¹ Taylor, H. M. and Taylor, Joan, Anglo-Saxon Architecture I and II (Cambridge, 196;), pp. I–xxviii, 1–734Google Scholar, figs. 1–642 (1–362, drawings; 363–642, photographs); Taylor, H. M., Anglo-Saxon Architecture in (Cambridge, 1978), pp. i–xx, 735–1118Google Scholar, figs. 643–755 (drawings), 168 tables, index. A paperback edition of vols. I and II, in a slightly reduced format, was published by the Cambridge University Press in 1980, and of vol. III in 1984. In this review, the abbreviation AS Arch refers to the original edition in which, it should be noted, the pages and figures (including the photographic plates) are numbered consecutively throughout the three volumes.

² The term ‘churchwright’ occurs in a writ of Edward the Confessor, drawn up in favour of ‘Teinfriþe mine circwirhtan’; see Harmer, F. E., Anglo-Saxon Writs (Manchester, 1952)Google Scholar, no.87, and her comments on pp. 292 and; 510. For other references to those who actually built the churches, see Dodwell, C. R., Anglo-Saxon Art: a New Perspective (Manchester, 1982), pp. 68–70.Google Scholar

³ AS Arch III, 767–72. In AS Arch I–II, Dr Taylor and his late wife Joan provided more or less detailed descriptions of over 400 churches, but the new total omits about 30 churches classified in 1965 as ‘Saxo-Norman’, as well as about 100 churches which, though they contain features apparently of pre-Conquest character, nevertheless no longer qualify for inclusion when judged by the systematic and exacting standards that Dr Taylor has himself developed in recent years.

⁴ See Darby, H. C., Domesday England (Cambridge, 1977), p. 53CrossRefGoogle Scholar; for a detailed breakdown of the figures, county by county, see Ibid. p. 346. Darby's figures may now be compared with those calculated by Morris, Richard, The Church in British Archaeology, CBA Research Report 47 (London, 1983), 69.Google Scholar

⁵ Note the reference to a ‘noua et pulchra æcclesia’ at Bermondsey in Surrey (Domesday Book, ed. Abraham Farley (London, 1783) (hereafter DB) 1, 30r), perhaps the Cluniac priory of St Saviour founded by Alwin Child of London in 1082. The entry for Wilcot in Wiltshire records the presence there of an ‘æcclesia noua et domus obtima et uinea bona’ (DB 1, 69r), and as if for that reason it is appropriate to find that the value of the estate had been raised from £12 to £16 A certain Colsuen built two churches in Lincoln on waste land given to him by William I (DB 1, 336v), for which see AS Arch 1, 394–5.

⁶ ‘lpsa [sc. the church] uero uasta est et ita discooperta ut pene corruat’ (DB 1, 65r). The church at Netheravon was evidently not in such an advanced state of dilapidation as that at Collingbourne Ducis, said in the following entry to be uasta et dissipata; this church displays no work earlier than c. 1200.

⁷ The church is described in AS Arch 1, 456–9, where it is said that the tower ‘could have been erected either shortly before or shortly after the Conquest’; accordingly, the church is not included in the ‘Complete List of Churches’ in AS Arch III, 766–72. It is possible stylistically, however, that the tower in fact dates from the late eleventh century, and that the Domesday reference provides a terminus post quern for the construction.

⁸ For general studies of the information on churches recorded in DB, see Reid, Herbert J., ‘Parish Churches Omitted in the Survey. The Presbyter’, Domesday Studies, ed. Dove, P. Edward (London, 1888–1891) 11, 433–46Google Scholar; Page, William, ‘Some Remarks on the Churches of the Domesday Survey’, Archaeologia 66 (1915), 61–102CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lennard, Reginald, Rural England 1086–1135 (Oxford, 1959), pp. 288–94Google Scholar; Finn, R. Welldon, An Introduction to Domesday Book (London, 1963), pp. 190–8Google Scholar; and Darby, , Domesday England, pp. 52–6.Google Scholar One way of appreciating the regional variation in the presentation of the information is by perusing the sections on churches in the constituent volumes of The Domesday Geography of England: The Domesday Geography of South-East England, ed. H. C. Darby and Eila M. J. Campbell (Cambridge, 1962)Google Scholar; The Domesday Geography of Northern England, ed. H. C. Darby and I. S. Maxwell (Cambride, 1962)Google Scholar; The Domesday Geography of South-West England, ed. H. C. Darby and R. Welldon Finn (Cambridge, 1967)Google Scholar; The Domesday Geography of Midland England, ed. H. C. Darby and I. B. Terrett, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 1971)Google Scholar; and Darby, H. C., The Domesday Geography of Eastern England, 3rd ed. (Cambridge, 1971)Google Scholar. There is an excellent recent study of the subject in Morris, , The Church in British Archaeology, pp. 68–71.Google Scholar

⁹ See Ward, Gordon, ‘The List of Saxon Churches in the Textus Roffensis’, AC 44 (1932), 39–59Google Scholar, and ‘The Lists of Saxon Churches in the Domesday Monachorum, and White Book of St Augustine’, AC 45 (1933), 60–89Google Scholar; The Domesday Monachorum of Christ Church Canterbury, ed. David C. Douglas (London, 1944), pp. 5–15Google Scholar; Domesday Geography of South-East England, ed. Darby and Campbell, pp. 494–501; and Darby, , Domesday England, pp. 24–6.Google Scholar

¹⁰ The figure for recorded churches is derived from Darby, Domesday England, p. 346; the figure for surviving churches is calculated from DrTaylor's, ‘Complete List of Churches’, AS Arch iii, 767–72Google Scholar (cf. his earlier summary in AS Arch 11, 730).

¹¹ See Anglo-Saxon Wills, ed. Dorothy Whitelock (Cambridge, 1930),Google Scholar esp. nos. 31 (pp. 80–5: the will of Thurstan) and 33 (pp. 86–9: the will of Edwin).

¹² See, e.g., Sawyer, P. H., Anglo-Saxon Charters: an Annotated List and Bibliography, Hist., R. Soc. Guides and Handbooks 8 (London, 1968)Google Scholar, nos. 360, 585, 606, 670, 678, 784, 786, 872, 925, 963, 974, 977, 1003, 1385, 1443, 1566 and 1599. Venezky, Richard L. and Healey, Antonette diPaolo, comp., A Microfiche Concordance to Old English (Toronto, 1980)Google Scholar, should facilitate the search for other examples.

¹³ See Liber Eliensis, ed. E. O. Blake, Camden 3rd ser. 92 (London, 1962)Google Scholar, and Chronicon Abbatiœ Rameseiensis, ed. W. Dunn Macray, Rolls Ser. (London, 1886).Google Scholar For a valuable list of churches in London, see English Historical Documents 1042–1189, ed. David C. Douglas and George W. Greenaway, 2nd ed. (London, 1981)Google Scholar, no. 280.

¹⁴ See Rollason, D. W., ‘Lists of Saints’ Resting-Places in Anglo-Saxon England’, ASE 7 (1978), 61–93Google Scholar. For a useful map of the places in question, see Hill, David, An Atlas of Anglo-Saxon England (Oxford, 1981), p. 152.Google Scholar

¹⁵ See Smith, A. H., English Place-Name Elements, EPNS 25–6 (Cambridge, 1956) 1, 95Google Scholar, and Kenneth, Cameron, English Place-Names, 3rd ed. (London, 1977), pp. 127–8.Google Scholar

¹⁶ See Smith, , Elements 11, 3–4Google Scholar, and Cameron, , Place-Names, p. 128Google Scholar. See also Domesday Geography of Northern England, ed. Darby and Maxwell, pp. 74 n. 2, 15 3 n. 3, and 224 n. 2, and AS Arch 1, 354–64.

¹⁷ See Smith, , Elements 11, 46–7Google Scholar, and Cameron, , Place-Names, p. 127Google Scholar; see also Domesday Geography of South-West England, ed. Darby and Finn, pp. 50, 116 and 196.

¹⁸ Hill, , Atlas of Anglo-Saxon England, pp. 145–66Google Scholar, shows the way forward. See also Falkus, Malcolm and Gillingham, John, Historical Atlas of Britain (London, 1981), pp. 34–5Google Scholar, and The Anglo-Saxons, ed. James Campbell (Oxford, 1982), p. 71.Google Scholar

¹⁹ On the profusion of parish churches in the Danelaw, see Brooke, C. N. L., ‘The Missionary at Home: the Church in the Towns, 1000–1250’, The Mission of the Church and the Propagation of the Faith, ed. Cuming, G. J., Stud. in Church Hist. 6 (Cambridge, 1970), 59–83, at 76–7.Google Scholar

²⁰ These figures are calculated from DrTaylor's, ‘Complete List of Churches’, AS Arch iii, 767–72Google Scholar (cf. his earlier summary in AS Arch 11, 730). The apparently large number of ‘Anglo-Saxon’ churches in Norfolk and Lincolnshire could be explained to some extent in terms of the persistence in these areas, after the Conquest, of ‘pre-Conquest’ architectural styles.

²¹ For Greensted, see Christie, Håkon, Olsen, Olaf and Taylor, H. M., ‘The Wooden Church of St Andrew at Greensted, Essex’, AntJ 59 (1979), 92–112CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the seventh-century wooden church (Building B) at Yeavering, Northumberland, see Hope-Taylor, Brian, Yeavering: an Anglo-British Centre of Early Northumbria, Dept of the Environment Archaeol. Reports 7 (London, 1977 [for 1979]), esp. 73–8, 168 and 278–9Google Scholar; Building D ₂ is interpreted by Hope-Taylor as a heathen temple converted to Christian use (Ibid. p. 278). A few other wooden churches are now known from excavation; see Cherry, Bridget, ‘Ecclesiastical Architecture’, The Archaeology of Anglo-Saxon England, ed. Wilson, David M. (London, 1976), pp. 151–200, at 189Google Scholar. There is a certain amount of literary evidence for wooden churches: see, e.g., The Life of King Edward who Rests at Westminster, ed. Frank Barlow (London, 1962), p. 46Google Scholar and n. 4, and references in Barlow, Frank, The English Church 1000–1066, 2nd ed. (London, 1979), p. 185Google Scholar, nn. 2 and 10; the draughty churches described by Asser, (Asser's Life of King Alfred, ed. Stevenson, W. H. (Oxford, 1904), ch. 104)Google Scholar may have been constructed of wood; and King Alfred's church at Athelney was apparently wooden (see Fernie, Eric, The Architecture of the Anglo-Saxons (London, 1983), pp. 923)Google Scholar. See also Sawyer, , Anglo-Saxon Charters, nos. 257, 670 and 966Google Scholar, and (for place-name evidence) Cameron, , Place-Names, p. 128Google Scholar. There was a wooden church at Old Byland in the North Riding of Yorkshire in 1086 (DB 1, 320V); the eleventh-century inscribed sundial now incorporated in the tower of Old Byland church is described by Okasha, Elisabeth, Hand-List of Anglo-Saxon Non-Runic Inscriptions (Cambridge, 1971)Google Scholar, no. 98. For other references to wooden churches in Anglo-Saxon England, see Zimmermann, Walther, ‘Ecclesia Lignea und Ligneis Tabulis Fabricata’, Banner Jahrbücher 158 (1958), 414–53Google Scholar, and Christie et al., ‘The Wooden Church of St Andrew’, p. 107.

²² For the use of wood in the stone churches themselves, see Hewett, Cecil A., ‘Anglo-Saxon Carpentry’, ASE 7 (1978), 205–29.Google Scholar

²³ VIII Æthelred 5.1 (Die Gesetze der Angelsacbsen, ed. F. Liebermann (Halle, 1903–1916) 1, 264)Google Scholar and 1 Cnut 3.2 (Ibid. p. 282); cf. the distinction made in 11 Edgar 1–2 (Ibid. p. 196). For further discussion of the distinction, see Radford, C. A. Ralegh, ‘Pre-Conquest Minster Churches’, ArchJ 130 (1973), 120–40, at 129–30Google Scholar, and Morris, , The Church in British Archaeology, p. 64Google Scholar; for its survival after the Conquest, see Lennard, , Rural England, p. 299Google Scholar. On the ‘minster’, see Wormald, Patrick, ‘Bede, Beowulf and the Conversion of the Anglo-Saxon Aristocracy’, Bede and Anglo-Saxon England, ed. Farrell, Robert T., BAR 46 (Oxford, 1978), 32–95, at 53–4.Google Scholar

²⁴ In many cases the ecclesiolae and capellae were clearly subordinate to ecclesiae; see the examples cited Darby, , Domesday Geography of Eastern England, p. 192Google Scholar, and in Domesday Geography of South-East England, ed. Darby and Campbell, p. 350.

²⁵ For Bradford, see AS Arch 1, 86–9, and Taylor, H. M., ‘The Anglo-Saxon Chapel at Bradford-on-Avon’, ArchJ 130 (1973), 141–71.Google Scholar For Odda's Chapel, see AS Arch 1, 209–11Google Scholar; the inscribed stone describing the foundation and dedication of Odda's Chapel (Okasha, Inscriptions, no. 28) refers to it as a regia aula, i.e. as ‘royal’, or ‘splendid’.

²⁶ The pictorial representations, such as they are, are naturally of uncertain authority. For coins of Edward the Elder depicting churches, see North, J. J., English Hammered Coinage, 1: Early Anglo-Saxon to Henry 111 c. 600–1272, 2nd ed. (London, 1980), pl. IXGoogle Scholar, nos. 10 and 1 3. For reproductions and discussion of four ecclesiastical seals (from Exeter, Sherborne, Athelney and Christ Church, Canterbury) which depict churches, and which may be pre-Conquest, see Heslop, T. A., ‘English Seals from the Mid Ninth Century to 1100’, JBAA 133 (1980), 1–16, at 7–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar; the Sherborne seal is also discussed Gibb, J. H. P., ‘The Anglo-Saxon Cathedral at Sherborne’, ArchJ 132 (1975), 71–110, at 88–9.Google Scholar For a reproduction and discussion of the early thirteenth-century seal of the chapter of Chichester, which may depict the Anglo-Saxon cathedral at Selsey (or the minster at Chichester itself), see Brown, G. Baldwin, Anglo-Saxon Architecture, 2nd ed. (London, 1925), pp. 270–1Google Scholar, and Clapham, A. W., English Romanesque Architecture (Oxford, 1930–1904) 1, 83–4Google Scholar. For a drawing allegedly of the Anglo-Saxon cathedral at Canterbury, see Gilbert, E. C., ‘The Date of the Late Saxon Cathedral at Canterbury’, ArchJ 127 (1971) 202–10, at 208–10Google Scholar; but cf. Temple, Elżbieta, Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts 900–1066 (London, 1976), p. 102Google Scholar. There are, of course, many other illustrations depicting churches in Anglo-Saxon manuscripts; see, e.g., Temple, , Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts, ill. 91Google Scholar (from the Benedictional of St Æthelwold), and Rice, D. Talbot, English Art 871–1100 (Oxford, 1952), pl. 70aGoogle Scholar (from the Lanalet Pontifical).

²⁷ Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 948 D, 962 A and 1055 CDE: Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, ed. Charles Plummer (Oxford, 1892-1899) 1, 112, 114 and 186–7Google Scholar (text); The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: a Revised Translation, ed. Dorothy Whitelock et al. (London, 1961; rev. 1965), pp. 72, 75 and 130–1Google Scholar (translation).

²⁸ See Dodwell, , Anglo-Saxon Art, pp. 232–4.Google Scholar

²⁹ The passages in question are quoted and discussed by the Taylors in AS Arch II, 516–18 (for Ripon) and AS Arch 1, 297–312 (for Hexham).

³⁰ For detailed discussions of the best of these descriptions, see Quirk, R. N., ‘Winchester Cathedral in the Tenth Century’, ArchJ 114 (1957), 28–68Google Scholar, and ‘Winchester New Minster and its Tenth-Century Tower’, JBAA 3rd ser. 24 (1961), 16–54Google Scholar; Taylor, H. M., ‘The Anglo-Saxon Cathedral Church at Canterbury’, ArchJ 126 (1970), 101–30Google Scholar; and Gem, R. D. H., ‘The Anglo-Saxon Cathedral Church at Canterbury: a Further Contribution’, ArchJ 127 (1971), 196–201Google Scholar. See also Clapham, , English Romanesque Architecture 1, 85–92Google Scholar, and Brown, , Anglo-Saxon Architecture, pp. 267–71.Google Scholar

³¹ See Biddle, Martin, ‘Excavations at Winchester, 1969. Eighth Interim Report’, AntJ 50 (1970), 277–326, at 314–21CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Winchester in the Early Middle Ages, ed. Martin Biddle, Winchester Stud. 1 (Oxford, 1976), 306–17Google Scholar, pending the appearance of The Anglo-Saxon Minsters of Winchester, Winchester Stud. 4. There is a reconstruction drawing of the Old Minster in The Vikings in England and in their Danish Homeland, ed. Else Roesdahl et al. (London, 1981), p. 167Google Scholar. The church at North Elmham (AS Arch 1, 228–31) would presumably qualify as a ‘head minster’; so too would that at Stow (AS Arch 11, 584–93)Google Scholar, if it were indeed the cathedral church of the diocese of Lindsey.

³² Pevsner, Sir Nikolaus, An Outline of European Architecture, 7th ed. (Harmondsworth, 1963), P. 54.Google Scholar

³³ On these matters, see the excellent section on ‘Parish Churches and their Parishes’ in Barlow, , English Church, pp. 183–208Google Scholar. See also Lennard, , Rural England, pp. 288–338Google Scholar; Godfrey, John, The English Parish 600–1300 (London, 1969)Google Scholar; Sawyer, P. H., From Roman Britain to Norman England (London, 1978), pp. 244–9Google Scholar; and Morris, , The Church in British Archaeology, pp. 65–7 and 71–6Google Scholar. Sawyer, Peter, ‘The Royal Tun in Pre-Conquest England’, Ideal and Reality in Frankish and Anglo-Saxon Society, ed. Wormald, Patrick (Oxford, 1983), pp. 273–99, at 277–8Google Scholar, suggests that the parish churches which came to be known as old minsters, and which are often found on hundredal manors, may have originated in close association with kings and royal estates. On urban churches, see Campbell, James, ‘The Church in Anglo-Saxon Towns’, The Church in Town and Countryside, ed. Derek, Baker, Stud. in Church Hist. 16 (Oxford, 1979), 119–55Google Scholar; Brooke, ‘The Missionary at Home’; and Brooke, Christopher N. L. and Keir, Gillian, London 800–1216: the Shaping of a City (London, 1975), pp. 131–43.Google Scholar

³⁴ E. g., Repton (see AS Arch 11, 510–16Google Scholar, and Taylor, H. M., ‘Repton Reconsidered: a Study in Structural Criticism’, England Before the Conquest, ed. Peter, Clemoes and Kathleen, Hughes (Cambridge, 1971), pp. 351–89)Google Scholar and Bosham (see AS Arch 1, 81–4)Google Scholar. It is interesting that the chapel of St Mary at Kingston-upon-Thames was, to judge from drawings made before its destruction in 1730 and from excavations, a relatively modest structure (see AS Arch 1, 353–4)Google Scholar, even though the place was of such importance to the Anglo-Saxon kings in the tenth century (for coronation ceremonies and other meetings held there, see Keynes, Simon, The Diplomas of King Æthelred ‘the Unready’ 978–1016 (Cambridge, 1980), pp. 270–1).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁵ It has been suggested that Brixworth in Northamptonshire (AS Arch 1, 108–14) was none other than Clofeshoh, a place where church councils met from the late seventh to the early ninth century (see Davis, R. H. C., ‘Brixworth and Clofesho’, JBAA 3rd ser. 25 (1962), 71,CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Hall, David and Martin, Paul, ‘Brixworth, Northamptonshire – an Intensive Field Survey’, JBAA 3rd ser. 42 (1979), 1–6)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, but the identification depends on little more than wishful thinking. The old suggestion that St Botolph's Hadstock, in Essex, is the church built by King Cnut in 1020 to commemorate his victory at Assandun in 1016 was discounted by the Taylors (AS Arch 1, 272–5)Google Scholar, but it has been revived by Hart, Cyril, ‘The Site of Assandun’, Hist. Stud. 1 (1968), 1–12Google Scholar. See also Rodwell, Warwick, ‘The Archaeological Investigation of Hadstock Church, Essex: an Interim Report’, AntJ 56 (1976), 55–71.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁶ See Gem, Richard, ‘A Recession in English Architecture During the Early Eleventh Century, and its Effect on the Development of the Romanesque Style’, JBAA 3rd ser. 38 (1975), 28–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and ‘Church Architecture in the Reign of King Æthelred’, Ethelred the Unready: Papers from the Millenary Conference, ed. David Hill, BAR Brit. ser. 59 (Oxford, 1978), 105–14Google Scholar. See also Morris, , The Church in British Archaeology, pp. 34–40 and 46–8Google Scholar, for church building in the seventh century.

³⁷ See AS Arch 1, 400Google Scholar, and Life of King Edward, ed. Barlow, pp. 44–6, for Edward the Confessor's church at Westminster (and for a representation of it, see Stenton, Sir Frank et al. , The Bayeux Tapestry (London, 1957), pl. 32)Google Scholar; the evidence is discussed Gem, R. D. H., ‘The Romanesque Rebuilding of Westminster Abbey’, Proceedings of the Battle Conference on Anglo-Norman Studies III: 1980, ed. Brown, R. Allen (Woodbridge, 1981), pp. 33–60Google Scholar. For an account of another church which might be significant in this respect, see Gem, R. D. H., ‘The Early Romanesque Tower of Sompting Church, Sussex’, Anglo-Norman Studies V: Proceedings of the Battle Conference 1982, ed. Brown, R. Allen (Woodbridge, 1983), pp. 121–8Google Scholar. See also AS Arch 11, 581–3Google Scholar, for the church at Stoughton in Sussex, which shows pre-Conquest Norman influence (though the estate, interestingly enough, was held by Earl Godwine, who was not noted for his Norman tastes).

³⁸ See Addyman, P. V., ‘The Anglo-Saxon House: a New Review’, ASE 1 (1972), 273–307Google Scholar; Rahtz, P. A., ‘Buildings and Rural Settlement’, The Archaeology of Anglo-Saxon England, ed. Wilson, pp. 49–98Google Scholar and Appendix A, pp. 405–52; R. J. Cramp, ‘Monastic Sites’, Ibid. pp. 201–52; and the annual bibliographies in ASE from 1 (1972) to present, esp. what is now Section 9 (or up to and including ASE 9 (1981)Google Scholar, Section 8), sub-sections b, c and e.

³⁹ Clapham, , English Romanesque Architecture 1, (Oxford, 1930)Google Scholar. Fisher, E. A., The Greater Anglo-Saxon Churches (London, 1962)Google Scholar was arbitrarily limited to churches with towers and relied heavily on previous work without making substantial new contributions.

⁴⁰ See the Annual reports of work done in MA 1 (1957) to the present, under the heading ‘Medieval Britain in 1956: I, Pre-Conquest’ and following; the annual bibliographies in ASE, Section 9.e; the annual summaries in the Council for British Archaeology Newsletter and Calendar (formerly the Calendar of Excavations); and the Bulletin of the CBA Churches Committee 1 (May 1975) to the present.

⁴¹ For the term, see Taylor, H. M., ‘Structural Criticism: a Plea for More Systematic Study of Anglo-Saxon Buildings’, ASE 1 (1972), 259–72.Google Scholar

⁴² E.g., Barton-on-Humber (W. and K. Rodwell); Bradford-on-Avon (H. M. Taylor); Brixworth (D. Parsons); Deerhurst (P. A. Rahtz and H. M. Taylor); Gloucester, St Oswald's (C. M. Heighway); Hadstock (W. and K. Rodwell); Repton (M. Biddle, B. Kjølbye-Biddle and H. M. Taylor); Titchfield (M. Hare); Wharram Percy (J. G. Hurst); York, St Mary Bishophill Junior (P. V. Addyman and C. Briden); for detailed references, see under the names of the investigators in the annual bibliographies in ASE. See also The Archaeological Study of Churches, ed. Peter Addyman and Richard Morris, CBA Research Report 13 (London, 1976)Google Scholar; Morris, The Church in British Archaeology; and Rodwell, Warwick, The Archaeology of the English Church (London, 1981).Google Scholar

⁴³ E.g., at Wharram Percy (J. G. Hurst); Winchester (M. Biddle and B. Kjølbye-Biddle); and York (P. V. Addyman); for detailed references, see under the names of the investigators in the annual bibliographies in ASE.

⁴⁴ E.g., at Barton-on-Humber, Deerhurst and Repton.

⁴⁵ AS Arch III, 767–72.

⁴⁶ Ibid. pp. 766–7.

⁴⁷ Listed in table 1 (Ibid. p. 974).

⁴⁸ Listed in table 9 (Ibid. p. 1066).

⁴⁹ Listed in table 22 (Ibid. p. 1026).

⁵⁰ Ibid. pp. 1031–4 and fig. 745. In the sole case of Winchester, Old Minster, external measurements are used.

⁵¹ Ibid. pp. 1031–2 and fig. 745.

⁵² Including three in Gloucestershire and eight in Lincolnshire.

⁵³ as Arch 111, 1032.

⁵⁴ Ibid.

⁵⁵ Taylor, Joan and Taylor, Harold M., ‘Architectural Sculpture in Pre-Norman England’, JBAA 3rd ser. 29 (1966), 3–51.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵⁶ AS Arch 111, xvii.

⁵⁷ Ibid, 1, 189.

⁵⁸ Ibid. pp. 66–70.

⁵⁹ Ibid. 1, 43–7, 111, 747 and passim.

⁶⁰ Cramp, Rosemary, ‘Anglo-Saxon Sculpture of the Reform Period’, Tenth-Century Studies, ed. Parsons, D. (London and Chichester, 1975), pp. 184–99, at 189–95.Google Scholar

⁶¹ AS Arch 1, 36.

⁶² Ibid.

⁶³ Ibid, 111, 1067.

⁶⁴ Ibid, 11, 696–7; but see now Hope-Taylor, Yeavering.

⁶⁵ AS Arch 1, 154–5, 111, 751Google Scholar; but see now Rahtz, Philip, The Saxon and Medieval Palaces at Cheddar: Excavations 1960–62, BAR, Brit. ser. 65 (Oxford, 1979).Google Scholar

⁶⁶ See above, n. 38.

⁶⁷ The Exeter Book, ed. George Philip Krapp and Elliott van Kirk Dobbie, The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records (hereafter ASPR) 5 (New York, 1936), 3.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ ‘Winchester Cathedral in the Tenth Century’, and ‘Winchester New Minster and its Tenth-Century Tower’ (see above, n. 30).

⁶⁹ ‘The Architectural Interest of Aethelwulf's De abbatibus’, ASE 3 (1974), 163–77.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ ‘Cynewulf's Image of the Ascension’, England Before the Conquest, ed. Clemoes and Hughes, pp. 293–304, at 301–2.

⁷¹ AS Arch 111, 827–9, 887–91, 897–9, 972–3, 1017–22 and 1038.

⁷² Ibid. 1, 291.

⁷³ Ibid, 111, 1056.

⁷⁴ The Vercelli Book, ed. George Philip Krapp, ASPR 2 (New York, 1932), 61.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ St Mary-le-Wigford, Lincoln (AS Arch 1, 391)Google Scholar. Cf. also the Alfred jewel and the Brussels cross, and Okasha, E., Anglo-Saxon Non-Runic Inscriptions (Cambridge, 1971).Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Zur Geschichte der Reliquienkultus in Altengland, Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, phil.–hist. Abteilung 1943, Heft 8 (Munich, 1943).

⁷⁷ AS Arch 1, xxi.

⁷⁸ Ibid. 1, xxiv.

⁷⁹ Ibid, 111, xvii.

⁸⁰ Ibid, 111, xviii.

⁸¹ See now the valuable survey by Gem, R. D. H., ‘L'Architecture pre-romane et romane en Angleterre: Problèmes d'origine et de chronologie’, Bull. monumental 142 (1984), 233–72.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁸² Ibid. p. 235 and see above, pp. 294–7.

⁸³ See above, pp. 297–8.

⁸⁴ Kjølbye-Biddle, Birthe, ‘A Cathedral Cemetery: Problems in Excavation and Interpretation’, World Archaeology 7 (1975–1976), 87–108CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. pp. 98–107.

⁸⁵ See, e.g., many articles and reviews in Medieval Ceramics, Bull. of the Med. Pottery Research Group 1–8 (1977–84) and continuing.

⁸⁶ E.g., to test Levison's theory of the origin of St Albans Abbey in a cemetery basilica over the grave of Alban, see Biddle, Martin, ‘Archaeology, Architecture and the Cult of Saints’, The Anglo-Saxon Church: Papers on History, Architecture and Archaeology in Honour of Dr H. M. Taylor, ed. Morris, R., CBA Research Report (London, 1985)Google Scholar, in press.

⁸⁷ Gem, ‘L'Architecture pré-romane et romane en Angleterre’; Bridget Cherry, ‘Ecclesiastical Architecture’, Archaeology of Anglo-Saxon England, ed. Wilson, pp. 151–200; Fernie, Eric, The Architecture of the Anglo-Saxons (London, 1983)Google Scholar; Mary, and Kerr, Nigel, Anglo-Saxon Architecture (Princes Risborough, 1983).Google Scholar

⁸⁸ On which problem, see Taylor, Harold, ‘The Foundations of Architectural History’, The Archaeological Study of Churches, ed. Addyman and Morris, 3–9Google Scholar, esp. 6–7.

⁸⁹ AS Arch 111, 773.Google Scholar