellanea 617: 1317, August 30-September 18, acts relating to the purchase in Valréas. The collected sums are registered in ASV, Cam. Ap., Coll. 260, fo. 49–53v.

119. Chiffoleau, Jacques, Les justices du pape. Délinquance et criminalité dans la région d’Avignon au quatorzième siècle (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1984)Google Scholar.

120. Nirenberg, , Communities of Violence, 48–49 Google Scholar.

121. Ibid., 50–51.

122. Stow, , “The Avignonese Papacy,” 278–80 Google Scholar, and Grayzel, , “Popes, Jews and Inquisition: From Sicut to Turbato ,” The Church, 3–45, and in particular 11Google Scholar.

123. Zacour, Norman P., Jews and Saracens in the consilia of Oldradus de Ponte (Toronto: Pontificale Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1990)Google Scholar.

124. Ibid., 6–7.

125. Ibid., 8 and 22–23, Consilia 128.

126. Bardinet, , “Condition civile” (1880) 34 Google Scholar.

127. Zacour, Jews and Saracens, 54–58 for the English translation and 83–84 for the Latin version.

128. Ibid., 62–67 for the English version and 86–89 for the Latin edition.

129. Ibid., 28.

130. Ibid., 54.

131. On the gradual assimilation of Jews to serfs, see Patschovsky, Alexander, “The Relationship between the Jews of Germany and the King (11^th-14^th Centuries): A European Comparison,” in England and Germany in the High Middle Ages, eds. A. Haverkamp and H. Vollrath (London/Oxford: German Historical Institute London/Oxford University Press, 1996), 193–218 Google Scholar.

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133. Ibid., 65.

134. Kriegel, , Les Juifs, 230 Google Scholar.

135. Ginzburg, , Ecstasies, 37 Google Scholar, and Nirenberg, , Communities of Violence, 53 Google Scholar.

136. Jordan, , “The Jews,” 228–32 Google Scholar.

137. Simonsohn, , The Apostolic See, 1: no. 368, December 18, 1345, 389–90 Google Scholar.

138. Carpentras, Bibliothèque Inguimbertine, MS 560, piece 124; Loeb, “Les juifs de Carpentras,” 50.

139. Simonsohn, , The Apostolic See, 1: no. 373, 397–98 Google Scholar.

140. Ibid., no. 372, 396.

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143. Abrahams, Barnett Lionel, “The Expulsion of the Jews from England in 1290,” The Jewish Quarterly Review 7, no. 1 (1894): 75–100, 7–2 (1895): 236–58 and 7–3 (1895): 428–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Ovrut, Barnett D., “Edward I and the Expulsion of the Jews,” The Jewish Quarterly Review 67 (1977): 224–35 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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147. Stacey, Robert C., “Parliamentary Negotiation and the Expulsion of the Jews from England,” in Thirteenth-Century England VI: Proceedings of the Durham Conference 1995, eds. M. Prestwich, R. H. Britnell and R. Frame (Woolbridge: The Boydell Press, 1997): 77–10 Google Scholar; here 82: “There was no sense of crisis, therefore, about Edward’s situation in 1289.” Although he disagrees with this author on the causes of the expulsion of the Jews (and in particular on the role played by the negotiation with Parliament to obtain the levying of new taxes in 1290, p. 251), Mundill, Robin R., England’s Jewish Solution, 1262-1290: Experiment and Expulsion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, does not subscribe either to the “crisis” explanation, and underlines instead the long-term effects of the status of the Jews in 1275 (p. 260), the king’s personal convictions, his piety, and his relations with the clergy (p. 268–74), as well as the development of a climate encouraging this type of action throughout Europe (p. 279–85).

148. Dahan, Gilbert, ed., L’expulsion des Juifs de France, 1394 (Paris: Éd. du Cerf, 2004)Google Scholar.

149. Nirenberg, , Communities of Violence, 51 Google Scholar.

150. Kriegel, , “Mobilisation,” 15 Google Scholar.

151. Ibid., 19.

152. Balasse, , 1306, 312–14 Google Scholar.

153. Nirenberg, , Communities of Violence, 66 Google Scholar.

154. Ibid., 6: “My approach also challenges the current emphasis on the longue durée in the periodization of the persecution of minorities,” and ibid., 249: “For this reason, the stringing together, no matter how elegant, of such episodes into a longue durée of persecuting mentalities can only leave unexplained the lengthy period of complex, seemingly stable interaction that separate and produce them.”