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England and Aquitaine in the century before the Norman Conquest

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 September 2008

George Beech
Affiliation:
Western Michigam University

Extract

A commonplace among English historians today is the importance of English ties with Aquitaine during the later Middle Ages. For some three centuries, historical events came to link the destinies of these two countries and peoples who otherwise differed strikingly in economy, language and culture in general, with lasting consequences for both. It has long been taken for granted by both English and French historians that this association came about abruptly in the 1150s as a result of the ascent to the English throne of Henry of Anjou who, through his marriage to Eleanor, heiress of the duchy of Aquitaine, became the sovereign of that enormous territorial principality. Till the present no one has suspected that any significant ties existed between the Anglo-Saxons and Aquitanians prior to that time. To be sure, the Anglo-Saxons had been in contact with the late Carolingian kings in the tenth century and with the Normans in the eleventh, but those were purely northern French phenomena. So too were the important Anglo-Saxon relations with the monks of Fleury-sur-Loire in the later tenth and early eleventh centuries, but these were not known to have had any repercussions in Aquitaine far to the south.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1990

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References

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12 ‘Hoc idem in aliis illius gentis vetustissimis voluminibus ipsis oculis probavimus’. Ibid.

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28 Ibid. pp. 75 and 351.

29 See above, pp. 84–5.

30 Chronicon Evesham, ed. Macray, , pp. 74–5 and 83.Google Scholar

31 English Kalendars before A.D. 1100, ed. Wormald, F., HBS 72 (London, 1934).Google Scholar

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33 Das altenglische Martyrologium, ed. Kotzor, G., Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil.-Hist. Klasse, Abhandlungen, Neue Folge, 88.1–2 (Munich, 1981)Google Scholar. Aigrain's article on the cult of St Radegund in England is based largely on Brittain, F., St. Radegond, Patroness of Jesus College Cambridge (Cambridge, 1925)Google Scholar, and deals with the later medieval period: Aigrain, R., ‘Un ancien poème anglais sur la vie de Sainte-Radegonde et le culte de Sainte-Radegonde en Angleterre’, Eludes mérovingiennes. Actes des journées de Poitiers, 1–3 Mai 1952 (Paris, 1953), pp. 29Google Scholar. Since Bede's Martyrologium is incomplete for St Radegund's feastday, 13 August, it is uncertain whether she is included or not. Quentin, H., Les martyrologes historiques du moyen age. Etude sur la formation du Martyrologe romain (Paris, 1908), p. 46.Google Scholar

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36 See above, n. 4.

37 See above, p. 89.

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40 Of these five only the Arundel Psalter, London, British Library, Arundel 60, has been published. Wormald, F., ‘The English Saints’, p. 82Google Scholar. I am grateful to Michael Lapidge for informing me of the other four, all unpublished, but catalogued in his article, Litanies of the Saints in Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts’, Scriptorium 40 (1986), 264–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In his list these litanies have the following numbers: Exeter (no. 22), s. ximed, BL, Cotton Vitellius A. vii, fols 1–112; Winchcombc (no. 28), s. x2, Orleans, Bibl. Mun. 127 (105); ?Winchester, ?Ramsey (no. 24), s. xex, BL, Harley 2904; unknown English location (no. 5), s. ix2, Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 272.

41 BL, Add. 11880, s. ix, fols. 71–85; Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum, McLean 100, s. xi, fols. 86–8, a fragment of French origin; and BL, Harley 649, s. xii, fols. 99ff. Based on Levison, W., Conspectus Codicum Hagiographicorum, MGH, SS rer. Merov. 7 (Hannover and Leipzig, 1920) nos. 305 (p. 606), 133 (p. 573) and 295 (p. 603)Google Scholar. Helmut Gneuss does not include either of the first two in A Preliminary List of Manuscripts written or owned in England up to 1100’, ASE 9 (1981), 160.Google Scholar

42 Thirteen of the twenty calendars prior to 1100 edited by Wormald show commemoration of St Hilary's feastday; see English Kalendars before 1100, ed. Wormald, pp. 2, 16, 100, 128, 142, 156, 170, 184, 198, 212, 226, 240 and 254.

43 See above, p. 87, n. 24.

44 The Old English Martyrology commemorates St Hilary's feast day; see Das altenglische Martyrologium, ed. Kotzor II, 15.

45 Oxford, Fell n. 4, s. xi, fols. 47–51 (Gneuss, ‘A Preliminary List’, no. 625); BL, Cotton Nero A.i, vol. 1, s. xii, fol. 85; BL, Cotton Tiberius D. iv, s. xii; Lincoln, Cathedral Library, B. 1. 9, s. xii; BL, Arundel 36, s. xiii, fols 49–50; BL, Harley 2800, s. xiii, fols. 39–42; London, Lambeth Palace, 94, s. xiii/xiv, fols. 77–81. See Levison, Conspectus, nos. 440 (p. 632); 286 (p. 601), 284 (p. 601), 276 (p. 598), 290 (p. 602–3), 296 (p. 603) and 317 (p. 609).

46 See above, p. 85, n. 13.

47 Once again I am grateful to Michael Lapidge for telling me of the inclusion of St Martial in these mainly unpublished litanies. The following references are taken from his article ‘Litanies of the Saints’, pp. 264–77. Manuscripts listing St Martial as an apostle: St Augustine's Canterbury, s. x/xi, Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 411 (Lapidge, no. 7); Bury St Edmunds, s. xi1, Vatican City, Bibl. Ap. Vat., Reg. lat. 12 (no. 45); Worcester, s. ximed, Oxford, Bodleian Library, Laud Misc. 482 (S.C. 1054) (no. 34); Winchcombe, s. xi med, Cambridge, Univ. Library. Ff. 1. 23 (the Cambridge Psalter) (no. 1); St Augustine's Canterbury, s. xi1, Rouen, Bibl. Mun. 274 (Y.6) (the ‘Missal of Robert of Jumièges’) (no. 40); unknown English location, ximed, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, lat. 8824 (no. 36). Manuscripts listing St Martial as confessor: Christ Church Canterbury, s. xi1, London, BL, Arundel 155 (no. 13); Sherborne or Salisbury, s. xi2, BL, Cotton Tiberius C. i., fols. 43–203 (no. 19); ?St Augustine's Canterbury, s. xiex, Rouen, Bibl. Mun. 231 (A.44) (no. 39); ?Winchester ?Ramsey, s. xex, BL, Harley 2904 (no. 24).

48 St Martial is included in seven of the eighteen calendars edited by Wormald for the period after 1100: see English Benedictine Calendars after 1100, ed. Wormald, F., HBS 77 (London, 1939)Google Scholar, nos. 3, 4, 7, 11, 14 and 18.

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54 I am grateful to Michael Lapidge for telling me of the tomb of Edith at La Chaise-Dieu.

55 Gardon, F., Histoire de l' abbaye de la Chaise-Dieu, written in the early seventeenth century and published by Antoine Jacotin (Le Puy, 1912), pp. 22–3Google Scholar. Pierre-Roger Gaussin reviews briefly the relationship between La Chaise-Dieu and Queen Edith in his L' Abbaye de la Chaise-Dieu (1043–1518). L'abbaye en Auvergne et son rayonnement dans la Chrétienté (Paris, 1962), pp. 126–7Google Scholar. Here he also cites the opening line of a hymn sung for Queen Edith, taken from BN, lat. 12745, fol. 60: ‘Quaesumus, Domine, ora pro regina Angliae famula tua Editha.’

56 Dictionnaire des Eglises de France, Belgique, Luxembourg, Suisse, II, Centre et Sud-Est (Paris, 1964) II B 32.Google Scholar

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59 This is a preliminary conclusion based on a perusal of the printed materials available to me now, and is the first step in a full examination of the question. E. A. Freeman gives references to original sources on Ealdgyth, queen of King Harold, in his The History of the Norman Conquest of England: its Causes and its Effects II, 2nd ed. (London, 1870), 416 and 658–61Google Scholar; III (London, 1869), 261, n. 1, 511 and 525; IV (London, 1871), 143, 317, 588 and 754–7.

60 Lapidge, M., ‘A Frankish Scholar in Tenth-Century England: Frithegod of Canterbury/ Fredegaud of Brioude’, ASE 17 (1988), 4565Google Scholar. It is not certain where Frithegod came from, and Dr Lapidge calls him a Frank; but if Brioude was his home he certainly was Aquitanian.

61 Lafaurie, J., ‘Le trésor monétaire du Puy (Haute-Loire). Contribution à l'étude de la monnaie de la fin du Xe siècle’, Revue numismatique, 5th ser. 14 (1952), 59169, at 67. Reference from Mark Blackburn.Google Scholar

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63 Ibid. p. 249.

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66 See above, p. 87 and n. 24. Harvey, J., Medieval Architects: a Biographical Dictionary including Master Masons, Carpenters, Carvers, Building Contractors, and others responsible for Design, 2nd ed. (Gloucester, 1987), p. 69.Google Scholar

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68 Fernie, E.The Architecture of the Anglo-Saxons (London, 1983), p. 159Google Scholar. Gem, R. has expressed doubts about this, in his ‘L'architecture pré-romane et romane en Angleterre: problèmes d'origine et de chronologie’, Bulletin Monumental 142 (1984), 233–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 251.

69 See above, p. 85 and n. 14.

70 The other two were monks of La Sauve Majeure, near Bordeaux, who acquired Burwell priory in Lincolnshire, and those of Conques at Horsham-St Faith in Norfolk. Trabut-Cussac, J.P., ‘Les possessions anglaises de l'abbaye de la Sauve Majeure. Le Prieuré de Burwell, Linc.’, Bulletin Philologique et Historique jusqu'a 1715, Congrès National des Sociétés Savantes, 82e Congrès, Bordeaux 1957 (Paris, 1958), pp. 137–83. On Conques, see above, p. 94, n. 53.Google Scholar

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76 Labande-Mailfert, Y. does not take account of Henderson's findings in her ‘Nouvelles données sur l'abbatiale de Saint-Savin. Fresques. Architecture’, CCM 14 (1971), 3959.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

77 Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, p. 407. By this I do not intend to imply that English-Aquitanian relations were a new creation of Cnut and William of Aquitaine. On the contrary there is abundant evidence that the two countries had been in contact throughout most of the early Middle Ages and earlier (see, e.g., above, p. 91, n. 38) and I plan to write on the subject on another occasion. Thus it would be more appropriate to speak here of a renewal of relations.

78 Vezin, J., ‘Leofnoth: un scribe anglais à Saint-Bénoit-sur-Loire’, Codices Manuscripti 4 (1977), 109–20.Google Scholar

79 Beech, ‘Aquitanians and Flemings’.

80 Beech, , ‘Aquitanian Participation’, pp. 20–1 and 23–4.Google Scholar