1 Temple, E., Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts 900–1066, A Survey of Manuscripts Illuminated in the British Isles 2 (London, 1976), 36–7Google Scholar (no. 5, figs. 15–17, 30–3); Ohlgren, T. H., Anglo-Saxon Textual Illustration (Kalamazoo, MI, 1992), pp. 15–18Google Scholar (no. l, pls. 1.1–1.18); Deshman, R., ‘Anglo-Saxon Art after Alfred’, Art Bull. 56 (1974), 176–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar, figs. 1, 2, 15 and 21. The manuscript was customarily called the ‘Athelstan Psalter’ in earlier literature, but see below, nn. 7 and 118.

2 Dumville, D. N., Wessex and England from Alfred to Edgar, Stud, in Anglo-Saxon Hist. 3 (Woodbridge, 1992), 75Google Scholar, n. 93, and 88, n. 158, questions whether the calendar originated separately from the Psalter and whether the script and the decoration of the additions are contemporary with each other. It would stretch all probability, however, to believe that the Anglo-Saxon folios were not made for the Psalter but quite coincidentally had exacdy the same, unusually diminutive dimensions as the Carolingian book. The calendar text (pls. IX–X) was obviously designed with space left for the present decoration, and the rather undeveloped ornamental style of the monograms is entirely in keeping with the very early tenth-century date assigned to the script. Style and colour clearly indicate that the calendar was illuminated by the same hand as both the miniature prefacing it and the picture of the Ascension (pls. X and XIII). Another, contemporary, hand was responsible for the other two miniatures of Christ and the saints and the Nativity (now removed to another book) (pls. XI–XII). The former was painted on what was originally a blank fly-leaf (21r) of a supplementary gathering (20r–27v) of devotional material that had already been added to the original Psalter text before the book's exportation to England. The gathering and the main text of the Psalter are written in different Caroline, continental scripts. There can be no doubt whatsoever that the calendar and the Anglo-Saxon decoration are contemporary with each other and were created specifically for the Psalter. For a description of the manuscript's contents, see Thompson, E. M. and Warner, G. F., Catalogue of Ancient Manuscripts in the British Museum, 2 vols. (London, 1884) II, 12–13Google Scholar; also below, p. 134.

3 Pächt, O. and Alexander, J. J. G., Illuminated Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library Oxford, 3 vols. (Oxford, 1973) III, no. 19, pl. 2.Google Scholar

4 Off-sets from the missing miniature remain. Alexander, J. J. G. and Kauffmann, C. M., English Illuminated Manuscripts (Brussels, 1973), p. 21Google Scholar, report a suggestion by Francis Wormald that the lost miniature is reflected in the Crucifixion drawing in the eleventh-century New Minster Prayer Book (London, BL, Cotton Titus D. xxvii, 65v). There is no basis for this supposition, especially since the later picture shows John writing, a late-tenth-century innovation; see O'Reilly, J., ‘St John as a Figure of the Contemplative Life: Text and Image in the Art of the Anglo-Saxon Benedictine Reform’, St Dunstan: bis Life, Times and Cult, ed. Ramsay, N., Sparks, M. and Tatton-Brown, T. (Woodbridge, 1992), pp. 165–85, with pl. 35.Google Scholar

5 E.g., the late-tenth-century Cambridge Psalter (Cambridge, University Library, Ff. 1. 23, 88r), probably from Canterbury, and the early-eleventh-century Irish Southampton Psalter (Cambridge, St John's College C. 9). See Openshaw, K. M., ‘The Symbolic Illustration of the Psalter: an Insular Tradition’, Arte medievale 2nd ser. 6 (1992), 41–60, at 51–2Google Scholar, and fig. 14; Temple, , Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts, pp. 97–8 (no. 80)Google Scholar; Lapidge, M., ‘Abbot Germanus, Winchcombe, Ramsey and the Cambridge Psalter’, Words, Texts and Manuscripts: Studies in Anglo-Saxon Culture presented to Helmut Gneuss on the Occasion of his Sixty-Fifth Birthday, ed. Korhammer, M. (Woodbridge, 1992), pp. 99–129Google Scholar; Dumville, D. N., ‘On the Dating of Some Late Anglo-Saxon Liturgical Manuscripts’, Trans. of the Cambridge Bibliographical Soc. 10 (1991–1995), 40–57, at 40–1Google Scholar; idem, English Caroline Script and Monastic History, Stud, in Anglo-Saxon Hist. 6 (Woodbridge, 1993), 60–3 and 79–80.Google Scholar A drawing of the Crucifixion prefaces Ps. I in the so-called Ramsey Psalter (London, BL, Harley 2904,3v, of c. 990–1000) and in the Arundel Psalter (London, BL, Arundel 60, 12v) from New Minster, Winchester, c. 1050. After the Conquest a second Crucifixion picture was inserted on 52v facing Ps. LI in the latter manuscript. See O'Reilly, , ‘St John’, pp. 165–9, pl. 5Google Scholar; Temple, , Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts, pp. 64–5 and 120 (nos. 41 and 103; figs. 142 and 312)Google Scholar; Kauffmann, C. M., Romanesque Manuscripts 1066–1190, A Survey of Manuscripts Illuminated in the British Isles 3 (London, 1975), 53–4Google Scholar (no. 1; fig. 2); Raw, B., Anglo-Saxon Crucifixion Iconography, CSASE 1 (Cambridge, 1990), 199–200, 213, 219–20, and pls. 9, 10 and 14.Google Scholar

6 McGurk, P., ‘The Metrical Calendar of Hampson. A New Edition’, AB 104 (1986), 79–125Google Scholar; also Lapidge, M., ‘A Tenth-Century Metrical Calendar from Ramsey’, RB 100 (1984), 326–69, at 343–7Google Scholar; Dumville, D. N., Liturgy and the Ecclesiastical History of Late Anglo-Saxon England, Stud, in Anglo-Saxon Hist. 5 (Woodbridge, 1992), 1–38.Google Scholar

7 Dumville, , Wessex and England, pp. 75–6Google Scholar, n. 93. The script rules out the traditional association of these additions with King Athelstan (924–39); Keynes, S., ‘King Athelstan's Books’, Learning and Literature in Anglo-Saxon England: Studies presented to Peter Clemoes, ed. Lapidge, M. and Gneuss, H. (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 143–201, at 193–6.Google Scholar During Athelstan's reign, however, three more quires (178r–200v) were appended to the end of the manuscript; see Dumville, D. N., ‘English Square Minuscule Script: the Background and Earliest Phases’, ASE 16 (1987), 146–79, at 176.Google Scholar Unless otherwise indicated, my references to the ‘additions’ to the Psalter are only to the two earlier, prefatory quires (1r–19v) and the contemporary decoration.

8 Regarding the Winchester localization and later provenance, see the Appendix, below, pp. 137–8.

9 Deshman, , ‘Alfred’, pp. 179–82Google Scholar; also O'Reilly, J., ‘Early Medieval Text and Image: the Wounded and Exalted Christ’, Peritia 6–7 (1987–1988), 72–118, esp. 88–93.Google Scholar

10 Alexander, and Kauffmann, , English Illuminated Manuscripts, p. 21Google Scholar; McLachlan, E. P., ‘The Athelstan Psalter and the Gallican Connection’, Trans. of the Third Canadian Conference of Medieval Art Historians (London, Ont., 1985), pp. 21–7Google Scholar; Haney, K. E., The Winchester Psalter (Leicester, 1986), p. 52Google Scholar; Openshaw, , ‘Symbolic Illustration’, pp. 52–7.Google Scholar

11 Openshaw, K. M., ‘Images, Texts and Contexts: the Iconography of the Tiberius Psalter, London, British Library, Cotton MS. Tiberius C. VI’ (unpubl. PhD dissertation, Univ. of Toronto, 1990)Google Scholar; idem, ‘The Battle between Christ and Satan in the Tiberius Psalter’, Jnl of the Warburg and Courtauld Inst. 52 (1989), 15–33Google Scholar; idem, ‘Weapons in the Daily Battle: Images of the Conquest of Evil in the Early Medieval Psalter’, Art Bull. 75 (1993), 17–38, at 33–4, figs. 22–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wormald, F., ‘An English Eleventh-Century Psalter with Pictures: British Museum, Cotton MS Tiberius C. VI’, Walpole Sac. 38 (1960–1962), 1–13Google Scholar, repr. in his Collected Writings, ed. Alexander, J. J. G., Brown, T. J. and Gibbs, J., 2 vols. (London, 1984) I, 123–37Google Scholar; Temple, , Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts, pp. 115–17, figs. 302–11.Google Scholar

12 The text of Origo psalmorum in the Tiberius Psalter breaks off in mid-sentence in the middle of 19v, line 9, and is immediately followed on the same line by an excerpt beginning in mid-sen tence from Jerome's preface Psalterium Romae dudumpositus. The last two words of the Origo as found in the Tiberius manuscript are the first two words of 31v, line 2 in the Galba Psalter, and the first words from the Tiberius excerpt from die Jerome preface are words three to five inclusive of 32v, line 2 in the Galba text. The Tiberius scribe seems to have skipped a folio when copying. I owe this observation to the late Kathleen Openshaw.

13 Wormald, F., The Winchester Psalter (London, 1973), figs. 37, 40, 53 and 57.Google ScholarHaney, , Winchester Psalter, pp. 31 and 144, n. 118Google Scholar, cites the Galba miniature as a ‘general precedent’ but curiously omits any mention of its Winchester provenance. The awkward and unusual combination of rows of busts above a register of full-length figures permits no doubt about the relationship between the two psalters.

14 The Nativity and Ps. I, the Crucifixion and Ps. LI, and the Ascension and Ps. CI. For an attempt at an explanation, see Raw, , Crucifixion Iconography, pp. 38–9 and 86–7.Google Scholar

15 Openshaw, , ‘Symbolic Illustration’, pp. 41–54Google Scholar, figs. 3–6; idem, ‘Conquest of Evil’, pp. 18 and 34.Google Scholar For the Southampton Psalter, see above, n. 5.

16 Alexander, J. J. G., Insular Manuscripts 6th to the 9th Century, A Survey of Manuscripts Illuminated in the British Isles 1 (London, 1978), 80–1Google Scholar (no. 61; figs. 279–80); Henderson, G., From Durroivto Kills. The Insular Gospel-Books 650–800 (London, 1987), pp. 84–6, figs. 120–1.Google Scholar

17 For the Hiberno-Saxon sources, see Deshman, , ‘Alfred’, pp. 182–3Google Scholar, fig. 25. See also below, pp. 127–8.

18 Deshman, , ‘Alfred’, pp. 186–90, figs. 21–4.Google Scholar

19 O'Reilly, , ‘Text and Image’, pp. 86–7Google Scholar, briefly raised the possibility of a typological connection between the two compositions.

20 She customarily heads either the choir of virgins (e.g., in the Sanctus picture in the Carolingian Metz Sacramentary: see below, n. 52) or angels (see Comoretto, A., Le miniature del Sacramentario fuldense di Udine (Udine, 1988), figs. 33 and 55).Google Scholar

21 Alexander, , Insular Manuscripts, pp. 66–7Google Scholar (no. 44; figs. 203–4); Henderson, , Durrow to Kills, pp. 84–6Google Scholar (figs. 118–19). The manuscript might also have been the work of an Irish artist at St Gallen. See Netzer, N., ‘Observations on the Influence of Northumbrian Art on Continental Manuscripts of the 8th Century’, The Age of Migrating Ideas, ed. Spearman, R. M. and Higgitt, J. (Edinburgh, 1993), pp. 45–51, at 48, with fig. 5.6Google Scholar; Nees, L., ‘The Irish Manuscripts at St. Gall and their Continental Affiliations’, Sangallensia in Washington, ed. King, J. C. (New York, 1993), pp. 95–132, at 113–15, with fig. 14.Google Scholar

22 See O'Reilly, , ‘Text and Image’, pp. 87–91Google Scholar, for the iconography and the scriptural and exegetic background.

23 E.g., pseudo-Augustine, Sermo clv. 11 (PL 39, col. 2052).

24 Regarding this motif, see Openshaw, , ‘Images, Texts and Contexts’, pp. 262–4Google Scholar; Raw, , Crucifixion Iconography, p. 151Google Scholar; Peebles, R. J., The Legend of Longinus in Ecclesiastical Tradition and in English Literature, and its Connections with the Grail, Bryn Mawr College Monographs 9 (Baltimore, 1911).Google Scholar

25 The Durham Gospels, ed. Verey, C. D., Brown, T. J. and Coatsworth, E., EEMF 20 (Copenhagen, 1980), 58–62Google Scholar, pl. 2 (383v); O'Reilly, , ‘Text and Image’, pp. 89–91Google Scholar, with pl. 9; Werckmeister, O.-K., Irisch-northumbrische Buchmalerei des 8. Jahrhunderts und monastische Spiritualität (Berlin, 1967), pp. 53–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar, with figs. 14and 16; The Making of England. Anglo-Saxon Art and Culture AD 600–900, ed. Webster, L. and Backhouse, J. (London, 1991), pp. 114–15Google Scholar (no. 81; fig. 81).

26 Raw, , Crucifixion Iconography, pls. 1–4, 5b, 7–11 and 14–16.Google Scholar

27 Ibid. pl. 13; see above, n. 24. For some relief sculptures with Longinus and Stephaton, see Coatsworth, E., ‘Late Pre-Conquest Sculptures with the Crucifixion South of the Humber’, Bishop Æthewold his Career and Influence, ed. Yorke, B. (Woodbridge, 1988), pp. 161–93, at 180 and 191–2 (nos. 14, 15 and 17; pls. la, 2a, 5a and 5d).Google Scholar

28 O'Reilly, , ‘Text and Image’, pp. 84–93Google Scholar, independently arrived at this observation.

29 The first example, overlooked by O'Reilly, (‘Text and Image’, pp. 74 and 84–6)Google Scholar, is in the ninth- century Byzantine Sacra Parallela (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, gr. 923, 68v); see Weitzmann, K., The Miniatures of the Sacra Parallela, Stud, in Manuscript Illumination 8 (Princeton, NJ, 1979), 169–70Google Scholar, with fig. 441.

30 The instruments of the Passion in the early Christian mosaic from S. Michele in Affricisco, which I have elsewhere cited (Deshman, , ‘Alfred’, p. 179Google Scholar, fig. 5; cf. O'Reilly, , ‘Text and Image’, p. 84Google Scholar) as an earlier example of the motif, are almost certainly a modern restoration. See Effenberger, A., ‘Eine frühe Kopie des Mosaiks aus San Michele in Affricisco’, Studien zur spätan tiken und byzantinischen Kunst: Friedrich Wilhelm Deichmann gewidmet, ed. Feld, O. and Peschlow, U., 3 vols. (Bonn, 1986) II, pp. 167–70, at 167 and 169, with pls. 36–7.Google Scholar It should not be ruled out (cf. Deshman, , ‘Alfred’, p. 182Google Scholar) that Byzantine as well as earlier Insular art was a source of the Galba iconography. The placement of the instruments in the Anglo-Saxon miniature might be a modification of the Byzantine iconography of the instruments propped up against the empty throne, a motif that first appeared in the Last Judgement on a late-tenth-century Greek ivory plaque in the Victoria and Albert Museum; see Brenk, B., Tradition und Neuerung in der christlichen Kunst des ersten Jahrtausends, Wiener byzantinistische Studien 3 (Vienna, 1966), 84–6 and 99Google Scholar, with fig. 23. The miniature in the Sacra Parallela (see the previous note) provides a precedent for both the display of the stigmata and the depiction of the heavenly Jerusalem below the Judge. Finally, the Last Judgement composition in the late-ninth-century Constantinopolitan manuscript of Cosmas Indicopleustes' Topographia Christiana (Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, gr. 699,89r) generally resembles that of the first Galba picture (pl. X), especially since the damned are omitted in both; see Kessler, H. L., ‘Gazing at the Future: the Parousia Miniature in Vatican gr. 699’, Byzantine East, Latin West. Art-Historical Studies in Honor of Kurt Weitzmann, ed. Moss, C. and Kiefer, K. (Princeton, NJ, 1995), pp. 365–71Google Scholar, and fig. 1.

31 Some Irish high crosses have related typological programmes. In the tenth-century Monasterboice school the Crucifixion and Second Coming (or Last Judgement) were often sculpted opposite each other in the centres of the cross-head, and David with his harp is some times among the figures at the Judgement. See Henry, F., Irish Art during the Viking Invasions (800–1200 A.D.) (Ithaca, NY, 1967), pp. 156–8 and 171–4Google Scholar, with pls. 76, 86–7, 91, 98 and 106–10.

32 Openshaw, , ‘Symbolic Illustration’, pp. 53–4Google Scholar; Haney, , Winchester Psalter, pp. 47–52.Google Scholar

33 Pseudo-Jerome, Ep. li (De uirtute psalmorum), c. 2 (PL 30, cols. 305–6); the text is also ed. De Bruyne, D., Préfaces de la Bible Latine (Namur, 1920), pp. 62–3Google Scholar; see also The Vespasian Psalter, British Museum Cotton Vespasian A. I, ed. Wright, D. H., EEMF 14 (Copenhagen, 1967), 50–1 and 94.Google Scholar

34 The Alcuinian tract, known as either Qui etiamprophetiae or Prophetiae Spiritus, is ed. De, Bruyne, Préfaces de la Bible, pp. 102–3Google Scholar (no. 58), and in PL 101, cols. 465–8, as the preface of another trea tise, De psalmorum usu liber. See also Wilmart, A., ‘Le Manuel de prières de Saint Jean Gualbert’, RB 48 (1936), 259–99, at 263–4Google Scholar, n. 4. The earliest Anglo-Saxon manuscript with the tract is the eleventh-century Tiberius Psalter; see Openshaw, , ‘Symbolic Illustration’, pp. 53–4.Google Scholar

35 Hibernica Minora, being a Fragment of an Old-Irish Treatise on the Psalter, ed. and trans. Meyer, K., Anecdota, Oxoniensia, Med. and Modern Ser. 7 (Oxford, 1894), 30–3.Google Scholar See McNamara, M., ‘Tradition and Creativity in Early Irish Psalter Study’, Irland und Europa, ed. Chathain, P. Ni and Richter, M. (Stuttgart, 1984), pp. 338–89, at 363–4Google Scholar; Néill, P. Ö, ‘The Old-Irish Treatise on the Psalter and its Hiberno-Latin Background’, Eriu 30 (1979), 148–64Google Scholar; also idem, ‘Airbertach Mac Cosse's Poem on the Psalter’, Éigse 17 (1977), 19–46, at 35.Google Scholar

36 The Old Irish Treatise on the Psalter syys that the psalms prophesy ‘the invitation of the heathen to faith’ as well as the events in Christ's life and his Second Coming: Hibernica, Minora, ed. Meyer, p. 31.Google Scholar

37 This was a common early Christian motif. See Brenk, B., Die frühchristlichen Mosaiken in S. Maria Maggiore zu Rom (Wiesbaden, 1975), pp. 33–4 and 46–7Google Scholar; also Kühnel, B., From the Earthly to the Heavenly Jerusalem, Römische Quartalschrift für christliche Altertumskunde und Kirchen geschichte, Supplementheft 42 (Rome, 1987).Google Scholar

38 Deshman, R., ‘The Imagery of the Living Ecclesia and the English Monastic Reform’, Sources of Anglo-Saxon Culture, ed. Szarmach, P. E., Stud, in Med. Culture 20 (Kalamazoo, MI, 1986), 261–82, at 268Google Scholar, pl. 7. The motif also reinforces the picture's judgement theme, since in other New Testament passages the cornerstone is also a grindstone (Matt. XXI.44) and a ‘stone of stumbling’ (I Peter II.8) for unbelievers. For later images of the Last Judgement with the motif, see Deshman, , ‘Alfred’, p. 181Google Scholar, fig. 7. Regarding the exegesis of the cornerstone, see Maiburg, U., ‘Christus der Eckstein’, Vivarium. Festschrift für Theodor Klauser zum 90. Geburtstag (Münster, 1984), pp. 247–56Google Scholar; Ladner, G. B., ‘The Symbolism of the Biblical Corner Stone in the Mediaeval West’, MS 4 (1942), 43–60.Google Scholar

39 Bede, , Expositio actuum apostolorum IV.ll (CCSL 121 (Turnhout, 1983), 26)Google Scholar; The Venerable Btde, Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles, trans. Martin, L. T., Cistercian Stud. 117 (Kalamazoo, MI, 1989), 50Google Scholar: ‘God by himself placed this [stone] at the chief position in the corner, so that from two testaments and two peoples there might rise up a building of one and the same faith.’ See also Gregory of Elvira, De fide (CCSL 69 (Turnhout, 1967), 237).Google Scholar

40 PL 101, col. 467: ‘in it you will find spiritually the prophetic, evangelical, apostolic, and even all the divine books…’

41 ‘Casting down the author of death, [Christ] renews our life if we suffer with him; he rose from the dead and sits at the right hand of the Father, so that when we have been restored to life, we may reign with him.’ See Werckmeister, , Buchmalerei und Spiritualität, pp. 70–8Google Scholar; The Durham Gospels, ed. Verey, et al. , pp. 58–61Google Scholar; O'Reilly, , ‘Text and Image’, pp. 90–1Google Scholar; Henderson, , Durrow to Kells, pp. 80–3.Google Scholar

42 Regarding the ‘real presence’ of images of the Crucifixion and other Christological iconogra phy, see Deshman, R., ‘Servants of the Mother of God in Byzantine and Medieval Art’, Word & Image 5 (1989), 33–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Loerke, W., ‘“Real Presence” in Early Christian Art’, Monasticism and the Arts, ed. Verdon, T. G. (Syracuse, NY, 1983), pp. 29–51.Google Scholar

43 See The Durham Gospels, ed. Verey, et al. , 38rGoogle Scholar; also Werckmeister, , Buchmalerei und Spiritualität, pp. 70–8Google Scholar, with figs. 14, 25; Henderson, , Durrow to Kills, pp. 57–9 and 80–1Google Scholar, with figs. 70 and 114.

44 Bede, , Homilia II.8 (CCSL 122 (Turnhout, 1955), 235–7)Google Scholar, relates Christ's promise in Matt. XXVIII.20 to his presence in the Eucharist.

45 Homilia, II.3 (CCSL 122, 204–5)Google Scholar; Bede, , In Marcum 3 (CCSL 120 (Turnhout, 1960), 574)Google Scholar; see also Jerome, , Commentarius in Matheum 3 (CCSL 77 (Turnhout, 1969), 184–5).Google Scholar

46 E.g., Gregory, , Moralia in lob XXVIII.8 (PL 76, cols. 458–9Google Scholar); Ælfnc, , Sermo de Natale Domini, ed. and trans. Thorpe, B., Homilies of the Anglo-Saxon Church, 2 vols. (London, 1844–1846) 1, 32 and 38.Google Scholar

47 Hennig, J., ‘Die Chöre der Heiligen’, Archiv für Liturgiewissenschaft 8 (1963), 436–56Google Scholar; idem, ‘Studies in Early Western Devotion to the Choirs of the Saints’, Studia Patristica 8 (1963), 239–47.Google Scholar

48 See also Ps. XXDI.2 and 5 and CXLVIII and Is. XLIX.13.

49 Thompson, and Warner, , Catalogue of Ancient Manuscripts, p. 12 (no. 9).Google Scholar

50 Kähler, E., Studien zum Te Deum (Göttingen, 1958).Google Scholar

51 Utrecht-Psalter, , ed. van der Horst, K. and Engelbregt, J. H. A., Codices Selecti phototypice expressi 75 (Graz, 1982–1984), 88r.Google Scholar

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53 For the office as the imitation of heavenly music and praise, see Leclercq, J., La Vie parfaite, Tradition monastique 1 (Paris and Turnhout, 1948), 24–30.Google Scholar Regarding this theme in later tenth- century Anglo-Saxon art and literature, see Deshman, R., The Benedictional of Æthelwold, Stud, in Manuscript Illumination 9 (Princeton, NJ, 1995), 175–6.Google Scholar

54 Thompson, and Warner, , Catalogue of Ancient Manuscripts, p. 12 (no. 2).Google Scholar

55 Deshman, , ‘Servants of the Mother of God’, pp. 33–5Google Scholar; Patton, P. A., ‘Et Parta Fontis Exceptum. The Typology of Birth and Baptism in an Unusual Spanish Image of Jesus Baptized in a Font’, Gesta 23. 2 (1994), 79–92Google Scholar; Juhel, V., ‘Le Bain de l'Enfant-Jésus des origines à la fin du douzième siècle’, Cahiers archéologiques 39 (1991), 111–32.Google Scholar

56 Deshman, , ‘Living Ecclesia’, pp. 262–7Google Scholar; O'Reilly, , ‘Text and Image’, pp. 92–3.Google Scholar See also Weitzmann, K., ‘Loca Saneta and the Representational Arts of Palestine’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 28 (1974), 36–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Barb, A. A., ‘Krippe, Tisch und Grab’, Mullus: Festschrift för Theodor Klauser, Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum, Ergänzungsband I (Münster, 1964), 17–27.Google Scholar

57 Gen. IV.3–4; Ex. XII.29–30, XXIII. 16 and 19, XXXIV.22 and 26; Lev. 11.12 and 14, XXIII.10–20; Num. XV.19–21, XVIII.12–30; and Deut. XII.17, XXVI.2 and 10. The figure with the foliage should probably be identified as an anonymous righteous patriarch rather than the sinful Cain (as I previously suggested in ‘Alfred’, p. 181).Google Scholar

58 O'Reilly, , ‘Text and Image’, p. 93.Google Scholar

59 The prayers are Adoro te domine lesu Christe in cruce ascendentem (22r), Deus qui cunctae oboediunt creaturae (22r–v), Domine lesu Christe filius dei unum gloriosissime conditor mandi (22v–23r) and Deus qui unigeniti fili (23r). For editions of the second and third prayers, see Wilmart, A., ‘Prières médié vales pour l'adoration de la croix’, Ephemerides Liturgicae 46 (1932), 22–65, at 36Google Scholar, no. 2.10, and 33–4, no. 1.1; idem, Precum Libelli Quattuor Aevi Karolini (Rome, 1940), pp. 13–14. For Adoro te, see the next five notes.

60 My thanks to Dr Michelle Brown of the British Library for helping me to decipher the badly faded text with ultraviolet light. For editions and textual history, see Wilmart, , ‘Prières médié vales’, pp. 24–7, 37 and 51Google Scholar; idem, Precum Libelli Quattuor, pp. 44–5Google Scholar; Gjerløw, L., Adoratio Crucis (Oslo, 1961), pp. 16–24Google Scholar; Two Anglo-Saxon Pontificals, ed. Banting, H. M. J., HBS 104 (London, 1989), xxix–xxxii and 142.Google Scholar

61 Deshman, R., ‘The Exalted Servant: the Ruler Theology of the Prayerbook of Charles the Bald’, Viator 11 (1980), 385–417, at 388, n. 16CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Koehler, W. and Mütherich, F., Die karolingischen Miniaturen, 5 vols. (Berlin, 1930–1982) V, 81–2Google Scholar, with pl. lb. For the text, see Ninguarada, F., Liber Praecationum Quas Carolus Calvus … Scribi Mandavit, 2nd ed. (Ingolstadt, 1853), pp. 122–3Google Scholar; Meyer, W., ‘Über das Gebetbuch Karls des Kahlen in der königlichen Schatzkammer in München’, Sitzungsberichte der bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu München, phil.-hist. Kl. (1853), p. 435.Google Scholar According to Wilmart, , Precum Libelli Quattuor, p. 142Google Scholar, the text of Adoro te was added in the eleventh century on a blank folio opposite the miniature of the Crucifixion in a ninth-century Turonian prayerbook.

62 The Book of Cerne, ed. Kuypers, A. B. (Cambridge, 1902), pp. 114–17Google Scholar; Gjerløw, , Adoratio Crucis, pp. 16–24.Google Scholar

63 Bestul, T. H., ‘Continental Sources of Anglo-Saxon Devotional Writing’, in Sources of Anglo-Saxon Culture, ed. Szarmach, , pp. 103–26, at 115–16.Google Scholar

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65 Wilmart, , ‘Prières médiévales’, pp. 26–7.Google Scholar

66 See above, n. 59.

67 An incomplete list of the rubrics of the prayers was published by Thompson, and Warner, , Catalogue of Anaent Manuscripts, p. 12Google Scholar (no. 2). The following is a list of the prayers with refer ences to some printed editions I have found. Michael (23r): Da nobis omnipotent deus beati archangeli Michaelis and Deus qui min ordine angelorum (ed. Corrêa, A., The Durham Collector, HBS 107 (London, 1992), 193Google Scholar (nos. 442 and 444); Portiforium, ed. Hughes, I, 110Google Scholar (nos. 1627 and 1624)); Raphael (23v): Deus qui […] lacrimis aures and Deus qui Rafahele archangel; Mary (23v–24r): Omnipotens sempiterne deus, qui terrenis corporibus verbi tui and Exaudi nos domine sancta omnipotens aeterne deus qui per beatae Mariae sacri uteri; the Baptist (24v–25): Deus qui lohannem baptista nuntia and Deus qui conspicis quia nos undique mala (Collector, ed. Corrêa, , p. 180Google Scholar (no. 361); Peter (25r): Deus cuius gratiam beatus Petrus mirabilis; Peter and Paul (25v): Deus cuius dextera beatum Petrum ambulantem (Collectar, ed. Corrêa, , p. 184Google Scholar (no. 389); Portiforium, ed. Hughes, 1, 103Google Scholar (no. 1523)); John the Evangelist (25v): Deus qui os beati apostoli tui lohannis (Portiforium, ed. Hughes, I, 94Google Scholar (no. 1387)); martyrs and confessors (25v–26r): Impetret quesumus domine tuis auxilium pietatis, virgins (26r): Deus qui inter tetera potentiae.

68 Deshman, , ‘Alfred’, pp. 176–83.Google Scholar The Psalter itself includes a litany on 200r, but, as Dumville (Wessex and England, p. 76Google Scholar n. 93) notes, this is in a quire that was appended to the manuscript some rime after the addition of the miniatures and the two Anglo-Saxon prefatory quires. By the ninth century, however, litanies of the saints had become commonplace, and would cer tainly have been known to the illuminators, even though a litany was not yet included in the Psalter. Regarding litanies, see Lapidge, M., Anglo-Saxon Litanies of the Saints, HBS 106 (London, 1991).Google Scholar

69 Lapidge, , Anglo-Saxon Litanies, nos. 1, 4, 6, 13, 16(ii), 18, 21, etc.Google Scholar

70 McGurk, , ‘Metrical Calendar’, pp. 90–1, lines 7, 8 and 15.Google Scholar

71 Ibid. pp. 99–100, 104, lines 154, 167 and 238.

72 Ibid, lines 25, 26, 63, 78, 98, 109, 116, 124, etc.

73 Ohlgren, , Anglo-Saxon Textual Illustration, pls. 1.2–1.13.Google Scholar

74 Webster, J. C., The Labors of the Months in Ancient and Medieval Art, Northwestern University Stud, in the Humanities 4 (Evanston, IL, 1938).Google Scholar

75 Regarding these, see An Eleventh-Century Anglo-Saxon Illustrated Miscellany. British Library Cotton Tiberius B. V Part I, ed. McGurk, P. et al. , EEMF 21 (Copenhagen, 1983), 40–50Google Scholar, pl. 9 (fols. 3–8). The Galba Psalter has more in common with the middle Byzantine portraits of standing saints illustrating saints' feasts in Greek lectionaries and menologia. Some Greek menologia and icons gathered all the saints commemorated during a month into a collective representation. See Weitzmann, K., ‘Byzantine Miniature and Icon Painting in the Eleventh Century’, in his Studies in Classical and Byzantine Manuscript Illumination, ed. Kessler, H. L. (Chicago, 1971), pp. 281–3 and 295–7Google Scholar, with figs. 264–6, 268, 270, 280, 282–3 and 298–9. Byzantine influence is evident in the Psalter's style and New Testament iconography, but these genres of Greek hagiographie imagery seem to have developed in the later tenth and eleventh centuries, that is, after the execution of the Psalter's Anglo-Saxon illustrations.

76 McGurk, , ‘Metrical Calendar’, pp. 97 and 111, lines 125 and 358.Google Scholar

77 Pseudo-Jerome, Ep. li (PL 30, col. 306): ‘there are psalms about the eternal city, in which Christ our Lord gathers to himself from the beginning of the world even to the end of time those saints reigning with him, the holy Lord, three and one, God eternal, in the perpetual celestial kingdom. There are also psalms for beseeching the Lord God in a litany…. And those besides which should be said on the birthdays of saints.’

78 Trans. quoted by O'Neill, P. P., ‘The Old English Introductions to the Prose Psalms of the Paris Psalter: Sources, Structure, and Composition’, SP 78 (1981), 20–38, at 28.Google Scholar For the complete edition and translation, see Hibernica Minora, ed. Meyer, , esp. pp. 230–3.Google Scholar

79 Bright, J. W. and Ramsay, R. L., ‘Notes on the “Introductions” of the West Saxon Psalms’. JTS 13 (1912), 520–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ramsay, R. L., ‘Theodore of Mopsuestia in England and Ireland’, Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie 8 (1912), 476–89CrossRefGoogle Scholar; O'Neill, , ‘Old English Introductions’, pp. 30–3.Google Scholar For Alfred's translation, see The West Saxon Psalms, being the Prose Portion, or the “First Fifty” of the So-Called Paris Psalter, ed. Bright, J. W. and Ramsay, R. L. (Boston, 1907).Google Scholar A version of the Old Irish Treatise might already have been associated with the typological iconographie programmes of earlier Insular psalters, since the Latin original of the Irish text was used to gloss the Southampton Psalter; see Openshaw, , ‘Symbolic Illustration’, pp. 56–7.Google Scholar

80 King Alfred's West-Saxon Version of Gregory's Pastoral Care, ed. and trans. Sweet, H., 2 vols., EETS os 45 and 50 (London, 1871) 1, 6Google Scholar; Keynes, S. and Lapidge., M., Alfred the Great Asset's Life of King Alfred and Other Contemporary Sources (Harmondsworth, 1983), pp. 32–3 and 126Google Scholar: ‘the most necessary for all men to know …’ See also Bately, J. M., The Literary Prose of King Alfred's Reign: Translation or Transformation? (London, 1980), p. 11.Google Scholar

81 Riche, P., Écoles et enseignement dans le haut mojen âge, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1989), pp. 223–4.Google Scholar

82 Assert Life of King Alfred, ed. Stevenson, W. H. (Oxford, 1904), c. 75 (p. 59)Google Scholar; Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, p. 91.Google Scholar

83 Asser's Life, cc. 24, 88 and 89 (ed. Stevenson, , pp. 21 and 73–9)Google Scholar; Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, pp. 75 and 99–100Google Scholar; see also the next note.

84 Asset's Life, c. 76 (ed. Stevenson, , p. 59)Google Scholar; Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, p. 91.Google Scholar

85 Regarding its later history, see Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, p. 268Google Scholar, n. 208; Whitelock, D., ‘The Prose of Alfred's Reign’, in Continuations and Beginnings: Studies in Old English Literature, ed. Stanley, E. G. (London, 1966), pp. 67–103, at 71–3Google Scholar; idem, ‘William of Malmesbury on the Works of King Alfred’, Medieval Literature and Civilization: Studies in Memory of G. N. Garmonsaiay, ed. Pearsall, D. A. and Waldron, R. A. (London, 1968), pp. 78–93, at 90–2.Google Scholar

86 Bestul, , ‘Continental Sources’, p. 117.Google Scholar One difference between the two books, however, is that the Galba Psalter, unlike Alfred's handbook, does not include miscellaneous passages from scripture and other books.

87 Salmon, P., ‘Liberéts de prières de l'époque carolingienne’, RB 86 (1976), 218–34Google Scholar; idem, Analecta Liturgica, Studi e testi 273 (Vatican City, 1974), 183 and 188–91.

88 Asset's Life, c. 89 (ed. Stevenson, , p. 75)Google Scholar; Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, p. 100Google Scholar: ‘He expanded it so much that it nearly approached the size of a psalter.’

89 Aster's Life, c. 88 (ed. Stevenson, , p. 74)Google Scholar; Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, p. 100Google Scholar: ‘The just man builds on a modest foundation and gradually proceeds to greater things.’

90 Asset's biography was written in 893; see Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, pp. 53, 101 and 269–70, n. 218.Google Scholar

91 King Alfred's Old English Version of Boethius De Consolations Philosophiae, ed. Sedgefield, W. J. (Oxford, 1899), c. 12 (p. 27, lines 6–8)Google Scholar; idem, King Alfred's Version of the Consolation of Boethius, Done into Modern English with an Introduction (Oxford, 1900), p. 25Google Scholar: ‘build the house of his mind upon the firm rock of humility, for Christ dwelleth in the Valley of Humility, and in the memory of Wisdom’. Boethius's original text mentions neither the house being the dwelling of Wisdom nor Christ residing there.

92 Elsewhere Alfred refers to the passage from Corinthians; see below, p. 131.

93 King Alfred's Old English Version of Boethius, ed. Sedgefield, , p. 27, line 24Google Scholar: ‘the loftiest of virtues’. Regarding the central importance of wisdom for Alfred, see Bately, , Literary Prose, pp. 7–10Google Scholar; Szarmach, P. E., ‘The Meaning of Alfred's Preface to the Pastoral Care’, Mediaevalia 6 (1980), 57–86.Google Scholar

94 King Alfred's Version of St. Augustine's Soliloquies, ed. Carnicelli, T. A. (Cambridge, MA, 1969), pp. 77–8Google Scholar; Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, pp. 143–4.Google Scholar

95 King Alfred's Version, ed. Carnicelli, , pp. 47–8Google Scholar; Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, pp. 138–9.Google Scholar

96 Regarding the interpretation of the preface, see Gatch, M. McC., ‘King Alfred's Version of Augustine's Soliloquia: Some Suggestions on its Rationale and Unity’, Studies in Earlier Old English Prose, ed. Szarmach, P. E. (Albany, NY, 1986), pp. 17–45, at 22–5.Google Scholar

97 The concept that edification with the cornerstone Christ in this world foreshadowed edification in the celestial city and church in the next one is common in exegesis. See, for example, Haymo of Auxerre (d. c. 875), Homilia xiv (PL 118, col. 98). For a variant of this theme in Alfred's writings, see below, n. 106.

98 King Alfred's Version of St Augustine's Soliloquies, ed. Carnicelli, , pp. 68–9.Google Scholar For other instances of this theme in Alfred's writings, see. Alfred's Old English Version of Boethius, ed. Sedgefield, , pp. 14, lines 22–3 and 39, lines 27–8.Google Scholar

99 Alfred's Old English Version of Boethius, ed. Sedgefield, , pp. 40–1Google Scholar; Alfred the Great, trans. Keynes, and Lapidge, , pp. 132–3.Google Scholar Regarding the multivalent meaning of craft in Alfred's writings, see Clemoes, P., ‘King Alfred's Debt to Vernacular Poetry: the Evidence of Ellen and Craft, Words, Texts and Manuscripts, ed. Korhammer, , pp. 223–38.Google Scholar See also the discussion by Discenza, N. G., above, pp. 81–108.Google Scholar

100 Asser's Life, cc. 100 and 101 (ed. Stevenson, , pp. 86–7)Google Scholar; Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, p. 106Google Scholar: ‘The second portion he gave to his craftsmen, who were skilled in every earthly craft and whom he had assembled and commissioned in almost countless quantity from many races.’

101 Asser's Life, c. 91 (ed. Stevenson, , p. 71)Google Scholar: ‘[De] aedificiis aureis et argenteis’; Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, p. 101Google Scholar: ‘And what of the treasures incomparably fashioned in gold and silver at his instigation?’

102 Asser's Life, c. 76 (ed. Stevenson, , p. 59)Google Scholar; Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, p. 91: ‘new treasures’.Google Scholar See also Aster's Life, c. 56 (ed. Stevenson, , p. 47)Google Scholar, where Alfred is said to have given Guthrum after his baptism ‘multa et optima aedificia’. Failing to find any occurrence of aediflcia meaning ‘gifts’ Stevenson went so far as to replace it with beneficia in the text, relegating aedificia to the apparatus (see p. 279, note to 56, line 33). Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, p. 85: ‘many excellent treasures’.Google Scholar See also Lerer, S., Literacy and Power in Anglo-Saxon Literature (Lincoln, NE and London, 1992), pp. 92–6.Google Scholar

103 Plummer, C., The Life and Times of Alfred (Oxford, 1902), pp. 46–7.Google Scholar

104 In the vast compilation of English texts by Lehmann-Brockhaus, O., Lateinische Schriftquellen zur Kunst in England, Wales, und Schottland von Jahre 901 bis zum jahre 1307, 5 vols. (Munich, 1955–1960)Google Scholar V, 7 (indexed references to aedificium), the sense of the word is consistently ‘building’ or ‘edifice’.

105 ‘the building of the house of the Lord and the king's building’.

106 King Alfred's West-Saxon Version, ed. Sweet, I, 252–3.Google Scholar Commentators interpreted Christ as both the cornerstone and the keystone because of the ambiguous meaning of ‘caput anguli’ in the New Testament (e.g. Matt. XXI.42). For another example of the typological relationship between the building of Solomon's temple and Christological edification, see Ælfric, , In dedicatione ecclesiae, ed. and trans. Thorpe, , Homilies of Ælfric II, 580–1.Google Scholar

107 The earliest examples of the representation of God as the architect of creation occur in eleventh-century Anglo-Saxon manuscripts, among them the Tiberius and Bury Psalters. See Heimann, A., ‘Three Illustrations from the Bury St. Edmunds Psalter and their Prototypes’, Jnl of the Warburg and Courtauld Inst. 29 (1966), 46–56Google Scholar, with pls. lOa, 11a-c and 12b; Ohlgren, T. H., Anglo-Saxon Art. Texts and Contexts, OEN Subsidia 17 (Binghamton, NY, 1991), 17–18Google Scholar; Friedman, J. B., ‘The Architect's Compass in Creation Miniatures of the Late Middle Ages’, Traditio 30 (1974), 419–29.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

108 Asser's Life, cc. 76 and 91 (ed. Stevenson, , pp. 55 and 77)Google Scholar; Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, pp. 91, 101 and 113–14 with notes.Google Scholar

109 See Henry, , Irish Art during the Viking InvasionsGoogle Scholar; Alexander, , Insular Manuscripts, nos. 53, 54, 57–63, 68, 70, 73 and 74.Google Scholar

110 Regarding Anglo-Saxon manuscript production before Alfred, see Gneuss, H., ‘King Alfred and the History of Anglo-Saxon Libraries’, Modes of Interpretation in Old English Literature: Essays in Honour of Stanley B. Greenfield, ed. Brown, P. R., Crampton, G. R. and Robinson, F. C. (Toronto, 1986), pp. 29–49.Google Scholar

111 Dumville, , ‘English Square Minuscule’, p. 161.Google Scholar

112 McGurk, , ‘Metrical Calendar’, pp. 88–9Google Scholar; Lapidge, , ‘A Tenth-Century Metrical Calendar’, pp. 346–7.Google Scholar

113 Bishop, E., Liturgica Historica (Oxford, 1918), pp. 253–6.Google Scholar This possibility is also given credence by McGurk and Lapidge; see the preceding note. It cannot be excluded, however, that the author was an Englishman familiar with Irish material.

114 Biddle, M., ‘Felix Urbs Winthonia: Winchester in the Age of Monastic Reform’, Tenth-Century Studies: Essays in Commemoration of the Millennium of the Council of Winchester and Regularis Concordia, ed. Parsons, D. (London, 1975), pp. 123–40, at 127–31.Google Scholar

115 Wessex and England, pp. 198–205.Google Scholar

116 Wormald, F., ‘Decorated Initials in English MSS. from A. D. 900 to 1100’, Archaeologia 91 (1945), 107–35, at 112–15CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Deshman, , ‘Alfred’, p. 193, with fig. 39Google Scholar; Gameson, R., ‘The Decoration of the Tanner Bede’, ASE 21 (1992), 115–59, at 120–4.Google Scholar

117 Deshman, , ‘Alfred’, p. 193Google Scholar, with fig. 43. See also Biddle, M. and Kjølbye-Biddle, B., ‘The Dating of the New Minster Wall Painting’, in Early Medieval Wall Painting and Painted Sculpture in England, ed. Cather, S., Park, D. and Williamson, P., BAR Brit. Ser. 216 (Oxford, 1990), 45–63Google Scholar, and the Appendix below, pp. 137–8.

118 The Psalter might later have passed into the hands of Alfred's grandson, King Athelstan (924–39), although the only evidence for this is an unsubstantiated sixteenth-century note in the manuscript claiming it was Athelstan's psalter; see Watson, A. G., ‘A Sixteenth-Century Collector: Thomas Dackomb’, The Library 18 (1963), 204–17, at 212.CrossRefGoogle ScholarBestul, , ‘Continental Sources’, p. 117Google Scholar, suggests that it might have been Athelstan's personal prayerbook. See also Lapidge, , Anglo-Saxon Litanies, pp. 13–14.Google Scholar

119 In some ways the Galba Psalter looks back to the broader typological programmes that have recently been recognized in Carolingian Bibles. See Kessler, H. L., The Illustrated Bibles from Tours, Stud, in Manuscript Illumination 7 (Princeton, NJ, 1977)Google Scholar; idem, ‘An Apostle in Armor and the Mission of Carolingian Art’, Arte medievale 2nd ser. 4 (1990), 17–41Google Scholar; idem, ‘“Facies Bibliothecae Revelata”: Carolingian Art as Spiritual Seeing’, SettSpol 41 (1994), 533–94.Google Scholar It is revealing that the later Tiberius Psalter, which was influenced by the Galba manuscript, began its prefatory cycle with a creation image probably derived from an illustrated Bible; see Heimann, , ‘Three Illustrations’, p. 53Google Scholar, with pls. 10a and 11a.

120 See Deshman, , Benedictional, pp. 21–4, 84–5, 152–3, 259–60 et passim.Google Scholar

121 Dumville, , Wessex and England, pp. 74–7 and 87–8Google Scholar; idem. Liturgy and Ecclesiastical History, pp. 1–38.Google Scholar

122 Parkes, M. B., ‘The Palaeography of the Parker Manuscript of the Chronicle, Laws and Sedulius, and Historiography at Winchester in the Late Ninth and Tenth Centuries’, ASE 5 (1976), 149–71Google Scholar; idem, ‘A Fragment of an Early-Tenth-Century Anglo-Saxon Manuscript and its Significance’, ASE 12 (1983), 12–40.Google Scholar

123 See above, p. 135, n. 117.

124 See The Pastoral Care, ed. Ker, N. R., EEMF 6 (Copenhagen, 1956), 34v, 38v, 39v, 44v and 58v.Google Scholar

125 See Rodwell, W., ‘Wells: the Cathedral and City’, Current Archaeol. 7 (1980–1982), 41–2.Google Scholar

126 Plenderleith, E., Hohler, C. and Freyhan, R., The Relia of St. Cutbbert, ed. Battiscombe, C. F. (Oxford, 1956), pp. 375–432, with pls. 24–40.Google Scholar