1. First and foremost, one should highlight the perennially fruitful influence of Oskar, Paul Kristeller, Renaissance Thought and Its Sources, ed. Mooney, Michael (New York: Columbia University Press, 1979)Google Scholar and Studies in Renaissance Thought and Letters, 4 vols. (Rome: Ed. di storia e letteratura, 1956-1996). The philological approach endorsed by Giuseppe Billanovich must also be mentioned here: Lo scrittoio del Petrarca, vol. 1 of Petrarca letterato (Rome: Ed. di storia e letteratura, 1947). For a general overview of the systems of interpretation of humanism, many of them coming from German intellectual traditions, see: Hankins, James, “Two Twentieth-Century Interpreters of Renaissance Humanism: Eugenio Garin and Paul Oskar Kristeller,” in Humanism, vol. 1 of Humanism and Platonism in the Italian Renaissance (Rome: Ed. di storia e letteratura, 2003), 573-90 Google Scholar; Hankins, , “Renaissance Humanism and Historiography Today,” and Hankins, James and Black, Robert, “The Renaissance and Humanism: Definitions and Origins,” in Palgrave Advances in Renaissance Historiography, ed. Woolfson, Jonathan (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 73-96 and 97-117, respectivelyGoogle Scholar; Mazzocco, Angelo, ed., Interpretations of Renaissance Humanism (Leiden: Brill, 2006)Google Scholar.

2. Ronald Witt has labored hard to frame the history of humanism within a general history of the classicizing Latin style, tracing the origins of the movement back to the Paduan poets of the early thirteenth century, and its roots in the long-term evolution of medieval Italian culture: Witt, Ronald G., “In the Footsteps of the Ancients”: The Origins of Humanism from Lovato to Bruni (Leiden: Brill, 2000)Google Scholar; Witt, , Italian Humanism and Medieval Rhetoric (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002)Google Scholar; and Witt, , The Two Latin Cultures and the Foundation of Renaissance Humanism in Medieval Italy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Meanwhile, Robert Black has attempted to refocus the discussion on the educational context and the evolution of the teaching of the classics from the thirteenth century on: Black, Robert, Humanism and Education in Medieval and Renaissance Italy: Tradition and Innovation in Latin Schools from the Twelfth to the Fifteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Black, , “The Origins of Humanism, its Educational Context and its Early Development: A Review Article of Ronald Witt’s In the Footsteps of the Ancients ,” Vivarium 40, no. 2 (2002): 272-97 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For an analysis of Witt’s hypothesis, see Caby, Cécile and Dessì, Rosa Maria, “Pour une histoire des humanistes, clercs et laïcs,” in Humanistes, clercs et laïcs dans l’Italie du XIII^e au début du XVI^e siècle, ed. Caby, Cécile and Dessì, Rosa Maria (Turnhout: Brepols, 2012), 10-12.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

3. On this issue, see the critiques by Grendler, Paul F., “Humanism: Ancient Learning, Criticism, Schools and Universities,” in Mazzocco, , Interpretations of Renaissance Humanism, 73-95, especially 75-78 Google Scholar, and Gilli, Patrick, “Humanisme juridique et science du droit au XV^e siècle. Tensions compétitives au sein des élites lettrées et réorganisation du champ politique,” Revue de synthèse 130, no. 4 (2009): 571-93, especially 573-74CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4. First, let us refer the reader to two short analyses by Paul Oskar Kristeller, centered on the invasive behavior of humanism in Renaissance thought, science and arts: Kristeller, Paul Oskar, “The Place of Classical Humanism in Renaissance Thought,” and “Renaissance Humanism and its Significance,” in Studies in Renaissance Thought, 1: 11-15 and 227-43 Google Scholar respectively. See also Rico, Francisco, Le rêve de l’humanisme. De Pétrarque à Érasme, trans. Tellez, Jean (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 2002), 11-15 and 78-92 Google Scholar. This latter piece also deals with the issue of “elitism” in the development of humanism, defined in Lauro Martines’s famous formulation as “a program for ruling classes”: Martines, Lauro, Power and Imagination: City-States in Renaissance Italy (New York: Vintage Books, 1980), 191-217 Google Scholar. For an in-depth study of this phenomenon more specifically in the field of teaching, see Grafton, Anthony and Jardine, Lisa, From Humanism to the Humanities: Education and the Liberal Arts in Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century Europe (London: Duckworth, 1986)Google Scholar.

5. Anheim, Étienne, “L’humanisme est-il un polémisme? À propos des Invectives de Pétrarque,” in Le mot qui tue. Une histoire des violences intellectuelles de l’Antiquité à nos jours, ed. Azoulay, Vincent and Boucheron, Patrick (Seyssel: Champ Vallon, 2009), 116-29 Google Scholar.

6. This is Bourdieu’s formula, the “espace des possibles.” See Bourdieu, Pierre, “Le champ littéraire,” Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales 89 (1991): 3-46, here 36CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7. Fubini, Riccardo, “L’umanista: ritorno di un paradigma? Saggio per un profilo storico da Petrarca ad Erasmo,” and “All’uscita della Scolastica medievale: Salutati, Bruni, e i Dialogi ad Petrum Histrum ,” in L’umanesimo italiano e i suoi storici. Origini rinascimentali, critica moderna (Milan: Franco Angeli, 2001), 15-72 Google Scholar, especially 27-28, and 75-103, respectively.

8. The bibliography of works devoted to this pivotal era is huge, and we will restrict ourselves to quoting the pioneering synthesis by Voigt, Georg, Die Wiederbelebung des classischen Alterthums oder das erste Jahrhundert des Humanismus, 2 vols. (Berlin: Druck du Verlag von Georg Reimer, 1881 and 1893)Google Scholar, and a textbook which has become a classic, Rossi, Vittorio, Il Quattrocento, vol. 4 of Storia letteraria d’Italia, ed. Bessi, Rosella (Padua: Piccin Nuova Libreria, 1933; repr. 1992)Google Scholar; and a recent and efficient survey by Cappelli, Guido, L’umanesimo italiano da Petrarca a Valla (Rome: Carocci, 2007; repr. 2010)Google Scholar.

9. Revest, Clémence, “ Romam veni. L’humanisme à la Curie de la fin du Grand Schisme, d’Innocent VII au concile de Constance (1404-1417),” Perspectives médiévales 34 (2012): http://peme.revues.org/2561 Google Scholar. This article is the abstract of the PhD thesis of the same title, defended in 2012 at Université Paris-Sorbonne, cosupervised at Università degli studi of Florence, to be published.

10. Anheim, Étienne, “Culture de cour et science de l’État dans l’Occident du XIV^e siècle,” Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales 133 (2000): 40-47 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gilli, Patrick, La noblesse du droit. Débats et controverses sur la culture juridique et le rôle des juristes dans l’Italie médiévale, XII^e-XV^e siècles (Paris: Honoré Champion, 2003)Google Scholar; Caby and Dessì, Humanistes, clercs et laïcs.

11. Ferguson, Wallace K., The Renaissance in Historical Thought: Five Centuries of Interpretation (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1948), 1-28 Google Scholar; Crouzet-Pavan, Élisabeth, Renaissances italiennes, 1380-1500 (Paris: Albin Michel, 2007), 19-79.Google Scholar

12. For a recent edition accompanied by an English translation see Biondo, Flavio, Italy Illuminated: Books I-IV, ed. and trans. White, Jeffrey A. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2005), 1: 300-309 Google Scholar. See also the French translation of this passage by Rosa, Lucia Gualdo, “Préhumanisme et humanisme en Italie: aspects et problèmes,” in Cultures italiennes, XII^e-XV^e siècle, ed. Heullant-Donat, Isabelle (Paris: Les Éditions du Cerf, 2000), 87-120 Google Scholar, at 111-15. For a useful introduction to this work, with parallels to the description by Leandro Alberti from the mid-sixteenth century, see Erminia Irace, “Les images de la société littéraire dans les descriptions de l’Italie de Flavio Biondo et Leandro Alberti,” in Caby and Dessì, Humanistes, clercs et laïcs, 483-503.

13. Flavio Biondo mentions “Giovanni di Ravenna,” confounding Giovanni Conversini and Giovanni Malpaghini into one person.

14. Facio, Bartolomeo, Bartholomaei Facii de viris illustribus liber, ed. Giovanelli, J. P. (Florence: C. Tanjini, 1745)Google Scholar, especially the prologue and first two books dealing with poets and orators, http://www.bibliotecaitaliana.it/xtf/view?docId=bibit000390/bibit000390.xml ; Piccolomini, Enea Silvio, Enee Silvii Piccolominei postea Pii pp2. De viris illustribus, ed. Van Heck, Adrian (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1991)Google Scholar, http://www.bibliotecaitaliana.it/xtf/view?docId=bibit001150/bibit001150.xml , and Piccolomini, I Commentarii, ed. Luigo Totaro (Milan: Adelphi, 1984; repr. 2008), 1: 358-60; Cortesi, Paolo, De hominibus doctis dialogus, ed. and trans. Graziosi, Maria Teresa (Rome: Bonacci, 1973)Google Scholar, particularly the preface, addressed to Laurenzo de Medici. See also the comments by Erminia Irace, “Les images de la société littéraire,” 490.

15. Witt mentions such a narrative consensus in his work on the origins of humanism, but interprets it as a mere reflection of the new humanist orientation towards oratory prose, in line with his own argument, without questioning the influence this memorial construct might have had on the very existence of the movement. See Witt, In the Footsteps, 338-43.

16. The expression studia humanitatis appeared as early as the last third of the fourteenth century, and its use became remarkably widespread from the first quarter of the fifteenth century onward. It is frequently used today as a shorthand for the “intellectual program” of humanism, particularly since Kristeller published his work. The words “humanist” and “humanities” were born from the slow academic institutionalization of this cultural movement towards the literary sciences (grammar and rhetoric). More specifically, the term humanista (or umanista) is attested in the vernacular from the tail end of the fifteenth century on, and spread in the following decade, particularly in a university context, to refer to somebody teaching humanità. The noun “humanism” is much more recent. It appeared only in the nineteenth century, in the German-speaking world, originally in a pedagogical context where it referred to the educational ideology of “humanities” (in 1808, Friedrich Niethammer published a treatise with the title Der Streit des Philanthropinismus und Humanismus in der Theorie des Erziehungs-Unterrichts unsrer Zeit). A few decades later, the term had taken on a historical-philosophical meaning, as an intellectual movement closely linked to Renaissance civilization. A key impulse in this direction was provided by the publication in 1860 of Jacob Burckhardt’s famous magnum opus, Die Kultur der Renaissance in Italien. From then on, the word “humanist” carried another, much broader meaning, stemming from this quasi-identification between humanism and Renaissance knowledge. See Augusto Campana, “The Origin of the Word ‘Humanist’,” The Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 9 (1946): 60-73; Kristeller, Renaissance Thought, 21-23 and 98-99; and also the works quoted in note 72. On the lexicographic uses of the term “renaissance,” see Amedeo Quondam, “Rinascimento e Classicismi,” in Le parole che noi usiamo. Categorie storiografiche e interpretative dell’Europa moderna, ed. Marcello Fantoni and Amedeo Quondam (Rome: Bulzoni, 2008), 33-96.

17. Gualdo Rosa, “Préhumanisme et humanisme,” 101-7.

18. Garin, Eugenio, “La Renaissance. Interprétations et hypothèses,” in Moyen Âge et Renaissance, trans. Carme, Claude (Paris: Gallimard, 1969), 74-88 Google Scholar. See also Quondam’s remarks on the performative role of the term Rinascimento: Quondam, “Rinascimento e Classicismi,” especially 86-91.

19. I am thinking here of Michel Foucault’s commentary on Immanuel Kant’s What is Enlightenment? in which he highlights the emergence of a determining relationship between philosophy and its own historicity, defining modernity as “a form of relationship to the present” which signifies “the will to ‘heroize’ the present,” “to imagine it otherwise than it is, and to transform it not by destroying it but by grasping it in what it is”: Michel Foucault, “What is Enlightenment?,” in The Foucault Reader, ed. Paul Rabinow (New York: Pantheon Books, 1984), 32-50. Recently, Antoine Lilti underlined again how fruitful this approach can be, beyond a “history of philosophical and intellectual traditions, focused on the transmission of their contents”: Antoine Lilti, “Comment écrit-on l’histoire intellectuelle des Lumières? Spinozisme, radicalisme et philosophie,” Annales HSS 64, no. 1 (2009): 171-206, especially 206.

20. Fubini, Riccardo, “The Theater of the World in the Moral and Historical Thought of Poggio Bracciolini,” in Humanism and Secularization: From Petrarch to Valla, trans. King, Martha (Durham: Duke University Press, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 89ff, especially 90-93.

21. Garin, “La Renaissance,” 84-87; Garin, Eugenio, Italian Humanism: Philosophy and Civic Life in the Renaissance, trans. Munz, Peter (New York: Harper & Row, 1965), 14-17.Google Scholar

22. See the theoretical and historiographic appraisal by Chartier, Roger, “Intellectual History or Socio-Cultural History? The French Trajectories,” in Modern European Intellectual History: Reappraisals and New Perspectives, ed. Lacapra, Dominick and Kaplan, Steven Laurence (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1982), 25-45.Google Scholar

23. In the last few years, the history of medieval knowledge, particularly scholasticism, has benefited significantly from this kind of approach. See in particular “Le travail intellectuel au Moyen Âge. Institutions et circulations,” special issue, Revue de synthèse 129, no. 4 (2008). A remarkable retrospective analysis of scholasticism as a learned enterprise both unified and collective can be found in Boureau, Alain, L’empire du livre. Pour une histoire du savoir scolastique, 1200-1380, vol. 2 of La raison scolastique (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 2007)Google Scholar.

24. Rico, Le rêve de l’humanisme, 12.

25. Here I must acknowledge the influence of one of the foundational analyses in the sociology of literature: Bourdieu, Pierre, The Rules of Art: Genesis and Structure of the Literary Field, trans. Emanuel, Susan (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996)Google Scholar, especially 113-73. Contrary to the history of European culture from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century, the study of Italian humanism has, until recently, made little use of discussions relating to dialectical relationships between cultural models and social structures. See the works of Cécile Caby, especially: Caby, “Ambrogio Massari, percorso biografico e prassi culturali,” in La carriera di un uomo di curia nella Roma del Quattrocento. Ambrogio Massari da Cori, agostiniano: cultura umanistica et committenza artistica, ed. Carla Frova, Raimondo Michetti, and Domenico Palombi (Rome: Viella, 2008), 23-68; Caby, “À propos du De seculo et religione. Coluccio Salutati et Santa Maria degli Angeli,” in Vie active et vie contemplative au Moyen Âge et au seuil de la Renaissance, ed. Christian Trottmann (Rome: École française de Rome, 2009), 483-529; Caby, “Réseaux sociaux, pratiques culturelles et genres discursifs: à propos du dialogue De optimo vitae genere de Girolamo Aliotti,” in Caby and Dessì, Humanistes, clercs et laïcs, 405-82.

26. For an overview of the literary genres practiced by humanists, see Sabbadini, Remigio, Il metodo degli umanisti (Florence: F. Le Monnier, 1922)Google Scholar, and Tateo, Francesco, “L’umanesimo,” in La produzione del testo, vol. 1, bk. 1 of Lo spazio letterario del Medioevo, ed. Cavallo, Guglielmo, Leonardi, Claudio, and Menestò, Enrico (Rome: Salerno Ed., 1992), 145-79 Google Scholar, especially 164-73.

27. Rizzo, Silvia, Il lessico filologico degli umanisti (Rome: Ed. di storia e letteratura, 1973)Google Scholar; Fryde, Edmund B., Humanism and Renaissance Historiography (London: Hambledon Press, 1983)Google Scholar; Ianziti, Gary, Writing History in Renaissance Italy: Leonardo Bruni and the Uses of the Past (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2011)Google Scholar.

28. There is a wealth of bibliography on the subject. See: de Nolhac, Pierre, Pétrarque et l’humanisme, 2 vols. (1892; repr. Paris: Honoré Champion, 1965)Google Scholar; Billanovich, Giuseppe, Lo scrittoio del Petrarca Google Scholar; Billanovich, Guido, “Il preumanesimo padovano,” in Il Trecento, vol. 2 of Storia della cultura veneta, ed. Arnaldi, Girolamo and Stocchi, Manlio Pastore (Vicenze: Neri Pozza, 1976), 19-110 Google Scholar; Feo, Michele, ed., Il Petrarca latino e le origini dell’umanesimo (Florence: Le Lettere, 1996)Google Scholar; Witt, In the Footsteps, 81-173.

29. Rao, Ennio I., Curmudgeons in High Dudgeon: 101 Years of Invectives, 1352-1453 (Messina: A. Sfameni, 2007)Google Scholar; Blasi, Guido De and Vincentiis, Amedeo De, “Un’età di invettive,” in Dalle origini al Rinascimento, ed. De Vincentiis, Amedeo, vol. 1 of Atlante della letteratura italiana, ed. Luzzatto, Sergio and Pedullà, Gabriele (Turin: G. Einaudi, 2010), 356-63 Google Scholar.

30. Marsh, David, The Quattrocento Dialogue: Classical Tradition and Humanist Innovation (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1980)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Celenza, Christopher S. and Pupillo, Bridget, “La rinascita del dialogo,” in De Vicentiis, , Dalle origini al Rinascimento, 341-47 Google Scholar.

31. Revest, Clémence, “Naissance du cicéronianisme et émergence de l’humanisme comme culture dominante: réflexions pour une étude de la rhétorique humaniste comme pratique sociale,” Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Moyen Âge 125, no. 1 (2013 Google Scholar), forthcoming.

32. Mercer, R. G. G., The Teaching of Gasparino Barzizza, with Special Reference to his Place in Paduan Humanism (London: Modern Humanities Research Association, 1979), 96-98 Google Scholar; Fantazzi, Charles, “The Epistolae ad Exercitationem Accommodatae of Gasparino Barzizza,” in Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Torontonensis, ed. Dalzell, Alexander, Fantazzi, Charles and Schoeck, Richard J. (Binghamton: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1991), 139-46.Google Scholar

33. Gentile, Sebastiano and Rizzo, Silvia, “Per una tipologia delle miscellanee umanistiche,” in Il codice miscellaneo. Tipologie e funzioni, ed. Crisci, Edoardo and Pecere, Oronzo (Cassino: Università degli studi di Cassino, 2004), 379-407 Google Scholar.

34. Revest, “Naissance du cicéronianisme.”

35. McManamon, John, Funeral Oratory and The Cultural Ideals of Italian Humanism (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1989), 24 Google Scholar. In a similar vein, concerning wedding speeches, Anthony D’Elia has pointed out the crucial role of the epithalamia composed by Guarino Veronese in Ferrara at the beginning of the 1420s: D’Elia, Anthony F., The Renaissance of Marriage in Fifteenth-Century Italy (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2004)Google Scholar, especially 40ff.

36. “Ago gratias de cascis illis titulis, quos tam copiose, tam celeriter transmisisti. Video quidem te pauco tempore nobis Urbem totam antiquis epigrammatibus traditurum.” Coluccio Salutati, Epistolario 13.15, vol. 3, ed. Francesco Novati (Rome: Istituto storico italiano, 1896), 655. See Kajanto, Iiro, “Poggio Bracciolini and Classical Epigraphy,” Arctos: Acta philologica fennica 19 (1985): 19-40.Google Scholar

37. Weiss, Roberto, “Lineamenti per una storia degli studi antiquari in Italia,” Rinascimento 9 (1958): 154-56 Google Scholar; Weiss, The Renaissance Discovery of Classical Antiquity (Oxford: Blackwell, 1969), 30-58; Forero-Mendoza, Sabine, Le temps des ruines. L’éveil de la conscience historique à la Renaissance (Seyssel: Champ Vallon, 2002)Google Scholar; Fiore, Francesco Paolo, ed., La Roma di Leon Battista Alberti. Umanisti, architetti e artisti alla scoperta dell’antico nella città del Quattrocento (Milan: Skira, 2005)Google Scholar.

38. See the very useful bibliographical essay by Zamponi, Stefano, “La scrittura umanistica,” Archiv für Diplomatik, Schriftgeschichte, Siegel- und Wappenkunde 50 (2004): 467-504 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Langeli, Attilio Bartoli and Bassetti, Massimiliano, “Scrivere all’antica’,” in De Vincentiis, , Dalle origini al Rinascimento, 304-12 Google Scholar.

39. There is a large bibliography on Chrysoloras. Basic guidance can be found in Sabbadini, Remigio, “L’ultimo ventennio della vita di Manuele Crisolora, 1396-1415,” Giornale ligustico di archeologia, storia e letteratura 17 (1890): 321-36 Google Scholar; Cammelli, Giuseppe, Manuele Crisolora, vol. 1 of I dotti bizantini e le origini dell’umanesimo (Florence: Vallecchi, 1941)Google Scholar; Maisano, Riccardo and Rollo, Antonio, ed., Manuele Crisolora e il ritorno del greco in Occidente (Naples: D’Auria, 2002)Google Scholar.

40. Pade, Marianne, The Reception of Plutarch’s Lives in Fifteenth-Century Italy, 2 vols. (Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, 2007)Google Scholar.

41. Monfasani, John, “Humanism and Rhetoric,” in Humanism and the Disciplines, vol. 3 of Renaissance Humanism: Foundations, Forms and Legacy, ed. Rabil, Albert (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1988), 171-235 Google Scholar; Witt, In the Footsteps, 387-90 and 463-64.

42. Sabbadini, Remigio, Storia del Ciceronianismo e di altre questioni letterarie nell’ età della Rinascenza (Turin: E. Loescher, 1885), 5-25 Google Scholar; Rizzo, Silvia, “Il latino dell’umanesimo,” in Le questioni, vol. 5 of Letteratura italiana, ed. Rosa, Alberto Asor (Turin: G. Einaudi, 1986), 379-508 Google Scholar; Rizzo, Silvia, “Il latino del Petrarca e il latino dell’umanesimo,” in Feo, Petrarca latino, 349-65 Google Scholar; Witt, In the Footsteps, especially 392-403.

43. Tavoni, Mirko, Latino, grammatica, volgare. Storia di una questione umanistica (Padua: Antenore, 1984)Google Scholar; Fubini, Riccardo, “Consciousness of the Latin Language among Humanists,” Humanism and Secularization, 9-42 Google Scholar; Ferente, Serena, “Latino lingua materna,” in De Vincentiis, , Dalle origini al Rinascimento, 335-40 Google Scholar; Donne, Fulvio Delle, “Latinità e barbarie nel De verbis di Biondo: alle origini del sogno di una nuova Roma,” in Contributi. IV Settimana di studi medievali, Roma, 28-30 maggio 2009, ed. De Fraja, Valeria and Sansone, Salvatore (Rome: ISIME, 2012), 59-76.Google Scholar

44. See the following editions: Vergerio, Pier Paolo, “De ingenuis moribus,” in Humanist Educational Treatises, ed. Kallendorf, Craig W. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2002), 2-91 Google Scholar; Bruni, Leonardo, “De interpretatione recta,” in Leonardo Bruni Aretino. Histoire, éloquence et poésie à Florence au début du Quattrocento, ed. Bernard-Pradelle, Laurence (Paris: Honoré Champion, 2008), 613-79 Google Scholar.

45. A parallel can be drawn with recent work by Benoît Grévin concerning ars dictaminis: Grévin, Benoît, “Les mystères rhétoriques de l’État médiéval. L’écriture du pouvoir en Europe occidentale (XIII^e-XV^e siècle),” Annales HSS 63, no. 2 (2008): 271-300 Google Scholar; Grevin, Rhétorique du pouvoir médiéval. Les Lettres de Pierre de la Vigne et la formation du langage politique européen, XIII^e-XV^e siècle (Rome: École française de Rome, 2008).

46. Frova, Carla and Nigri, Rita, “Un’orazione universitaria di Paolo Veneto,” Annali di Storia delle Università italiane 2 (1998): 191-97 Google Scholar. Such a rhetorical choice should be considered in the light of the presence of several major figures of humanism, including Barzizza, at the University of Padua during this period.

47. On this inscription, still visible today on the via del Portico di Ottavia, see Quondam, , “Rinascimento e Classicismi,” 75-77 Google Scholar.

48. Sabbadini, Remigio, “La biblioteca di Zomino da Pistoia,” Rivista di filologia e di istruzione classica 45 (1917): 197-207 Google Scholar; Piattoli, Renato, “Ricerche intorno alla biblioteca dell’umanista Sozomeno,” La Bibliofilia 36 (1934): 261-308 Google Scholar; De la Mare, Albinia C., The Handwriting of Italian Humanists (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1973), 91-105 Google Scholar; Savino, Giancarlo, “La libreria di Sozomeno da Pistoia,” Rinascimento, n.s. 2, no. 16 (1976): 159-72 Google Scholar; Zamponi, Stefano, “Un ignoto compendio sozomeniano degli ‘Erotemata’ di Manuele Crisolora,” Rinascimento, n.s. 2, no. 18 (1978): 251-70 Google Scholar; Martinelli, Lucia Cesarini, “Sozomeno maestro e filologo,” Interpres 11 (1991): 7-92 Google Scholar. Sozomeno’s library is the topic of an active research project headed by Zamponi, Stefano: “Sozomeno da Pistoia (1387-1458). Un percorso tra testi, scritture e libri di un umanista,” http://sozomeno.fondazionecrpt.it//index.php Google Scholar.

49. Girgensohn, Dieter, “Capra, Bartolomeo della,” in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia italiana, 1976), 19: 108-13 Google Scholar; Pedralli, Monica, Novo, grande, coverto e ferrato. Gli inventari di biblioteca e la cultura a Milano nel Quattrocento (Milan: Vita e Pensiero, 2002), 274-77 Google Scholar and 707; Zaggia, Massimo, “Linee per una storia della cultura in Lombardia dall’età di Coluccio Salutati a quella del Valla,” in Le strade di Ercole. Itinerari umanistici e altri percorsi, ed. Rossi, Luca Carlo (Florence: Sismel-Ed. del Galluzzo, 2010), 3-125 and 366Google Scholar.

50. Susanne Saygin’s study of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, and his patronage in England from the 1420s to the 1440s has highlighted the role of “middlemen” in the relationships between humanists and their patrons: Saygin, Susanne, Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester (1390-1447) and the Italian Humanists (Leiden: Brill, 2002)Google Scholar.

51. See Martin Mulsow’s brilliant analysis with regard to Dieter Henrich’s works on German idealism: Mulsow, Martin, “Qu’est-ce qu’une constellation philosophique? Propositions pour une analyse des réseaux intellectuels,” Annales HSS 64, no. 1 (2009): 81-109 Google Scholar.

52. The study of literary socializing in the early modern period has fruitfully considered the relationship between cultural practices and the makeup of social identities: Lilti, Antoine, Le monde des salons. Sociabilité et mondanité à Paris au XVIII^e siècle (Paris: Fayard, 2005), especially 125-222 Google Scholar.

53. An edition of this letter can be found in Cogo, Gaetano, “Di Ognibene Scola, umanista padovano,” Nuovo Archivio Veneto 8 (1894): 115-75 Google Scholar, letter app. 3, 131-35. On this document, see also Cessi, Roberto, “Nuove ricerche su Ognibene Scola,” Archivio Storico Lombardo, 4th ser., 12, no. 23 (1909): 91-136,Google Scholar especially 113-14.

54. Revest, Clémence, “Au miroir des choses familières. Les correspondances humanistes au début du XV^e siècle,” Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Moyen Âge 119, no. 2 (2007): 447-62 Google Scholar.

55. See the important points raised by Cécile Caby on the epistolographic practice of Girolamo Aliotti: Caby, “Réseaux sociaux,” especially 406-34. For an analysis of the insertion of a man of letters into the humanist circles of Lombardy, based on his epistolary network, in the years 1420-1450, see Rosso, Paolo, “Catone Sacco e l’umanesimo lombardo. Notizie e documenti,” Bollettino della Società Pavese di Storia Patria 100 (2000): 31-90 Google Scholar.

56. Using epistolary production, the sociologist Paul McLean has investigated the mechanisms of social interaction in Florence from the end of the fourteenth to the beginning of the sixteenth century, and produced interesting leads for further research in this area: Mc Lean, Paul D., The Art of the Network: Strategic Interaction and Patronage in Renaissance Florence (Durham: Duke University Press, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

57. In a letter sent to Poggio on July 6, 1417, in which he congratulated the Florentine scholar on his discoveries of manuscripts. See Barbaro, Francesco, La raccolta canonica delle Epistole, vol. 2 of Epistolario, ed. Griggio, Claudio (Florence: L. S. Olschki, 1999), no. 20, 71-79 Google Scholar, expression quoted at 75. See Griggio, Claudio, “Nuove prospettive nell’epistolario di Francesco Barbaro,” in Una famiglia veneziana nella storia: I Barbaro, ed. Marangoni, Michela and Stocchi, Manlio Pastore (Venice: Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, 1996), 357-62 Google Scholar.

58. Barbaro, Epistolario, 2: nos. 9 and 10, 51-54.

59. Gothein, Percy, Francesco Barbaro. Früh-Humanismus und Staatskunst in Venedig (Berlin: Die Runde, 1932)Google Scholar; Gualdo, Germano, “Barbaro, Francesco,” in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia italiana, 1964), 6: 101-3 Google Scholar; King, Margaret L., Venetian Humanism in an Age of Patrician Dominance (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), 323-25 Google Scholar; Griggio, “Nuove prospettive.”

60. Blasi, Guido De and Pedullà, Gabriele, “Gli umanisti e il sistema delle dediche,” in Vincentiis, De, Dalle origini al Rinascimento, 407-20 Google Scholar. See also Rosa, Lucia Gualdo, “Le lettere di dedica delle traduzioni dal greco nel ’400. Appunti per un’analisi stilistica,” Vichiana 2, no. 1 (1973): 68-85 Google Scholar.

61. Celenza and Pupillo, “La rinascita del dialogo,” 345.

62. The later case of Girolamo Aliotti is fully illustrative of such an approach: Caby, Cécile, “Prime ipotesi a proposito del dialogo De optimo genere vite di Girolamo Aliotti (1439),” Medioevo e rinascimento 19 (2008): 245-80 Google Scholar; Caby, “Réseaux sociaux.” Caby is presently completing a professorial thesis (Habilitation à diriger des recherches) entitled “Autoportrait d’un moine en humaniste. Réseaux sociaux, pratiques discursives et réforme religieuse dans l’Italie du XV^e siècle, autour de l’itinéraire de Girolamo Aliotti,” which she has very generously allowed me to consult.

63. A parallel could be drawn with the “Low-Life of Literature” to which Robert Darnton gave prominence in his study on the cultural origins of the French Revolution. See Darnton, Robert, “The High Enlightenment and the Low-Life of Literature in Pre-Revolutionary France,” Past and Present 51, no. 1 (1971): 81-115 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, particularly the case of Jean-Baptiste-Antoine Suard, 83-87.

64. Wattenbach, Wilhelm, “Benedictus de Pileo,” in Festschrift zur Begrüssung der vierundzwanzigsten. Versammlung deutscher Philologen und Schulmänner (Leipzig: W. Engelmann, 1865), 99-131 Google Scholar; Wattenbach, , “Benedictus de Pileo,” Anzeiger für Kunde der deutschen Vorzeit 26, no. 8 (1879): col. 225-228 Google Scholar; Bertalot, Ludwig, “Benedictus de Pileo in Konstanz,” in Studien zum italienischen und deutschen Humanismus, ed. Kristeller, Paul Oskar (Rome: Ed. di storia e letteratura, 1975), 2: 305-10 Google Scholar; Grayson, Cecil, “Benedetto da Piglio,” Dizionario biografico degli Italiani (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia italiana, 1966), 8: 443-44 Google Scholar; Petoletti, Marco, “Scrivere in catene: il Libellus penarum di Benedetto da Piglio,” in Il concetto di libertà nel Rinascimento, ed. Luisa Rotondi Secchi Tarugi (Florence: F. Cesati, 2008), 195-210 Google Scholar.

65. See the excerpts from the first part (Nuntio) of Libellus penarum published in Wattenbach, “Benedictus de Pileo,” especially 107.

66. Guerrini, Paolo, “Un cancelliere vescovile del Quattrocento: Bartolomeo Baiguera,” Brixia Sacra 6 (1915): 18-29 Google Scholar; Carone, Enrico, “Bayguera, Bartolomeo,” in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia italiana, 1965), 7: 309-11 Google Scholar; Zambelli, Michele, “Un dialogo sulla vita monastica tra Bartolomeo Bayguera, umanista bresciano, e Francesco da Piacenza, monaco di Monte Oliveto,” Benedictina 49, no. 2 (2002): 361-400 Google Scholar; Zambelli, Michele, “L’Itinerarium di Bartolomeo Bayguera,” in Libri e lettori a Brescia tra Medioevo ed età moderna, ed. Grohovaz, Valentina (Brescia: Grafo, 2003), 133-54 Google Scholar.

67. Locatelli, Silvia, “Bartolomeo Bayguera e il suo Itinerarium (1425),” in Commentari dell’Ateneo di Brescia per l’anno 1931 (Brescia: F. Apollonio 1932), 83-90 Google Scholar; Miglio, Massimo, “Roma dopo Avignone: la rinascita politica dell’antico,” in L’uso dei classici, vol. 1 of Memoria dell’antico nell’arte italiana, ed. Settis, Salvatore (Turin: G. Einaudi, 1984), 75-111 Google Scholar, especially 83-84; Monti, Carla Maria, “Salutati visto da Nord: la prospettiva dei cancellieri e maestri viscontei,” in Coluccio Salutati e l’invenzione dell’Umanesimo, ed. Bianca, Concetta (Rome: Ed. di storia e letteratura, 2010), 193-200 Google Scholar.

68. Zambelli, “L’Itinerarium,” 135, 140 and 143-44.

69. Giazzi, Emilio, “La lettera di Antonio da Rho a Bartolomeo Bayguera: un resoconto dell’Itinerarium ,” in Grohovaz, , Libri e lettori, 155-81 Google Scholar.

70. Guerrini, Paolo, “Il sepolcro di Bartolomeo Bayguera,” Brixia Sacra 6 (1915): 160-61 Google Scholar; Zambelli, “Un dialogo,” 364.

71. Costey, Paul, “L’illusio chez Pierre Bourdieu. Les (més)usages d’une notion et son application au cas des universitaires,” Tracés 8 (2005): 13-27, http://traces.revues.org/2133 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

72. Petersen, Erik, “‘The Communication of the Dead’: Notes on the Studia humanitatis and the Nature of Humanist Philology,” in The Uses of Greek and Latin: Historical Essays, ed. Dionisotti, A., Grafton, Anthony, and Kraye, Jill (London: The Warburg Institute, 1988), 57-69 Google Scholar; Kohl, Benjamin G., “The Changing Concept of the Studia humanitatis in the Early Renaissance,” in Culture and Politics in Early Renaissance Padua (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2001), 185-209 Google Scholar.

73. Kohl, “The Changing Concept,” 203-9.

74. Reeve, Michael D., “Classical Scholarship,” in The Cambridge Companion to the Renaissance, ed. Kraye, Jill (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 20-46 Google Scholar.

75. Bruni, Leonardo, Epistolarum libri VIII, 10.6 ed. Mehus, Laurentio (Florence: B. Paperinii, 1741) 2: 175 Google Scholar. Republished as Epistolarum libri VIII, ed. James Hankins (Rome: Ed. di storia e letteratura, 2007). See Luiso, Francesco Paolo, Studi su l’epistolario di Leonardo Bruni, ed. Rosa, Lucia Gualdo (Rome: ISIME, 1980), 1: 21 Google Scholar.

76. “Bartholomeus Cremonensis mirifice, ut tibi alias narravi, studiis humanitatis deditus est; idque cum superiori tempore ante Presulatum studiosissime fecisset, non potest nunc Presul factus eas, quas ante coluit, Musas non affectuose amare, earumque sacra ferre ingenti, ut Maro noster ait, perculsus amore.” Bruni, Epistolarum libri VIII 2.10, 1: 44 (Luiso, Studi su l’epistolario, 2: 12). The reference to Virgil comes from Georgics 2, l. 476-477, in Eclogues, Georgics, Aeneid 1-6, trans. Henry Rushton Fairclough (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1916), 148-49.

77. “Cum eloquentiae studiosissimus sis et oratorum nostrorum scripta diligentissime legas et avidissime perscruteris.” Lanzillota, Maria Accame, Leonardo Bruni traduttore di Demostene: la “Pro Ctesiphonte” (Genoa: Istituto nazionale di filologia classica e medievale, 1986), 99 Google Scholar.

78. Ibid., 15n6; Bertalot, Ludwig, “Zur bibliographie der Übersetzungen des Leonardus Brunus Aretinus,” in Kristeller, , Studien zum italienischen, 2: 278 Google Scholar.

79. “... optimarum artium, ita tuae dignitatis, amantissimum.” Barzizza, Gasparino, Gasparini Barzizii Bergomatis et Guiniforti filii opera, ed. Furietti, Giuseppe Alessandro (Rome: Jo. Mariam Salvioni, 1723), 1: 131-33 Google Scholar.

80. “His etiam humanitatis studiis tantum delectatum est, ut quempiam semper ejus disciplinae eruditum domi habere vellet.” Donato, Pietro, Oratio in exequiis domini Francisci Zabarellae, ed. Mittarelli, G. B. (Venice: Bibliotheca codicum manuscriptorum monasterii S. Michaelis Venetiarum prope Murianum, 1779), col. 1235Google Scholar.

81. “Optima uterque colit studia et pulcherrima rerum / Illustresque ipsis quas nos infundimus artes.” Loschi, Antonio, “Doctissimo viro musarumque amicissimo domino Francisco de Fiano,” in Antonii de Luschis carmina quae supersunt fere omnia, ed. Schio, Giovanni da (Padua: Tydel Seminario, 1858), 55-58, v. 78-79Google Scholar.

82. See, above all, Fumaroli, Marc, L’âge de l’éloquence. Rhétorique et res literaria de la Renaissance au seuil de l’époque classique (Paris: Albin Michel, 1980; repr. 1994), 35-230 Google Scholar.

83. Here in particular I diverge from Witt’s analysis, in which Cicerionanism tends to be conflated with classicizing oratory, its ethical doctrine mentioned, but overall pushed into the background and priority given to a stylistic interpretation: Witt, In the Footsteps, 338-507, for instance 498.

84. Laurens, Pierre, “La médiation humaniste: Instauratio totius artis rhetoricae ,” in Actualité de la rhétorique, ed. Pernot, Laurent (Paris: Klincksieck, 2000), 59-69, especially 61Google Scholar.

85. Pernot, Laurent, Rhetoric in Antiquity, trans. Higgins, W. E. (Washington: Catholic University of America Press, 2005), 115-17 Google Scholar.

86. “Denique si sunt idem orator et eloquens, orator autem est vir bonus cum ratione dicendi: consequens sit ut sit eloquens etiam bonus.” Antonio Loschi, “Inquisitio super XI orationes Ciceronis,” in Quintus Asconius Pedianus, Commentarii in orationes Ciceronis, ed. Johannes de Colonia and Johannes Manthen (Venice: 1477), 81, and for the eulogy of Cicero as a philosopher, 82.

87. Murphy, James J., Rhetoric in the Middle Ages: A History of Rhetorical Theory from Saint Augustine to the Renaissance (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974), 357-61 Google Scholar. On the reappearance of Quintilian, see Classen, Carl Joachim, “Quintilian and the Revival of Learning in Italy,” Humanistica Lovaniensia 43 (1994): 77-98 Google Scholar. On the manuscripts uncovered by the humanists in 1416 and 1421, see Sabbadini, Remigio, Le scoperte dei codici latini e greci ne’ secoli XIV e XV (Florence: G. S. Sansoni, 1914), 1: 77-79 and 101Google Scholar; Sabbadini, , Storia e critica di testi latini (Catania: Battiato Ed., 1914), 101-45 Google Scholar.

88. Vergerio, Pier Paolo, Epistolario di Pier Paolo Vergerio, ed. Smith, Leonardo (Rome: ISIME, 1934), app. 1, no. 2, 436-45 Google Scholar. See McManamon, John, Pier Paolo Vergerio the Elder: The Humanist as Orator (Tempe: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1996), 54-58 Google Scholar.

89. “Homo vere natus ad prodessendum hominibus vel in re publica vel in doctrina.” Bruni, Leonardo, “Vita Ciceronis seu Cicero novus,” in Bernard-Pradelle, , Leonardo Bruni Aretino, 408-547 Google Scholar, here 500. See also Fryde, Edmund B., “The Beginnings of Italian Humanist Historiography: The New Cicero of Leonardo Bruni,” in Fryde, , Humanism and Renaissance Historiography, 33-53 Google Scholar.

90. Baron, Hans, The Crisis of the Early Italian Renaissance: Civic Humanism and Republican Liberty in an Age of Classicism and Tyranny (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1955; repr. 1966)Google Scholar; Hankins, James, “The ‘Baron Thesis’ after Forty Years and Some Recent Studies on Leonardo Bruni,” Journal of the History of Ideas 56, no. 2 (1995): 309-38 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hankins, , ed., Renaissance Civic Humanism: Reappraisals and Reflections (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gilli, Patrick, “Le discours politique florentin à la Renaissance: autour de l’‘humanisme civique’,” in Florence et la Toscane, XIV^e-XIX^e siècles. Les dynamiques d’un État italien, ed. Boutier, Jean, Landi, Sandro, and Rouchon, Olivier (Rennes: PUR, 2004), 323-43 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

91. Two studies illustrate this articulation between the Ciceronian paradigm and selfpromotion: McManamon, Pier Paolo Vergerio the Elder, and Gilli, Patrick, “Le conflit entre le juriste et l’orateur d’après une lettre de Cosma Raimondi, humaniste italien en Avignon (c. 1431-1432),” Rhetorica 16, no. 3 (1998): 259-86 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

92. Garin, Eugenio, “The Humanist Chancellors of the Florentine Republic from Coluccio Salutati to Bartolomeo Scala,” in Portraits of the Quattrocento, trans. Velen, Victor A. and Velen, Elizabeth (New York: Harper & Row, 1972), 1-29 Google Scholar; Simonetta, Marcello, Rinascimento segreto. Il mondo del segretario da Petrarca a Machiavelli (Milan: Franco Angeli, 2004)Google Scholar.

93. “Commemorabo apud quem, ut omnes scimus, tantum honore et gracia potuit quantum sibi per valetudinem suam licuit cuius incredibilem in deliberando prudentiam, in sententiis in senatu dicendis sapientiam. Patres conscripti admirati alii Catonem eum, alterum alii Gaium Lelium appellabant. Quod huiuscemodi in principis nostri iudicium de hoc vero dicam cum illius sapientissimas disputaciones, que quotiens gravissimis regni curis paulisper levatus erat, attentissime audiret atque sepe de summis rebus suis cogitans libenter cum eo conferret, omniumque secretorum suorum conscium etiam vellet. Erat enim tum ceterarum omnium artium doctissimus cum poeticis studiis ac singulari eloquentia in primis preditus. Que humanitatis studia illum merito gratiorem apud tantum principem admirabilioremque reddebant.” Gasparino Barzizza, Funebris oratio in mortem cuiusdam Doctoris edita, in Aristide Arzano, ed., “Marziano da Tortona, letterato e miniatore del Rinascimento,” Bollettino della Società per gli studi di storia, d’economica e d’arte nel Tortonese 4 (1904): 27-50, here 48-50. On this man of letters, see Baroni, Maria Franca, “I cancellieri di Giovanni Maria e Filippo Maria Visconti,” Nuova Rivista Storica 50, no. 2 (1966): 367-428 Google Scholar, especially 394-95.

94. Garin, Eugenio, L’Educazione in Europa, 1400-1600, problemi e programmi (Bari: Laterza, 1957)Google Scholar; Grendler, Paul F., Schooling in Renaissance Italy: Literacy and Learning, 1300-1600 (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989), especially 111-41 Google Scholar.

95. Grendler, “Humanism: Ancient Learning,” 73-95.

96. Gilli, La noblesse du droit, especially 231-310.

97. I purposely choose the term “event,” as part of a perspective which has been explored in depth by historical criticism over the past forty years, in which the event is understood as the product of a hermeneutic, structured by a set of representations constitutive of an identity, which refocuses, within the process of narrative construction, the perception of certain facts around a meaning given in the future tense. For a recent summary, see Dosse, François, “Événement,” in Historiographies. Concepts et débats, ed. Delacroix, Christian et al. (Paris: Gallimard, 2010), 2: 744-56 Google Scholar.

98. We also know that he traveled to the Abbey of Saint Victor in Paris and to Normandy, either around the same time, or as part of his trip to England between the end of 1418 and the beginning of 1419. On the manuscripts he found, see Sabbadini, Le scoperte dei codici, 1: 77-82; Sabbadini, Storia e critica, 43-49 and 383-96; De la Mare, The Handwriting of Italian Humanists, 64-65; Foffano, Tino, “Niccoli, Cosimo e le ricerche di Poggio nelle biblioteche francesi,” Italia Medioevale e umanistica 12 (1969): 113-28 Google Scholar.

99. Poggio Bracciolini, Lettere 5.5, ed. Helene Harth (Florence: L. S. Olschki, 1984), 2: 153-56. We also have another version of this letter, addressed to Giovanni Corvini, ibid., app. 3, 444-47.

100. Hallyn, Fernand, “Le fictif, le vrai et le faux,” in Le topos du manuscrit trouvé, ed. Herman, Jan and Hallyn, Fernand (Leuven: Peeters, 1999), 499-500 Google Scholar.

101. “... lacerum crudeliter ora, / ora manusque ambas, populataque tempora raptis / auribus et truncas inhonesto volnere naris.” Virgil, Aeneid, bk. 6, l. 496-498, in Eclogues, Georgics, Aeneid, 540-541. For the quote in Poggio’s letter, see Bracciolini, Lettere 5.5, 154.

102. “Videbatur manus tendere, implorare Quiritum fidem, ut se ab iniquo iudicio tuerentur.” Ibid., 155.

103. “... in teterrimo quodam et obscuro carcere, fundo scilicet unius turris quo ne capitalis quidem rei damnati retruderentur.” Ibid.

104. Bruni, Epistolarum libri VIII, 4.5, 1: 111-13.

105. “O lucrum ingens! O insperatum gaudium!” Ibid., 112. “Erit profecto tua gloria, ut amissa jam ac perdita excellentium virorum scripta tuo labore ac diligentia seculo nostro restituas. Nec eas res solum nobis grata erit, sed et posteris nostris, idest studiorum nostrorum successoribus.” Ibid., 111.

106. “... cum tum illum diuturno ac ferreo barbarorum carcere liberatum huc miseris.” Ibid., 112. Considering the many echoes between this passage of Bruni’s letter and Poggio’s letter to Guarino, sent later, one has to wonder whether the second was not directly inspired by the first.

107. On Poggio’s composition of his epistolary anthologies and on their diffusion, see Harth, Helene, “Introduzione,” in Bracciolini, , Lettere, 1: xi-cxix Google Scholar. On the complicated issues surrounding Bruni’s correspondence, see Rosa, Lucia Gualdo and Viti, Paolo, ed., Per il censimento dei codici dell’epistolario di Leonardo Bruni (Rome: ISIME, 1991)Google Scholar; Viti, Paolo, Leonardo Bruni a Firenze. Studi sulle lettere publiche e private (Rome: Bulzoni, 1992), 311-38 Google Scholar; Hankins, James, “Notes on the Textual Tradition of Leonardo Bruni’s Epistulae Familiares,” in Humanism and Platonism, 1: 63-98 Google Scholar; Rosa, Lucia Gualdo, ed., Censimento dei codici dell’epistolario di Leonardo Bruni, 2 vols. (Rome: ISIME, 1993-2004)Google Scholar. On the later uses of this representation, see for instance the accounts by Bisticci, Vespasiano da, “Vita di meser Poggio fiorentino,” in Le Vite, ed. Greco, Aulo (Florence: Istituto nazionale di studi sul Rinascimento, 1970), 1: 541-44 Google Scholar, and by Biondo, Italy Illuminated, 1: 302-4.

108. “... te non vis hiemis non nives non longitudo itineris non asperitas viarum, ut monumenta litterarum e tenebris in lucem erueres, retardarunt.” Barbaro, Epistolario, 2: 72 (no. 20); “Ignominia etiam notandi sunt illi Germani qui clarissimos viros quorum vita ad omnem memoriam sibi commendata esse debuit, quantum in se fuit, vivos diuturno tempore sepultos tenuerunt.” Ibid., 75. Francesco Barbaro himself refers to Poggio’s letter to Guarino, ibid., 77.

109. The undated letter addressed to Francesco da Fiano is published in Bertalot, Ludwig, “Cincius Romanus und seine Briefe,” Studien zum italienischen und deutschen Humanismus 2: 144-147 (no. 3)Google Scholar. The following passage on page 145 is particularly noteworthy: “In Germania multa monasteria sunt bibliothecis librorum latinorum referta. Que res spem mihi attulit aliquot libros Ciceronis Varronis Livii aliorumque doctissimorum virorum qui extincti penitus esse videntur, in lucem venturos, si accurata investigatio adhiberetur. Nam cum his proximis diebus ex composito fama bibliothece allecti una cum Poggio atque Bartolomeo Montepulciano ad oppidum Sancti Galli devenissemus.” No mention is made of the copy of the Institutes of Oratory, which could mean that the manuscript hunters made several round trips from Constance to Saint Gall during the summer. See also the letter written by Bartolomeo Aragazzi for Ambrogio Traversari on January 19, 1417: Bartolomeo Aragazzi, “Epistola,” in Ambrosii Traversari, Ambrosii Traversarii generalis camaldulensium epistolae et orationes, 14.9, ed. Canneto (Florence: ex typographio Caesareo, 1759; repr. Bologna: Forni, 1968), 2: col. 981-985.

110. Nora, Pierre, “Between Memory and History: Les Lieux de Mémoire,” trans. Roudebush, Marc, Representations 26 (1989): 7-25 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Also published in Realms of Memory: Rethinking the French Past, ed. Pierre Nora and Lawrence D. Kritzman, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996), 1: 1-20.

111. O’Malley, John W., Praise and Blame in Renaissance Rome: Rhetoric, Doctrine, and Reform in the Sacred Orators of the Papal Court, c. 1450-1521 (Durham: Duke University Press, 1979)Google Scholar; Delcorno, Carlo, “La predicazione agostiniana (sec. XIII-XV),” in Gli Agostiniani a Venezia e la chiesa di Santo Stefano (Venice: Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, 1997), 87-108 Google Scholar.

112. On this point see the enlightening remarks by Gilli, Patrick, “Humanisme et Église ou les raisons d’un malentendu” and “Les formes de l’anticléricalisme humaniste: antimonachisme, anti-fraternalisme ou anti-christianisme?,” in Humanisme et Église en Italie et en France méridionale, XV^e siècle-milieu du XVI^e siècle, ed. Gilli, Patrick (Rome: École française de Rome, 2004), respectively 1-15 and 63-95Google Scholar.

113. See, for instance, Siraisi, Nancy G., “Oratory and Rhetoric in Renaissance Medicine,” Journal of the History of Ideas 65, no. 2 (2004): 191-211 Google Scholar.

114. Thus, Cappelli successively reviews the ways in which humanism took root politically in Florence, Venice, Rome, Milan, Ferrara, Bologna, Mantua, Urbino and Naples, from the end of the fourteenth to the middle of the fifteenth century: Cappelli, L’umanesimo italiano, 55-304.

115. See in particular the reflections of Étienne Anheim on the relationship between the development of humanism and the transformations of court society as a cultural space: Anheim, “Culture de cour et science de l’État.”