¹ A Bibliography of Publications on Old English Literature from the Beginnings to the End of 1972, by Stanley B. Greenfield and Fred C. Robinson using the collections of E. E. Eticson (Toronto and Buffalo; Totonto University Press, 1980), xxii + 432Google Scholar pp. Published in Great Britain by Manchester University Press, 1980. Prices not yet known.

² Throughout this article every reference to an item in the new bibliography will include, immediately after the date and within square brackets, the number assigned to it there. Because 1 presume that every Anglo-Saxonist will in future have access to the new bibliography and in order to save space, references will be brief, except when an item is not in the bibliography. Though the frequency with which the numbers within square brackets appear may perhaps be regarded as some indication of the comprehensiveness of the new bibliography, that many of the items referred to by me have no such number must not be interpreted as (by implication) adverse criticism of the bibliography: the field I review is not identical with that of the bibliography. This article is the review article referred to in the brief notification that the new bibliography by Greenfield and Robinson would appear shortly (ASE 7 (1978), 269).Google Scholar

³ OED Suppl. (1933), pp. 1–91 after the supplement.

⁴ The last number is 6550, but 4500–999 were inadvertently omitted when numbers were allocated.

⁵ An example of such an omission of an interesting item is C. O'Conor's printing of Cœdmon's Hymn from the Moore Manuscript as part of his description of the Spelman Psalter (Ker, , Catalogue (1957 [126]), no. 271)Google Scholar, Bibliotbeca MS. Stowensis 1 (Buckingham, 1818), 34Google Scholar. It had, of course, been printed in Wanley's Catalogus (1705 [110]), at p. 287Google Scholar; and the new bibliography lists C. U. Grupen's reprinting (from Wanley) in Obarvationes rerum et antiquitatum (1763 [456]) - ‘allerdings mit vielen Druckfehlern’, says Wülker in the Grundriss (1885 [5]), at p. 35.

⁶ The extent to which Wanley's influence makes itself felt is most strikingly illustrated in Wulfstan studies. His list (pp. 140–3) underlies Napier's collections of Wulfstan and pseudo-Wulfstan homilies, first in the Göttingen dissertation of 1882 [6507] and then, more fully, in the edition of 1883 [6501].

⁷ A good account of Cooper's work as it touches Anglo-Saxon scholarship in connection with the Vercelli Manuscript is given in Pamela, O. E. Gradon's edition of Elene (1958 [3563]), at pp. 7–8.Google Scholar

⁸ More facsimiles were issued when in 1869 what was left of the printing of 250 copies was distributed with facsimiles not previously sent out.

⁹ For the original transcript, see N. R. Ker's study of 1950 [252].

¹⁰ Cooper's administration of the Record Commission came under attack, and his endeavours in exact documentation were left incomplete. (Sir) Frederic Madden, who is likely to have been in sympathy with Cooper's ideal of exact scholarhip, defended him; see Record Commission. Remarks upon the “ Reply of Francis Palgrave, Esq., to those Portions of tbe Statements Drawn up by Mr. C. P. Cooper, which Relate to the Editor of the New Edition of the Rolls of Parliament,” &c. (London, 1832).Google Scholar

¹¹ From a letter dated 19 December 1837, sent to L. H. Petit (1792–1849, Commissioner of Public Records since 1835) with sheets of the Report. I give the date when official distribution of the Report took place as 1836 and 1837 to take account of the date of this letter.

¹² Memoirs of the Life and Writings of the Late Charles O'Conor (Dublin, no date but certainly 1796), p. 255Google Scholar. Another Irish antiquary, J. C. Walker (1761–1810), refers to the matter in a letter of 25 March 1800, printed, without comment implying or urging doubt about Alfred the Great's authorship of the poem, in The Literary Correspondence of John Pinkerton, ed. Dawson Turner (London, 1850) 11, at 138Google Scholar. The younger Charles O'Conor became Stowe librarian, and by the time he compiled the catalogue of manuscripts, Bibliotheca MS. Stowensisi (Buckingham, 1818), he knew (pp. 95–6Google Scholar) that the supposed author is not Alfred the Great of the ninth century but King Aldfrid son of Osuiu of Northumbria of the seventh (on whom see Venerabilis Baedae Opera Historiea, ed. C. Plummer (1896 [1616 and 5558]) 11, 263–4Google Scholar). For details of what is in fact involved, see Fitzpatrick, E., Catalogue of Irish Manuscripts in the Royal Irish Academy, fasc. 24 (Dublin, 1938), p. 3026Google Scholar ([Stowe] B. iv. 2, f. 120); a transcript made in 1627–8 of a now lost poem in the Book of Leinster, for which see Atkinson, R., The Book of Leinster (Dublin, 1880), pp. 20–1Google Scholar, andThe Book of Leinster, ed. R. I. Best, O. Bergin and M. A. O'Brien 1 (Dublin, 1954), xii, xxii and 125–7.Google Scholar

¹³ I hope to write elsewhere about King Alfred in literature from the publication of Sir John Spelman's The Life of Ælfred the Great by Thomas Hearnein 1709 [5394] to R. Pauli's König Ælfred of 1851 [5399]. Some of the works of that period had music - incidental music by Haydn, the masque by Arne and an opera by Donizetti. For details see Stieger, F., Opernlexikon 1 Titelkatalog A-E (Tutzing, 1975), 37–8, 672 and 680Google Scholar: about thirty works are listed. For Haydn's incidental music, see Hoboken, A. van, Joseph Haydn … Werkverzeichnis 11 (Mainz, 1971), 450–2, and 111Google Scholar (Mainz, 1978), 381; the words are a tragedy by Cowmeadow, J. W., Alfred König der Angelsachsen oder der patriotische König (Gratz, 1796Google Scholar), which I have not seen, said to be freely after Bicknell's, A.The Patriotic King, or Alfred and Elvida, A Historical Tragedy (London, 1788Google Scholar). (I am much indebted to Professor Douglas Gray (Oxford) for lending me a transcript of the libretto used by Donizetti.) Among other literary works deserving consideration as having helped to shape a nation's sensibility for an Alfredian ideal are Sir Richard Blackmore's epic (1723), far removed from any sort of historical reality and justifying the adjective interminable, if that should not, in this context, be reserved for John Fitchett's epic (1808–34, unfinished), which Robert Roscoe brought to a speedy and timely conclusion (and published in 1841–2). On the other hand, Cottle's, JosephAlfred, An Epic Poem in Twenty-Four Books (London, 1800Google Scholar) is a much better romantic work. novel, Anne Fuller's, The Son of Ethelwolf: an Historical Tale (London, 1789Google Scholar), would have given Catherine Morland food for thought if she had stayed in suitable surroundings; it met with a favourable critical reception and was soon translated into French and German. The events of the 878 annal in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle augmented by reference to Asscr's Life of King Alfred (not yet freed from the accretions of The Annals of St Neots) and to the chroniclers, especially William of Malmesbury, underlie much of the literary exploitation of Alfred. Among the many plays with Alfred as hero David Mallet's has a special place, not just because of Arne's music already mentioned but because ‘Rule Britannia’, almost certainly James Thomson's, rises out of it as a fit and moving finale - not taken seriously, alas, in the only performance I have seen. On the other hand, no proud Scotsman is likely to have called out from the pit at one of the few performances of John Home's Alfred (published 1777, acted and failed in January 1778), ‘Whaur's yer Wully Shakespeare noo?’ (for which, see Sutherland, J. R., Oxford Book of Literary Anecdotes (Oxford, 1975), pp. 97 and 359).Google Scholar

¹⁴ Historians, even popular historians-I refer below (p. 254) to J. R. Green, for example - often attempt some account of Anglo-Saxon writings in the vernacular, occasionally with reference to the sources for the history of the age or to give a fuller account of Alfred's writings, and at times even the poetry is characterized.

¹⁵ To have included publications of all kinds on charters or making use of charters would have meant a vast expansion of the bibliography because local and county histories and very many articles concerned with local and regional historical matters would have had to be included.

¹⁶ Thus continuous gospel and psalter glosses are in, as is the ‘Durham Ritual’ but the Épinal-Erfurt and Corpus Glossaries and the Aldhelm and Kentish Glosses (to Parabolae Salomonis) are out, to give just a few examples.

¹⁷ Even before Parker the earliest Renaissance writers showed their concern for the preservation of the records of English antiquity, famously in The haboryouse Journey and Serche of Johan Leylande, for Englandes Antiquities … (London, 1549Google Scholar). of which ‘The Conclusion’ has a list of Latin sources for the history of England early in what we call the Middle Ages, and an appreciation of Bede's use of sources. Eighteenth-century reprints of The haboryouse Journey include that in an appendix to William Huddesford's edition of The Lives of … John Leland, Thomas Hearne and Anthony à Wood (Oxford, 1772) 1Google Scholar, a work in which is shown some sense of proportion for what is valuable in the scholarship of earlier ages.

¹⁸ Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Opuscula (Oxford, 1832) 11, 531Google Scholar, in the course of his annotations to Ælfric's epistles. Cf. Foxe's, Acts and Monuments, 2nd ed. (1570 [5277]) 11, 1301–10Google Scholar. Cf. Strype's, J.Parker (1711 [804]), p. 530Google Scholar, on the Saxon Gospels of 1571 [5860], ‘The care of which lay upon John Fox’.

¹⁹ For the attribution see W[illiam] H[unt] in DNB, under George Smith (1693–1756), the non-juring bishop of Durham, who is well known to Anglo-Saxonists because he completed his father John Smith's great edition of Bede's Historia (1722 [5547]), a work to which his son frequently refers in The Britons and the Saxons.

²⁰ In An Inquiry into the Doctrines of the Anglo-Saxon Church (1830 [5185]), at pp. 384–6 and 421–2, he considers Ælfric on transubstantiation, and particularly the relationship of Ælfric to Ratramnus. He returned to ‘Elfric's invaluable testimony against Romish opinions’ in The Anglo-Saxon Church: its History … (1835 [5186]), at p. 248 and passim; and specifically in answer to Lingard's, JohnThe History and Antiquities of the Anglo-Saxon Church (1845 [461Google Scholar]), Soames returned to the subject yet again in The Latin Church during Anglo-Saxon Times (London, 1848), at pp. 432 and 466–72Google Scholar, the running title on pp. 466–9 being ‘Anglo-Saxon divinity substantially Protestant’.

²¹ Of 1643 [5546].

²² What the text is was identified by John Johnson in the Collection (1720 [6303]) 1, at sig. Aa2v, though B. Thorpe, in his edition in Ancient Laws and Institutes (1840 [6292]), makes no mention of Johnson's identification. Cf. Sauer's, Hans standard edition, Tbeodulfi Capitula in England, Münchener Universitäts-Schriften, Texte und Untersuchungen zur englischen Philologie 8 (1978), at 81–2.Google Scholar

²³ See Ibid. p. 307, lines 12–17.

²⁴ Ker, , Catalogue (1957 [126Google Scholar]), no. 309, art. 40. For the earliest printing, see Whelock's, A.Historia Ecclesiastica (1643 [5546]), pp. 41–50, 420 and 422.Google Scholar

²⁵ Probably, The Homilies of Wulfstan, ed. D. Bethurum (1957Google Scholar [6503]), no. vii, and related Wulfstan texts, of which, of course, I Cnut 22–22.6 is one; see Whitelock, D., EHR 63 (1948Google Scholar [6525]), esp. 446.

²⁶ F. Liebermann, Gesetze (1903–16 [6299] 1, 302–4; and cf. Ibid.iii, 201, on related texts.

²⁷ The theme, given a literary extension, rings out in Clcmoes's, P inaugural lecture, Rhythm and Cosmic Order in Old English Christian Literature (1970 [686]).Google Scholar

²⁸ See above, p. 227 and n. 13.

²⁹ For King Alfred's refoundation of the University of Oxford, see Parker, J., The Early History of Oxford 727–1100, Oxford Hist. Soc. 111 (1884)Google Scholar; for the origin of Alfred's minstrelsy in the enemy's camp, see Willelmi Malmesbiriensis Monachi De Gestis Regum Anglorum, ed. W. Stubbs, Rolls Ser., 1 (1887), 126.Google Scholar

³⁰ The Latin of the Liber de Hyda was available in Alford's, MichaelFides Regia Anglicana she Annales Ecclesiæ Anglicanæ (Liège, 1663) iii, at 149–51Google Scholar. The Anglo-Saxon was first published for Thomas Astle, then owner of the manuscript, now London, British Library, Stowe 944, by Manning, Owen, in The Will of King Alfred (Oxford, 1788), at pp. 10–13, 31 and 41–2Google Scholar. For the early history of the manuscript, see Birch, W. de Gray, Liber Vitae…of … Hyde (1892 [6363]), pp. i–iiiGoogle Scholar. See further Sawyer, P. H., Anglo-Saxon Charters (1968 [6499Google Scholar]), no. 1507. The existence of a fourteenth-century translation into English is evidence of a continual interest (Sawyer, Ibid., gives details).

³¹ See especially above, p. 231 and n. 25, as well as D. Whitelock's other work on Wulfstan (now conveniently listed in the new bibliography) of 1937 [6520], 1941 [6521], 1942 [6523], 1955 [6529] and 196) [6537].

³² Liebermann, Gesetze (1903–16 [6299]) 1, 116–17, and 111, 79/1–2, n. 2. ‘Ciric-sceat mon sceal agifan to þam healme 7 to þam heorðe þe se mon on bið to middum wintra’ (‘Church-scot must be rendered from the haulm and the hearth where one dwells at midwinter’).

³³ From A to L Spelman's work was published as Archaeologus in 1626 [6283]; but the whole of the glossary was published only in Sir William Dugdale's revision as Glossarium Archaiologicum in 1664 and again 1687. Spelman's important interest in Anglo-Saxon legal terminology appears, of course, in this work which, however, covers legal antiquities of a period wider than that of the Anglo-Saxons.

³⁴ For a modern statement of that distinction, see A. J. Bliss, ‘Beowulf, Lines 3074–3075’, J. R. R., Tolkien, Scholar and Storyteller - Essays in Memoriam, ed. Mary, Salu and Farrell, R. T. (Ithaca and London, 1979), p. 53Google Scholar, n. 42: ‘the relevance of prose usage to poetic usage must be considered very dubious, especially when prose usage is effectively limited to legal contexts’.

³⁵ Liebermann, , Gesetze (1903–1916 [6299]) 1, 116–17, and 111, 79/1–2Google Scholar, n. 2.

³⁶ Wilkins, Thus D., Leges Anglo-Saxonicœ (1721 [6288]), p. 18Google Scholar; Phillips, Versuch (1825 [6307]), pp. 106–7, n.; and Thorpe, , Ancient Laws and Institutes (1840 [6292]), folio ed., pp. 50–1Google Scholar, octavo ed. 1, 117.

³⁷ Cf. Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie lii (1906), 216–18.

³⁸ But published only recently, by A. H. Marckwardt in 1952 [78].

³⁹ He had received incidental attention in the biographies of others: Strype, John, Life and Acts of Matthew Parker (1711 [804])Google Scholariv, Observations 11 (ad finem), 536; Churton, Ralph, Life of Alexander Nowell (Oxford, 1809), pp. 236–9Google Scholar (a summary of earlier work on Laurence Nowell).

⁴⁰ In Somner's, Treatise of the Roman Ports and Forts in Kent (Oxford, 1693), ‘Life’, pp. 76–7.Google Scholar

⁴¹ My count, of roughly two and a quarter million words of prose to a little less than a quarter million words of verse (NM 72 (1971 [1248]), 385–6Google Scholar), may be found, when all that survives is concorded by computer, to be not too far out.

⁴² Originally published in Democracy and the Labour Movement. Essays in honour of Dona Torr, ed. John Saville (London, 1954), at pp. 11–66.Google Scholar

⁴³ See D. Whitelock's edition, 1963 [6502], pp. 65–6; her notes indicate Wulfstan's debt to Alcuin's letter to Archbishop Æthelheard. Sermo Lupi was not available to Stillingfleet for his sermon of 1666; it was first printed in 1701 [6500], an edition which I have not seen, by Elstob who provided a Latin translation, presumably the whole substantially as in Hickes's Thesaurus, 11.2 (1703 [268]), at 98–106. The Alcuin letter could have been seen by Stillingfleet, in Alchuuini … opera, ed. Quercetanus, A. (i.e. André Du Chesne) (Paris, 1617Google Scholar), Epistola xxviii, col. 1535c.

⁴⁴ ‘God forbid, we should be so near a final subversion and utter desolation, as the ten Tribes were, when none of these things would bring them to repentance; but yet the method God hath used with us seems to bode very ill in case we do not return to the Lard. For it is not only agreeable to what is here delivered as the course God used to reclaim the Israelites, but to what is reported by the most faithful Historian of those times of the degrees and steps that God made before the ruines of the British Nation. For Gildas tells us the decay of it began by Civil Wars among themselves, and high discontents remaining as the consequents of them, after this an universal decay and poverty among them …’ (pp. 16–17).

⁴⁵ See above n. 43.

⁴⁶ This is the work underlying the German tragedy for which Haydn composed music; see above, n. 13.

⁴⁷ Editions of the whole codex include C. W. M. Grein (1857–8 [259]), I. Gollancz (1895 [209]) and W. S. Mackie (1934 [214]), R. P. Wülker and B. Assmann (revising Grein) (1883–98 [260]), and G. P. Krapp and E. V. K. Dobbie (1936 [263]).

⁴⁸ The Old English Kiddles of the ‘Exeter Book’, ed. Craig Williamson (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1977), no. 73; see pp. 352–6.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ See J. C. Pope's study of these related problems, ‘Palaeography and Poetry: some Solved and Unsolved Problems of the Exeter Book’, Medieval Scribes, Manuscripts and Libraries: Essays presented to N. R. Ker, ed. M. B. Parkes and A. G.Watson (London, 1978), pp. 25–65Google Scholar; Bliss, A. J. and Frantzen, A. J., ‘The Integrity of Resignation’, RES n.s. 27 (1976), 385–402Google Scholar; and Pope, J. C., ‘An Unsuspected Lacuna in the Exeter Book …’ [on Riddle 70], Speculum 49 (1974), 615–22.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵⁰ See the exemplary discussion by Pope, ‘Palaeography and Poetry’, pp. 32–4. The continuity of the idea of the fear of God has to be weighed against the discontinuity of much at the end of the poem, and conclusions are difficult.

⁵¹ See Celia Sisam, EEMF 19 (1976 [158A]), 36.

⁵² See ‘Heliand, Tatian und Hraban’, BGDSL 50 (1927), 426Google Scholar, n. (cf. below, p. 242), and ‘Cædmon und Genesis’, Britannica (M. Förster Festschrift, 1929 [3746 and 419]), esp. pp. 60–2.Google Scholar

⁵³ After reading René Wyss's M.A. dissertation (Dublin, 1979), I am convinced that the view of O. Hofer (1889 [3410]) and G. Steiner(also 1889 [3411]) is to be preferred to R. T. Farrell's view (1967 [3418]), summarized in his edition of Daniel and Azarias (London, 1974), at pp. 22–9 and 40–5Google Scholar, that the lines corresponding to Azarias are no interpolation. Azarias itself is a problem: it is probably not complete as we have it - see Pope, ‘Palaeography and Poetry’, pp. 37–41 - and the connection with Guthlac is far to seek.

⁵⁴ See Sisam, K., Studies (1953 [425Google Scholar]), Note D [3954]. The statements come in the Alfredian proems, ed. W. J. Sedgefield (1899 [5476]), p. 1, lines 9–10, and p. 151, Proem, lines 1–3a.

⁵⁵ In ‘Sketch of the History of Anglo-Saxon Poetry’ in Hazlitt's Warton (1871 [878, cf. 873]) 11, at 16.

⁵⁶ In his edition of 1871–2 [5496], at p. 473

⁵⁷ See Dietrich, F. on hopian (1853 [5914Google Scholar]), and cf. Bromwich, J. in Chadwick Memorial Studies (1950 [5927 and 424Google Scholar]). J. Raith came to the conclusion, after studying verbal constructions of the type byð smeagende, that the Paris prose psalms go with Alfred's genuine works but that the Orosius does not: see Unter suchungen zum englischen Aspekt (Munich, 1951) 1 (no more published), 52–61Google Scholar; cf. Gneuss, H., Lehnbildungen (1955 [5947]), p. 160Google Scholar. Other studies leading to conclusions about Alfred's canon include Weimann's, K.Friede (1966 [753]), pp. 129–46Google Scholar; Büchner, G., Vergehen und Verbrechtn (1968 [754]), pp. 184–5Google Scholar; and the two studies of the Orosius in Anglia 88 (1970 [5647 and 5648Google Scholar]) by J. M. Bately and E. M. Liggins. See also Schabram, H., ‘Das Altenglische Superbia-Wongut: eine Nachlese’, Festschrift … H. Köziol, Wiener Beiträge zur englischen Philologie 75 (1973), 278–9.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ De Gestis Regum Anglorum 1, 132.

⁵⁹ The medieval evidence in favour of Alfred's authorship is briefly given by Kuhn, Sherman M. in NM 73 (1972 [5591 and 451]), at 172–80Google Scholar, written in reply to persuasive, D. Whitelock's ‘The Old English Bede’, PBA 48 (1962 [5587]), 57–90Google Scholar. See also T. Miller in the two introductions to his edition (1890 and 1899 [5549]).

⁶⁰ Changing Currents in Anglo-Saxon Studies (1958 [847]), p. 11.

⁶¹ Their contributions are listed, among others, in the new bibliography from item 6502 to item 6543.

⁶² See especially H. Hecht's edition of the translation of Gregory's Dialogues (1900–7 [5526]).

⁶³ See A. Schröer's edition of the Benedictine Rule (1885–8 [5369]), reprinted in 1964 with H. Gneuss's valuable appendix; Gretsch, M., Die Regula Sancti Benedicti in England, Münchener Universitäts-Schriften: Texte und Untersuchungen zur englischen Philologie 2 (Munich, 1973).Google Scholar

⁶⁴ See Crawford's, S. J. edition of the Manual (1929 [5959]).Google Scholar

⁶⁵ See Ker, N. R., ‘Aldred the Scribe’, Essays and Stud. 28 (1942 [5815]), 7–12.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ See Ker's, Catalogue (1957 [126Google Scholar]), no. 292.

⁶⁷ See K. Wildhagen, Studien zur englischen Philologie 13 (1905 [5904]), 7–10; and cf. M. R. James's facsimile (1935 [138]).

⁶⁸ See, e.g., Daniel and Azarias, ed. Farrell, p. 2.

⁶⁹ See, e.g., A. Brandl's Geschichte der altenglischen Literatur (in Paul's, H.Grundriss, 2nd ed. (1908 [567 and 8]), p. 97Google Scholar (= 1037)), and Genesis A: a New Edition, ed. A. N. Doane (Madison, Wise, 1978), p. 225Google Scholar. Cf. E. Sievers's view that fifty-four of lines 1–233 (i.e. from the beginning to Genesis B) are Cædmon's own. (For details, see above, n. 52; the view was arrived at by the method of Schallanalyse practised by Sievers increasingly as he got older, but now thought unacceptable. See below, n. 126.)

⁷⁰ See Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People, ed. B. Colgrave and R. A. B. Mynors (Oxford, 1969), pp. 580–3Google Scholar, and note, pp. 580–1.

⁷¹ The Manuscripts of Cœdmon's Hymn and Bede's Death Song (1937 [3243]), pp. 50 and 120–1.

⁷² Cf. his ‘Spielmannsverhältnisse in frühmittelenglischer Zeit’, Sitzungsberichte der Königlicb Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Classe 41 (1910), 873–92Google Scholar, esp. 875–8.

⁷³ ‘der frische Zug des Spielmanns’, Geschichte der altenglischen Literatur (1908 [567 and 8]), p. 92 (= 1032).

⁷⁴ (Of the Finn and Sigemund episodes) ‘Nähe … zum alten epischen Spiclmannslied zeigen die straffe dramatische Darstellung, die knappe Zeichnung der Umgebung und die kurzen Worte statt der langen Reden des späteren Schreibepos …’ Englische Literaturgeschichte, Die alt- und mittelenglische Periode, 2nd ed. (1967 [595]), P. 21

⁷⁵ Geschichte der altengliscben Literatur (1971 [610]), pp. 32 and 72.

⁷⁶ Nothing could be more devastating, though it is in line with the words of an earlier editor of Juliana, W. Strunk, in 1904 ([3879], pp. xxxviii-xl), who has a long condemnation of the poem's bookishness and, therefore, its lifelessness and its unlifelikeness.

⁷⁷ Miss Woolf (p. 2) says of the sections into which Juliana is divided by manuscript pointing, paragraphing and ornamental capitals, that ‘they do not correspond to major structural points in the narrative’, a statement open to challenge.

⁷⁸ See Brooks's, K. R.Andreas (1961 [1420]), pp. xxx–xxxiGoogle Scholar, where he also discusses the poem's lack of ‘literary merit’.

⁷⁹ See P. O. E. Gradon's edition (1958 [3563]), p. 2, on the numbered sections; see Wrenn, C. L., A Study of Old English Literature (1967 [607]), p. 125Google Scholar, on Finit.

⁸⁰ In agreement with the manuscript. A. S. Cook states in his edition (2nd ed., 1909 [3265]), at p. 150, ‘the doxology just preceding … suggests the close of a division’, but draws attention in the same note to the fact that 779–82a echo the wording of 761–75, and are to be regarded as ‘certainly transitional’.

⁸¹ We should then probably have to assume again that the Vercelli Book was not the first to let Fates follow Andreas. It seems arguable if such coupling is really as unwarranted as suggests, S. B. Greenfield, Critical History (1965 [603]), p. 107Google Scholar. The ‘epilogues’ of Elene (86 lines) and Christ 11 (88 lines) are longer than the ‘epilogue’ of Fates (35 lines), but that corresponds in length to what Miss Woolf regards as the ‘epilogue’ of Juliana (695b–731).

⁸² See above, p. 239.

⁸³ Napier announced his discovery in Academy 34 (1888 [3651]), at 153/3; he published it more fully in his collations of the Book, Vercelli, ZDA 33 (1889 [246]), 70–3Google Scholar. The damaged wording was restored further by Sievers, E., Anglia 13.1 (1890 [3377]), 9–10Google Scholar. A very good picture of the state of scholarship at the end of the nineteenth century as regards this fourth ‘signature’ emerges from Nacbtrag 2 of R. P. Wülker's edition of the Vercelli Book (1894 [260]), pp. 566–8.

⁸⁴ Further involvement of Cynewulf in the Riddles is suggested by Erlemann, Edmund, ASNSL 111 (1903 [4095]), 59–63Google Scholar, and Erlemann, Fritz, ASNSL 115 (1905 [4098]), 391–2Google Scholar; cf. the editions of the Riddles, F. Tupper's (1910 [4067]), pp. 230–2, and Williamson's, pp. 384–7, both on Riddle (ASPR no.) 90, with reference to the two articles in ASNSL 111 and 115.

⁸⁵ The attribution goes back to Kemble, J. M. in 1838 (Archaeologia 28 (1840 [613], 360–3CrossRefGoogle Scholar), but only as a probability.

⁸⁶ See Grein, C. W. M., Kurzgefasste angelsächsische Grammatik (1880 [549]), pp. 11–15Google Scholar. It is influential because it had the support of Wülker, R. P., Grundriss (1885 [5]), p. 177.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ See the edition by E. Classen and F. E. Harmer (1926 [5982]), s.a. Cf. Continuatio Baidae (ed. C. Plummer (1896 [1616 and 5558]) 1, 362Google Scholar; ed. Colgrave and Mynors (1969), p. 574), s.a. 740; Symeonis Monachi Historia Dunelmensis Ecclesia, ed. T. Arnold, RS, 1 (1882), 47–50Google Scholar; and his Historia Regum, RS, 11 (1885), s.a. 740 (p. 32) Cynewulf succeeds, 750 (p. 39) his troubles, 780 (p. 47) his resignation and 783 (p. 50) his death.

⁸⁸ Attribution to Cædmon prospered less well. Haigh, D. H., ‘The Saxon Cross at Bewcastle’, AAe n.s. 1 (1857), 173Google Scholar, conjectured that the Ruthwell Cross inscription was a fragment ‘of a religious poem of very high character, and that there was but one man living in England at that time [ c. 665] worthy to be named as a religious poet, and that was Cædmon’. Stephens, George, Runic Monuments 1 (1866 [4234]), 419–20Google Scholar, read cadmon on the Ruthwell Cross, and averred that Haigh's ‘splendid, though daring, assumption or implication has now been approved by the very stone itself - and then Stephens goes on to attribute Judith to Cædmon on aesthetic grounds.

⁸⁹ See, e.g., Malone, K., RES 17 (1941 [3185]), 129–38Google Scholar, and his contribution to Grundtvig Studier 1960 [3193], at 7–25; the studies by H. Toldberg, of which the new bibliography lists those of 1946 [3187] and 1947 [3188], his review of two articles by Malone (a more general one of 1940 [3183] and that [3185] referred to above) in Grundtvig Studier 1948 [3190] and a book (1950 [3192]); the work of R. Cooley in 1940 [3181], 1941 [3184] and 1949 [3191 and 423]; and A. Haarder's work specifically on Grundtvig in 1965 [2927] and 1968 [3195] and frequently in his book, Beowulf: the Appeal of a Poem (Copenhagen, 1975Google Scholar), as well as in his book Del episke liv. Et indblik i oldengelsk beltedigtning (Copenhagen, 1979Google Scholar). See also two books by Lindhardt, P. G., Grundtvig: an Introduction (London, 1951Google Scholar) and Grundtvig (Copenhagen, 1964Google Scholar), which I have not seen; further, D. J. Savage (1949 [836 and 423]). Lastly, I have profited greatly from Birte Kelly's ‘The Formative Stages of Modern Beowulf Scholarship, Textual, Historical and Literary, Seen in the Work of Scholars of the Earlier Nineteenth Century’ (unpubl. Ph.D. dissertation, Univ. of London, 1979). Clearly Grundtvig's importance has not remained unrecognized.

⁹⁰ See Bjowulfs Drape (1820 [1659]), pp. xxvi-xxvii; Grundtvig considers the composition in relation to Gedmonian narrative verse. See the important article by Nicolas Jacobs, ‘Anglo-Danish Relations, Poetic Archaism and the Date of Beowulf, Poetica 8 (Tokyo, ‘1977’, in fact 1978), 23–43.Google Scholar

⁹¹ For details about Dietrich - who is described as a polyhistor - see Gundlach, F., Catalogus Professorum Academiat Marburgentis Veröffentlichungen der historischen Kommission für Hessen und Waldeck 15 (Marburg, 1927), 424–5Google Scholar (no. 784); as well as Allgtmcim Deutsche Biographic 55 (1910), 733–4.Google Scholar

⁹² Cf. Sisam, K., RES 22 (1946 [177]), 25768Google Scholar; repr. in Studies (1953 [425]) and M. Steven and J. Mandel's collection of 1968 [441].

⁹³ K. W. Bouterwek's edition of the Lindisfarne Gospels (1857 [5788]) produces the gloss interlinearly for only the prefatory matter in the manuscript, but the edition by J. Stevenson and G. Waring for the Surtees Society (1854–65 [5789]) gives the text of the Lindisfarne Gospels interlinearly and has the Anglo-Saxon text of the Rushworth Gospels for comparison.

⁹⁴ The plan was Kemble's, completed for Matthew after his death by C. Hardwick in 1858 [5773]. The standard edition by W. W. Skeat (1871–87 [5774–7]) completes the project and reprints Matthew. (B. Thorpe's edition of the West Saxon Gospels, published in 1842 [5862], prints a conflate text unsuitable for comparison.)

⁹⁵ The needs of the theologian were explicitly considered by Bouterwek as late as 1857 ([5788], p. [3] of the ‘Vorwort’).

⁹⁶ The dialectal distribution of synonyms was studied first by Dietrich (see above, n. 57) in 1853 [5914]. The following are especially significant contributions in this area of the subject, but there are many more: Jordan, R., Eigentümlichkeiten des anglischen Wortschatzes, Anglistische Forschungen 17 (1906Google Scholar); R. J. Menner on the Judgement Day poems (1947 [5832]), on Wulfstan (1948 [6524]) and on Genesis A (1951 [3756]); K. Jost on Wulfstan (1950 [6528]); J. J. Campbell on the Old English Bede (1951 [5583]); Vleeskruyer, R. on St Chad (1956 [6443Google Scholar]); and H. Schabram on words for ‘superbia’ (1965 [752]).

⁹⁷ Above, p. 235.

⁹⁸ In fact, the glossary to his prose and verse selections, Engla and Seaxna Scópus and Boceras (1850 [289]). The arrangement is singularly inconvenient for reading the texts with the aid of the glossary, but useful for comparative philology.

⁹⁹ The Sprachschatz is the glossary to the Bibliothek der angelsächsischen Poesie (1857–8 [259]), which was still the basis for J. J. Kohler's revision (with the help of F. Holthausen) published in 1912 14: Wülker's revision of Grein (1881–98 [260]) was not used except to correct the errors of transcription in the original edition.

¹⁰⁰ Henshall, though not influential, is of interest in connection with procedures adopted in translating from Old English, a subject which I intend to discuss elsewhere since it would occupy more space than could be given to it here.

¹⁰¹ So also in his inaccurate edition of extracts from the Gothic and Northumbrian Gospels (1807 [5787]), referred to above, p. 247.

¹⁰² It was first published in 1851 [469]. It has been suggested, by Setzler, E. B., ‘Thomas Jefferson and the Study of Anglo-Saxon’, The Anglo-Saxon (‘The official organ of the Anglo-Saxon Club of Newberry College’) 1 (1926), 1–5Google Scholar, that Jefferson ‘found that the study of Anglo-Saxon in his day was hampered by the incrustations which the devotees of classical scholarship had fixed upon it’ (p. 4). The Essay provides no evidence for such an anti-classical view, and Jefferson's splendidly classical endeavours in the architectural heritage of Virginia make Setzler's view seem out of harmony with his largeness of mind, which led him to see the value of studying Anglo-Saxon in its own right (and in a way Wilhelm von Humboldt would have recognized), without rejecting classical excellence.

¹⁰³ Barnes used H. W. Norman's edition (1848 [5220]), p. 16, line 11; see Bôsworth-Toller (1898 [75]), s.v.; and cf. S. J. Crawford's edition (1921 [5221]), p. 55, line 292.

¹⁰⁴ The bibliography includes, of course, his verse translations of the Metres of Boethius (1850 [3943]).

¹⁰⁵ ‘An Essay on the Language and Versification of Chaucer’, The Canterbury Tales iv (London, 1775), pp. 46–54Google Scholar, is relevant. See Tyrwhitt's n. 40. See now also Calder, Daniel G., ‘The Study of Style in Old English Poetry: a Historical Introduction’, Old English Poetry: Essays on Style, ed. Calder, D. G. (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, 1979), pp. 1–6Google Scholar), esp. 6–7. Calder gives an account of the aesthetic study of Old English verse. He has a good bibliography.

¹⁰⁶ Chronicle of Scottish Poetry; from the Thirteenth Century to the Union of the Crowns (Edinburgh, 1802) iv, liv–lviii.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ He may have taken Brunanburh from Hickes's, Thesaurus 1 (1705 [268]), 181–2Google Scholar; but his errors in line-division do not go back to Hickes. Cadmon's Hymn could be from Hickes, Ibid. p. 187.

¹⁰⁸ Heusler's theory is most conveniently available in Deutsche Versgeschichte 1 (1925 [1330Google Scholar]). The use of musical notation reminds one, however, of Pope's, J. C.The Rhythm of Beowulf(1942 [3155Google Scholar]) rather than of Heusler. Unlike these modern scholars, Sibbald had odd views at bottom - for example, the likelihood that Anglo-Saxon was ‘Picto-Belgic’.

¹⁰⁹ A version of the first chapter, ‘Observations on the Metre of Anglo-Saxon Poetry’, Illustrations of Anglo-Saxon Poetry (published by his brother, W. D. Conybeare, in 1826 [278]), had first been heard by the Antiquaries in 1813, and was published in Archaeologia 17(1814 [1257]). W. D. Conybeare added the ‘General Laws of Anglo-Saxon Metre’ to his brother's work. The importance of Conybeare's Illustrations was recognized, how fully it is difficult to say, by Longfellow, H. W., who contributed a valuable article in North Amer. Rev. 47 (1838 [535Google Scholar]), in which he surveyed about sixteen important works, almost all of them of the 1820s and 1830s, five of which he singled out as ‘most necessary for a student of the Anglo-Saxon’ (p. 92). A reader of Longfellow's survey recaptures easily the feeling of that age that here a great subject was in the process of being opened up by men of learning and imagination.

¹¹⁰ Junius's edition of the Caedmonian poems (1655 [222]) and Thwaites's of Judith appended to the Heptateucbus (1698 [5229]) reproduce the pointing and, like the manuscripts, do not lay out the verse differently from prose.

¹¹¹ Available with some changes made by Rask, in Thorpe's, B. translation, A Grammar of the Anglo-Saxon Tongue with a Praxis (Copenhagen, 1830).Google Scholar

¹¹² Those who print in long lines have the choice of splitting the two halves by a caesural space or not. A very small number of editions, perhaps because of the ugly appearance of the caesural river meandering down the page of Anglo-Saxon verse printed with long lines split, print the verse with varying caesural spacing, so that the second half-lines always begin equidistantly from the margin; thus for Beowulf A. Holder's edition, emended text volume (1884 [1645]), and for rhythmical prose some parts of Jost's, K. edition of Polity (1959 [6504]), e.g. pp. 59–66Google Scholar. To the reader such printing may seem an invitation to read down where he should read across, especially in Jost's Polity where reading down is required whenever two variant texts are printed in parallel, and that is more often than not.

¹¹³ J., and Grimm, W., Die beiden ältesten dtutschen Gedichte … Das Lied von Hildebrand und Hadubrand und das Weiβenbrunner Gebet zum erstenmal in ihrem Metrum dargestellt und berausgegeben (Cassel, 1812), pp. 35–8Google Scholar (the argument for long lines) and p. 43 (Judith). Jacob Grimm returned to the argument in ‘Zur altdeutschen Metrik’, Altdeutsche Wälder 1 (1813), at 192–4Google Scholar. The first major edition to use long lines was Grimm's, J.Andreas und Elene (1840 [1417]).Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ In Thorpe's translation (1830) at p. 137. The practice of ‘some recent scholars’ is rejected (presumably by Rask himself) at pp. 149–54, with reference specifically to the Grimms, including W. Grimm's error in arranging Widsith in Deutsche Heldensage in 1829 ([915], pp. 18–19). Thorpe dropped this criticism in his second edition (London, 1865).Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Alliterative verse in Old High German, Old Saxon and Old Icelandic. In addition to the work of the Grimms, that of K. Lachmann is of importance: Über althochdeutsche Betonung und Vershinst, Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin … 1832, Historisch-philologische Klasse (Berlin, 1834), 235–70Google Scholar, incidentally compares Heliand with Otfrid's accentuation (the connection between Heliand and the ‘Cædmonian’ poems had been made much earlier, by Grimm, J. in Deutsche Grammatik I (Göttingen, 1819), at lxvi–lxviiGoogle Scholar - he did not attribute them to C(a)edmon). See also Lachmann's article, ‘Otfried’, Ersch, S. and Gruber, J. G., Allgemeine Encyclopädie der Wissenschaften und Künste, section III.7, ed. Meier, M. H. E. and Kämtz, L. F. (Leipzig, 1836), pp. 280–2Google Scholar; and Über das Hildebrandslied, Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin… 1833, Historischphilologische Klasse (Berlin, 1835), 123–62Google Scholar. (All these are reprinted, with slight changes, in his Kleinere Scbriften zur deutscben Philologie, ed. K. Müllenhoff (Berlin, 1876Google Scholar).) Lachmann's prestige was great; his scansion of Otfrid and, with less justification, of alliterative Germanic verse was, however, that of a classicist.

¹¹⁶ P. 16. Some more recent studies run in a similar direction: e.g., M. Daunt, ‘Old English Verse and English Speech Rhythms’ (1946 [1347 and 439]).

¹¹⁷ Is this the source of Klaeber's ‘LACK OF STEADY ADVANCE’, Beowulf (1922 [1650]), p. lvii? Theories of indebtedness have been built on less.

¹¹⁸ Rieger himself acknowledges that he is indebted to H. Schubert (1870 [1264]) and that he has profited fromF. Vetter's criticism of Schubert (1872 [1265]). As far as I know, Schubert was the first to classify the stressed parts of speech systematically.

¹¹⁹ ‘Ein schmarotzergewachs, das auf dem organismus der alten verskunst wuchert und ihm die kraft aussaugt’ (p. 3). Rieger's indignation was aroused in part by Lachmann's brilliant encyclopaedia article on Otfrid (see above, n. 115), in which he saw Otfrid's use of rhyming verse as a way forward from the lifeless and formulaic alliterative verse of the Old High German poets immediately preceding Otfrid.

¹²⁰ Sievers's scansion is set out in masterly fashion in the great articles of 188; and 1887 [1277] and the monograph, Altgtrmanische Metrik, of 1893 [1285], which took account of and often superseded earlier work. It led J. M. Schipper to modify his excellent work: cf. the books of 1882 [1268] and 1895 [1293] - the English translation of 1910 has further modifications. It prompted K. Luick to an authoritative summary in the second edition of Paul's Grundriss 11.2 (190; [1308 and 8]). It led to controversy with Kaluza, M. in Studiea zum gtrmanischen Alliterationsvers (1894 [1290 and 3148Google Scholar]) - with his collaborator F. Graz on the ‘Csedmonian’ poems [3220]. Kaluza's historical account is of great interest in keeping alive the possibility that Lachmann's idea of four lifts to the half-line had not been entirely knocked out by the Vetter-Rieger-Sievers theory of two lifts: in fact, the theory of four lifts is useful still (as B. Kuhnke showed on Caaain in the last issue, 1900, of Kaluza's Studien) for Middle English alliterative verse, and for some very loose Old English verse.

¹²¹ English summary by D. Slay in 1952 [1373].

¹²² The Meier and Melody of‘Beowulf,’ Illinois Stud. in Lang. and Lit. 64 (1974). A n importan t study is that by E. Neuner (1920 [1324]), especially on light verses.

¹²³ See above, n. 108.

¹²⁴ C. L. Wrenn actually printed the decontracted forms in his edition of Beowulf (1953 [1654]). but W. F. Bolton, when he revised Wrenn's edition in 1973, removed the decontractions.

¹²⁵ See Bliss, A. J., The Metre of Beowulf (1958 [3163])Google Scholar, chs. 15 and 16; and Jan e Robert s on Gutblac (1971 [3814]).

¹²⁶ Hoops, J., in Beovulfstudien (1932 [2508]), at pp. 1–13Google Scholar, sets out the principles of conservative textual criticism as they apply to an Anglo-Saxon poem. He is averse from improving the rhythm, but more ready to fulfil editorially the requirements of alliteration. It may well be that conservatism was reinforced as a reaction to E. Sievers's senescent involvement with ‘Schallanalyse’, as is shown in connection with Old English in the following references in the new bibliography: general (1924 [1328]); and cf. G. Ipsen and F. Karg (1928 [1333]); short pieces in verse and prose (1918–19 [1321]); Widsitb (1921 [5024]); Cynewulf (192) [3400 and 417]); Cædmon (1929 [3746 and 419]); The Dream of the Rood in H. Bütow's edition (1935 [3486]), at pp. 176–85; and Beowulf in T. Westphalen's study (1967 [2677]), at pp. 124–32 and pis. III–IV. See also the valuable account of Sievers's scholarship by Ganz, P., in BGDSL (Tubingen), 100 (1978), at 40–85Google Scholar, esp. 65–85, with further references to relevant works. I am indebted to Professor Ganz for kindly allowing me to see reproductions of further specimens of Sievers's text of Beowulf edited according to the principles of‘Schallanalyse’, the original of which is preserved in the archives at Leipzig.

¹²⁷ See Pope, , The Rhythm of Beowulf (1942 and 1966 [3155]), p. 253Google Scholar; cf. Sievers's analysis of metre (1885 [1277]). PP 272 and 276

¹²⁸ Cf. my The Search for Anglo-Saxon Paganism (1975 [677]), esp. pp. 17–18 and 71–5.

¹²⁹ See the works of the ‘Münster School’: for Old English, e.g., Benning, H. A., ‘Welt’ und ‘Menscb’ (1961 [747Google Scholar]), and Dick, E. S., Altenglisch ‘dryht’ (1965 [751]).Google Scholar

¹³⁰ Förster, M., Reliquienkultus (1943 [658Google Scholar]), p. u, n. 3.

¹³¹ England's Darling (London, 1896), p. 80Google Scholar, Act in, sc. v (ad finini).

¹³² In K. Ostheeren's full discussion of Old English words for ‘joy’ (1964 [750]), at p. 82, eðelwyn has its place.

¹³³ See Scherz, J. G., Glossarium Germanicum Midii Aevi, ed. Oberlin, J. J. (Strasburg, 1784Google Scholar), cols. 2056–7 (s.v. wonne).

¹³⁴ ‘Der Grund liegt tief inder Sacheund Sprache’, Liederder alten Edda, ed. J. and W. Grimm 1 (Berlin, 1815), 183–4.Google Scholar

¹³⁵ The phrase occurs in Jung, J. H. (Stilling, ), Theorie der Geister-Kunde (Nuremberg, 1808), at p. 338Google Scholar, in which the death of a clothmaker is given the euphemisms ‘gieng ein zu seines Herrn Freude. Ich war bey seinem Heimgang’. For at til fiarri siác mínom feþr munom, the Grimms’ literal verse translation has ‘daB zu fern ich sey meinen Vaters-Freuden’, but the poetically conceived prose rendering has ‘daß ich allzufern sey meines Vaters freudenreicher Heimath’ (pt 2, p. 47).

¹³⁶ In the Note, ‘Literary Influence in Beowulf’, The Heroic Age (1912 [489]), at p. 76.

¹³⁷ ‘Cædmon, der erfinder des “buchepos ” ist eben, bei lichte besehen, nur eines der übelsten hirngespinste auf das jemals eine philologie hereingefallen ist!’, ‘Heliand, Tatian und Hraban’, BGDSL 50 (1927), 426Google Scholar, n.

₁₃₈ ‘Bercits ein halbes Jahrhundert hindurch beschäftigt man sich in Deutschland ernstlich und gemüthich damit’, ‘Serbische Lieder’, Ueber Kunst und Altertbum 5.2 (Stuttgart, 1825), 35–6 (Weimarer Ausgabe 41.2 (1905), 136).Google Scholar

¹³⁹ ‘Noch hat in dem innern sich selbst überlassenen Serbien, jedes Haus seine Gusle’, J. S. Vater's introduction, ‘Ueber die neueste Auffassung langer Helden-Lieder aus dem Munde des Volks in Serbien; zur Vergleichung mit Homer und Ossian…’, Wuk's Stephanowitsch kleine serbische Grammatik, trans. J. Grimm (Leipzig and Berlin, 1824), p. lviii.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁰ ‘Nicht aus alten Pergamentblättern hervorgesucht worden sind unsere serbischen Lieder, sie sind alle aus dem warmen Munde des Volks aufgenommen, sie waren vielleicht vorher nie aufgeschrieben, sie sind in diesem Sinne also nicht alt, werden aber wohl alt werden’, Göttingische gelehrte Anzeigen (1823), Stück 177–8, p. 1764Google Scholar (repr. in Grimm's, J.Kltinere Schriften iv (1869 [412]), at 199).Google Scholar

¹⁴¹ An anonymous ‘Voranzeige’, presumably by K. von Holtei, described in the table of contents as ‘Eingereicht’, so that Goethe clearly did not accept responsibility for it when he published it in his journal Ueber Kunst und Alterthum 6.2 (Stuttgart, 1828), at 352–3Google Scholar, under the heading ‘Gedichte in schlesischer Mundart’, has been thought by Hagen, E. von der (Goethe als Herausgeber von ‘Kunst und Alterthum’ und seine Mitarbeiter (Berlin, 1912), pp. 180 and206Google Scholar) to be by Holtei but worked over by Goethe. It refers to the literary re-creation of popular poetry in modern times: ‘Der…Zweifel…: ob die aus der Feder gefloßnen Gesänge, in Volkes Mund einen Wiederklang finden werden? hebt sich zum Theil dadurch, daß die im schlesischen Musenalmanach mitgetheilten Proben, ihre Melodien gefunden haben und innerhalb wie außerhalb Schlesiens nicht ohne Vergnügen gesungen werden.‘

¹⁴² Ueber den Versbau in der alliterirendcn Poesie besonders der Altsachsen, Königlich Bayerische Akademi e der Wissenschaften, Abhandlungen der philosophisch-philolog. Classe 4 1847 (5), 211 and n. Schmeller must have been familiar with Grimm's translations of Vuk Stefanović Karadžić, and indeed refers to him; but he also uses a more journalistic source, a series of articles by ‘L. H.’, ‘Serbische Sitten’, in (Kaltenbaeck's, J. P.) Oesterreichische Zeitscbriftfur Gescbichts- undStaatskunde 3 (1837), at 57–9Google Scholar (this is the instalment referred to by Schmeller), 61–3, 65–6, 70–2, 75–6 (irrelevant), 79–80 and 83–4.

₁₄₃ Cf. the extensive treatment of symbolism in Broek, R. van den, The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions (Leiden, 1971Google Scholar); the book does not deal with the Old English poem.

₁₄₄ Cf. J. E. Cross and S. 1. Tucker's article (1960 [3632]).

₁₄₅ Cf. Goldsmith, M. E., The Mode and Meaning of ’Beowulf’ (1970 [3001Google Scholar]), and the debate in Chicago in 1971 (ASE 2 (1973), 285–302).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁶ R. D. Stevick's ‘Geometrical Design of the Old English Andreas', Poetica 9 (Tokyo, ‘1978’, in fact, 1979), 73–106Google Scholar; an earlier study of Beowulf (1968 [3171]) with reference to manuscript spacing has given us reviews of real value, especially that by C. J. E. Ball.

¹⁴⁷ Her explanations are imaginative and plausible in such examples as Grendel's mere and hell (p. 187) and Beowulf's pagan burial (pp. 210–11) and there is a postscript (pp. 261–4) on Sutton Hoo. The use of the novel as a vehicle for literary criticism is familiar enough; e.g. Hamlet in Wilbelm Meisfer, Home's Douglas in The Virginians.

¹⁴⁸ See Hoops, , Beowulfstudien (1932 [2508]), pp. 78–88.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁹ Thus Brunner, H. in 1890 [1843], ad finem.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁰ For mouse and rat, bed-bug and flea Consort in our entirety. ‘Ein Fastnachtspiel vom Pater Brey’ 196–7 (Derjunge Goelbe, ed. H. Fischer-Lamberg iii (Berlin, 1966), 169).Google Scholar

¹⁵¹ It is advisable to ignore some of the over-subtle divisions for studies of Beowulf, probably forced on the compilers because the Beowulf section is voluminous enough to require some kind of subdivision: it amounts to about a quarter of the total on verse and prose.

¹⁵² West-östlicher Divan, in Goethe's Werke, Vollständige Ausgabe letzter Hand v (Stuttgart and Tübingen, 1828), at 119.Google Scholar

¹⁵³ Goethe, J. W. von, West-östlichtr Divan, ed. Maier, H. A. (Tübingen, 1965) 11, 235Google Scholar; cf. 10, 106.