^{page 179 note 1} On this see my ‘The Icelandic Saga of Edward the Confessor: the Hagiographic Sources’, ASE 1 (1972), 247–58.Google Scholar

^{page 179 note 2} Icelandic Sagas, ed. Gudbrand, Vigfusson, Rolls Series (1887), 1, xvii.Google Scholar

^{page 179 note 3} Byskupa Sqgur, ed. Helgason, Jón, Corp. Cod. Islandicorum Mcdii Aevi 19 (Copenhagen, 1950), 22.Google Scholar

^{page 179 note 4} Rogers, H. L., ‘An Icelandic Life of St Edward the Confessor’, SBVS 14 (1953–1957), 259.Google Scholar

^{page 179 note 5} ‘Clearly full of ambiguities’, Sigfús, Blöondal, Væringjasaga (Reykjavík, 1954), p. 258.Google Scholar

^{page 180 note 1} Sigfús, Blöndal, ‘Nabites the Varangian’, Classica et Mediaevalia 2 (1939), 147.Google Scholar

^{page 180 note 2} Dawkins, R. M., ‘The Later History of the Varangian Guard: Some Notes’, Jnl of Roman Stud. 37 (1947), 42.Google Scholar

^{page 180 note 3} Rafn, C. C. and Jón, Sigurdsson, ‘Saga Játvarðar Konúngs hins Helga’, Annaler for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie (1852), 3–43.Google Scholar

^{page 181 note 1} Vigfusson, , Icelandic Sagas, pp. 398–400.Google Scholar

^{page 181 note 2} Miss Ciggaar's article, which includes a transcript of the relevant Sections of the Chronicon Laudunensis and lists previous publication of the manuscripts, is to appear shortly in Revue des Études Byzantines.

^{page 181 note 3} See my ‘A Note on Pálsbók’, Med. Scandinavia (forthcoming).

^{page 182 note 1} My transcripts are from Phihipps 1880. My thanks are due to the Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, Berlin, for permission to use this manuscript.

^{page 182 note 2} The saga writer cannot have failed to recognize the term drenc borrowed into Old English from ON drengr. But in the Chronicon it is equated with a specific rank, a meaning which it acquired in late Old English and which survives into Middle English. ON drengir would not have suggested to the audience a rank equivalent to barúnar, but rather either the personal followers of the jarl (in which case there would have been more than eight) or the general body of emigrants whose presence is covered by the term mikit lið ok fritt.

^{page 183 note 1} The Flateyjarbók reading is ‘Guðina junga Ballduinasun jaris’.

^{page 184 note 1} Liber Eliensis, ed. Blake, E. O., Camden 3rd ser. 92 (London, 1962), 291.Google Scholar

^{page 185 note 1} von Feilitzen, Olof, The Pre-Conquest Personal Names of Domesday Book (Uppsala, 1937), pp. 361–3.Google Scholar

^{page 185 note 2} This is the E text. (Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, ed. Earle, J. and Plummer, C. (1892–1899) 1, 208)Google Scholar. The D text has the name form Sigwarð.

^{page 185 note 3} The only piece of evidence against Siward's leadership of the emigration is Florence of Worcester's statement that Siward Barn was one of the prisoners released by William on his deathbed in 1087. But Florence may have been relying on nothing more than the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle's list of rebels against William and the issue could have been confused by the presence of two Siwards at Ely. The Durham charters including Siward Barn in the witness-lists are forgeries. On the other hand recent scholarship mentioning the leader of the emigrants as ‘Siward, dont les chroniques ont conservé le nom’ has as its sole source Játvarðar saga, translated into Latin by Thormodus Torfæus in 1711, quoted from there by the nineteenth-century historian Augustin Thierry and adopted uncritically as late as 1953 by Janin, R., La Géographic Ecclésiastique de l'Empire Byzantin (Paris, 1953), p. 591.Google Scholar

^{page 185 note 4} Symeonis Monachis Opera Omnia, ed. Thomas, Arnold, RS (1882–1885) 11, 190.Google Scholar

^{page 185 note 5} Gaimar, , Lestorie des Engles, ed. SirHardy, Thomas Duffus and Martin, Charles Trice, RS (1888–1889) 1, 231.Google Scholar

^{page 185 note 6} In VCH Warwicksbire 1, 282–3 J. H. Round draws together the estates held by Siward Barn. See also von Feilitzen, , Pre-Conquest Personal Names, s.c. Sigeweard.Google Scholar

^{page 186 note 1} Vasiliev, A. A., ‘The Opening Stages of the Anglo-Saxon Immigration to Byzantium in the Eleventh Century’, Annales de l'Institut Kondakov 9 (1937), 65Google Scholar. Anyone working in this field must be deeply indebted to Vasiliev's research. I have relied heavily on this article for the Byzantine material.

^{page 186 note 2} Von Feilitzen, , Pre-Conquest Personal Names, p. 372.Google Scholar

^{page 187 note 1} Morkinshinna, ed. Unger, C. R. (Christiania, 1867), pp. 12–13Google Scholar; Flateyjarbók, ed. Vigfusson, G. and Unger, C. R. (Christiania, 1860–1808) 111, 304–5.Google Scholar

^{page 187 note 2} William, of Malmesbury, , De Gestis Regum Anglorum, ed. William, Stubbs, RS (1887–1889) 11, 318.Google Scholar

^{page 187 note 3} Sigfús, Blöndal, ‘The Last Exploits of Harald Sigurdsson in Greek Service’, Classcica et Mediaevalia 2(1939) 13.Google Scholar

^{page 187 note 4} Heimskringla, ed. Bjarni, Aðalbjarnarson, Íslenzk, Fornrit 26–8 (Reykjavík, 1941–1951), 111, 85.Google Scholar

^{page 188 note 1} Blöndal, ‘Last Exploits’, p. 2, and Gustav, Storm, ‘Harald Haardraade og Væringerne i de græske Keiseres Tjeneste’, Hisiorisk Tidsskrift 2nd ser. 4 (Christiania, 1884), 369–70.Google Scholar

^{page 188 note 2} As Freeman, E. A. pointed out (The History of the Norman Conquest, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1870–1879), p. 847)Google Scholar, it is an interesting comment on the haphazard nature of our sources that we hear of Wuifric's embassy only because he donated relics of St John Chrysostom to Abingdon. The record is in Chronicon Monasterii de Abingdon, ed. Joseph, Stevenson, RS (1858), 11, 46–7.Google Scholar

^{page 190 note 1} Details will appear in Miss Ciggaar's forthcoming article in Revue des Études Byzantines.Google Scholar

^{page 191 note 1} Acta Sanctorum Maii vi (Antwerp, 1688), 410.Google Scholar

^{page 191 note 2} Vitalis, Ordericus, Historia Ecclesiastica, ed. Augustus le, Prévost (Paris, 1838–1855) 11, 171–2, and 111, 169 and 490Google Scholar. For the first of Orderic's references see also The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis 11, bks six and iv, ed. Marjorie, Chibnall (Oxford, 1969), 202–4.Google Scholar

^{page 192 note 1} Vasiliev, , ‘Opening Stages’, p. 53.Google Scholar

^{page 192 note 2} Anna, Comnena, Alexiad, trans. Sewter, E. R. A. (Harmondsworth, 1969), pp. 95–6 and 100.Google Scholar

^{page 192 note 3} Jonathan, Shepard, ‘The English and Byzantium’, Tradilio 29 (1973), 53–92.Google Scholar

^{page 193 note 1} Geoffrey of Malaterra, , De Rebus Gestis Rogerii Calabriae et Siciliae Comitis, ed. Pontieri, E., Rerum, Italicarum Scriptores 5.1, 2nd ed. (Bologna, n.d.), 74.Google Scholar

^{page 193 note 2} Vasiliev, ‘Opening Stagesr’, p. 65.

^{page 195 note 1} Pontieri, , De Rebus Gestis, p. 75.Google Scholar

^{page 195 note 2} I am indebted to Professor Donald Bullough of the University of St Andrews for arguing this case. He writes (in a personal communication): ‘To offer Kherson to the “Foreign Legion” which was no longer needed at Kibotos fits so neatly that I am inclined once again to give the saga even more credit than you have done’.

^{page 195 note 3} For this material see a forthcoming article by Jonathan, Shepard, ‘Another New England?’.Google Scholar

^{page 196 note 1} Robert, Byron, The Byzantine Achievement (London, 1929), p. 147, n. 1.Google Scholar