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² The high profile of archaeology within the wider spectrum of settlement studies is apparent in Anglo-Saxon Settlements, ed. Hooke, D. (Oxford, 1988)Google Scholar, the contributors to which evaluate the results of archaeological excavation and survey within the same topographical context as place-name and charter evidence. The present study owes a considerable debt to this book, as will be apparent.

³ Leeds, E. T., ‘A Saxon Village at Sutton Courtenay, Berkshire’, Archaeologia 73 (1923), 147–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar; ‘A Saxon Village at Sutton Courtenay, Berkshire: Second Report’, Archaeologia 76 (1926–1927), 59–80Google Scholar, and ‘A Saxon Village at Sutton Courtenay, Berkshire: Third Report’, Archaeologia 112 (1947), 79–94.Google Scholar

⁴ For a general overview of the archaeology of Anglo-Saxon rural settlements, the standard reference remains: Rahtz, P., ‘Buildings and Rural Settlements’, The Archaeology of Anglo-Saxon England, ed. Wilson, D., 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 1981), pp. 49–98Google Scholar. A valuable update has been provided by Welch, M., ‘Rural Settlement Patterns in the Early and Middle Anglo-Saxon Periods’, Landscape Hist. 7 (1985), 13–24.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁷ ibid. II, fig. 301.

⁸ Losco-Bradley, S. and Wheeler, H., ‘Anglo-Saxon Settlement in the Trent Valley: Some Aspects’, Studies in Late Anglo-Saxon Settlement, ed. Faull, M. (Oxford, 1984), pp. 101–14Google Scholar

⁹ Jones, M.U., Evison, V. and Myres, J.N.L., ‘Crop-mark Sites at Mucking, Essex’, Ant J 48 (1968), 210–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The following section is based on Hamerow, H., ‘Anglo-Saxon Pottery and Spatial Development at Mucking, Essex’, Berichten van de Rijksdienst voor bet Oudheidkundig Bodemonderzoek 37 (1987), 245–73.Google Scholar

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¹¹ During the early years of the excavations, it was suggested that a substantial settlement of barbarian mercenaries – foederati – had been stationed at Mucking in the late fourth or early fifth century, to protect London and reinforce the strained defences of the civitates. While the hypothesis is historically plausible, it rests upon rather tenuous assumptions regarding the early date and supposed military affiliations of certain types of late Roman metalwork, so-called ‘Romano-Saxon pottery’ and other pottery types. Many of these assumptions have since come under serious criticism. In short, while the hypothesis that Anglo-Saxon Mucking originated as a federate settlement cannot be dismissed, the archaeological evidence is insufficient to prove it. See Morris, J., review of Myres, J.N.L. and Green, B., The Anglo-Saxon Cemeteries of Caistor-by-Normich and Marksball, Norfolk, in MA 18 (1974), 225–32Google Scholar; Hawkes, S., ‘Some Recent Finds of Late Roman Buckles’, Britannia 5 (1974), 386–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Roberts, W., Romano-Saxon Pottery, BAR, Brit. Ser. 106 (Oxford, 1982).Google Scholar

¹² The archaeological basis of this phasing is described in detail in Hamerow, H., Mucking: the Anglo-Saxon Settlement, English Heritage Monograph (London, 1991).Google Scholar

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¹⁵ Waterbolk, H.T., ‘Mobilität von Dorf, Ackerflur und Gräberfeld in Drenthe seit der Latènezeit: archäologische Siedlungsforschungen auf der nordniederländischen Geest’, Offa 39 (1982), 97–137, at 103.Google Scholar

¹⁶ The fact that so few post-hole buildings are recorded from phase ‘A’ is almost certainly due to necessarily incomplete excavation in advance of quarrying which took place in this part of the site.

¹⁷ van Es, W.A., Wijster: a Native Village Beyond the Imperial Frontier, Palaeohistoria 11 (1967)Google Scholar; Waterbolk, H.T., ‘Odoorn im frühen Mittelalter’, Neue Ausgrabungen and Forschungen in Niedersachsen 8 (1973), 25–89Google Scholar; Schmid, P., ‘Ländliche Siedlungen der vorrömischen Eisenzeitbis Völkerwanderungszeit im niedersächsischen Küstengebiet’, Offa 39 (1982), 73–96Google Scholar; Zoller, D., ‘Die Ergebnisse der Grabung Gristede, Kr. Ammerland, 1971–73’, Neue Ausgrabun gen und Forschungen in Niedersachsen 9 (1975), 35–57Google Scholar; Hansen, T., ‘Nørre Snede’, Jnl of Danish Archaeol. 1 (1982), 181Google Scholar; Hvass, S., ‘Vorbasse: The Development of a Settlement through the First Millennium A.D.’, Jnl of Danish Archaeol. 2 (1983), 127–36.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Jankuhn, , ‘Die eisenzeitlichen Würzeln’, pp. 93–103Google Scholar; Müller-Wille, M., ‘Siedlungs- und Flur- formen als Zeugnisse frühgeschichtlicher Betriebsformen der Landwirtschaft’, Geschichtswis-senschaft und Archäologie: Untersuchungen zur Siedlungs-, Wirtschafts- und Kirchengeschichte, ed. Jankuhn, H. and Wenskus, R. (Sigmaringen, 1979), pp. 355–72, at 365.Google Scholar

¹⁹ The settlements of Cowdery's Down and Catholme, for example, appear to have been relatively stable. Cowdery's Down, however, was not founded until the sixth century, and appears to have been both short-lived and of high status. A t Catholme, it may be that the planned layout of the settlement orginated at a later phase of occupation.

²⁰ Hvass, S., ‘Die Völkerwanderungszeitliche Siedlung Vorbasse, Mitteljütland’, Acta Archaeologica 49 (1979), 61–112, at 108Google Scholar; Hvass, S., ‘Die Struktur einer Siedlung der Zeit von Christi Geburt bis ins 5. Jahrhundert nach Christus: Ausgrabungen in Vorbasse, Jutland, Dane-mark’, Studien zur Sachsenforschung 2 (1980), 161–80, at 179.Google Scholar

²¹ This sort of demographic analysis is fraught with ambiguity, however. For example, it seems certain that there may originally have been many more post-hole buildings at Mucking than were recorded, and some of those recorded may not have functioned as living quarters; estimates of the life spans of people and houses in early Anglo-Saxon England remain, furthermore, little more than educated guesses. A more detailed demographic analysis is attempted in Hamerow, Mucking.

²² An elaborate silver-inlaid bronze belt-set or cingulum, several sword burials and imported glass vessels excavated from the cemeteries are among the grave-goods illustrated in Jones, and Jones, , ‘The Crop-Mark Sites at Mucking, Essex’, pls. xxvii–xxviii and figs. 58–62.Google Scholar

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²⁴ van Es, , Wijster, p. 503Google Scholar; see also Schön, M.D., ‘Gräberfelder der römischen Kaiserzeit und frühen Völkerwanderungszeit aus dem Zentralteil der Siedlungskammer von Flögeln, Ldkr. Cuxhaven’, Neue Ausgrabungen und Forschungen in Niedersachen 18 (1988), 181–297, at 233.Google Scholar

²⁵ Statistical evaluation of the Mucking cemeteries is in progress (S. Hirst and D. Clarke, forthcoming).

²⁶ West, West Stow. It seems unlikely, however, that the whole of the settlement was excavated.

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³⁵ Arnold, and Wardle, , ‘Early Medieval Settlement Patterns in England’, p. 148Google Scholar. New data from excavation and surveys are often fitted too readily into the framework offered by the ‘Middle Saxon shift’. Thus, the results of the recent ‘East Anglian Kingdom Survey’ which has identified numerous potential settlements primarily from surface scatters of finds and pottery have provisionally been interpreted as reflecting ‘a clear fall in the number of sites between the fourth and fifth centuries, a steady growth throughout the later fifth and sixth followed by a shift in the seventh century, and then a dramatic increase in the ninth and tenth centuries’. See Newman, J., ‘East Anglian Kingdom Survey: Final Interim Report on the South East Suffolk Pilot Field Survey’, Bull, of the Sutton Hoo Research Committee 6 (04, 1989), 17–19.Google Scholar

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⁴¹ ibid.

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