¹ An unpublished lecture by Sir Frank Stenton, entitled ‘King Alfred and his Place in History’, was delivered at Wantage in 1949, and is preserved in the Library, Univ. of Reading, Stenton Papers 16/7. I am grateful to Michael Bott for supplying me with a photocopy of the typescript.

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⁴ The occasion was marked by a symposium on King Alfred held under the gaze of a portrait of Sir Frank Stenton at the University of Reading. See Bately, J., The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: Texts and their Textual Relationships, Reading Med. Stud. Monograph 3 (Reading, 1991)Google Scholar; and Keynes, S., ‘King Alfred and the Mercians’, Kings, Currency and Alliances: History and Coinage in Southern England in the Ninth Century, ed. Blackburn, M. A. S. and Dumville, D. N. (Woodbridge, 1998), pp. 1–45.Google Scholar

⁵ Keynes, S., ‘King Alfred the Great and Shaftesbury Abbey’, Studies in the Early History of Shaftesbury Abbey, ed. Keen, L. (Dorchester, 1999), pp. 17–72, being one of a series of lectures first delivered in 1988, and repeated in 1997.Google Scholar

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⁷ I have to thank my colleague, Professor David Dumville, for reminding me that the same distinction applies (under the wilder conditions of Irish history) to St Patrick. The 1500th anniversary of Patrick's death in 461 was celebrated, or rather contested, in 1961; the 1500th anniversary of his death in 493 was celebrated in 1993. For further explanation, see Dumville, D. N. et al. , Saint Patrick, A.D. 493–1993 (Woodbridge, 1993).Google Scholar

⁸ I should like to record my particular gratitude to the late Jeremy Maule (Trinity College, Cambridge) for discussion of the early modern period (and much else besides) in the early stages of this work, and to Dr Boyd Hilton, Dr David McKitterick, Mr William St Clair, and Dr Tessa Webber (also of Trinity College) for references and suggestions as I strayed further afield. I am also grateful to Dr Nigel Ramsay for reading this paper in typescript, and for making a number of valuable suggestions. Many other debts are mentioned where appropriate below. Papers based on aspects of this material were delivered at the University of Oxford in November 1998, at the University of Notre Dame and at the Newberry Library, Chicago, in March 1999, and at the meeting of the International Society of Anglo-Saxonists, Notre Dame, in August 1999. I am grateful to Professors Rees Davies, Patrick Geary, Paul Szarmach, and Katherine O'Brien O'Keeffe for their cood offices in these connections.

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⁸⁶ See A Bibliography of English History to 1485, ed. Graves, E. B. (Oxford, 1975), p. 294Google Scholar, with references.

⁸⁷ Evans, J., A History of the Society of Antiquaries (Oxford, 1956), pp. 8–13Google Scholar, citing Henry Spelman's account of the gatherings in Gibson, E., Reliquiæ Spelmannianæ: the Posthumous Works of Sir Henry Spelman Kt (Oxford, 1698), pp. 69–70Google Scholar. See also Levy, , Tudor Historical Thought, pp. 164–6Google Scholar; Fussner, , The Historical Revolution, pp. 92–106Google Scholar; and Parry, G., The Trophies of Time: English Antiquarians of the Seventeenth Century (Oxford, 1995), p. 5.Google Scholar

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⁹³ Camden, , Britannia [1600], pp. 331–2Google Scholar; Camden, , Britain, trans. Holland, [1610], pp. 378–9Google Scholar. It must have appeared to some that Parker had suppressed the passage in his own edition of Asser. So, when first he heard of the passage about Oxford, the antiquary Thomas Allen asked Thomas James to investigate the matter further. James reported back to Allen by letter, dated 1 April 1600, giving an account of his inspection of the manuscript of Asser which had been used by Parker (and which he had located in Lord Lumley's library), noting that the passage in question was not there. The letter is Oxford, Bodleian Library, Twyne 3, pp. 225–8Google Scholar; and see Asser's Life of King Alfred, ed. Stevenson, W. H. (Oxford, 1904), pp. xxxvii–xxxix.Google Scholar

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⁹⁶ ‘A merry songe of a kinge and a shepherd’ was entered on the Stationers’ Register for 25 Sept. 1578, and ‘King and shepperd’ was entered on 14 Dec. 1624; see Rollins, H. E., ‘An Analytical Index to the Ballad-Entries in the Register of the Company of Stationers of London’, Stud. in Phil. 21 (1924), 1–324, at 117–18 (nos. 1354 and 1358)Google Scholar. The ballad in question (a seventeenthcentury copy of which survives among the Roxburghe Ballads in the British Library [Rox. I. 504–5]) was incorporated in Wit and Mirth, or Pills to Purge Melancholy, ed. D'Urfey, T., 6 vols. (London, 1719–1720)Google Scholar, repr. with an Introduction by Day, C. L., 6 vols. in 3 (New York, 1959) V, 289–97Google Scholar, and in Evans, T., Old Ballads, Historical and Narrative, new ed., rev. Evans, R. H., 4 vols. (London, 1810) II, 11–21Google Scholar. For an edition, see Chappell, W., The Roxburgbe Ballads III.i (Hertford, 1880), 211–19Google Scholar, with a woodcut of Alfred burning the cakes. See also Miles, , King Alfred in Literature, pp. 48–52Google Scholar, and Lees, , Alfred the Great, pp. 456–7.Google Scholar

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¹⁰¹ Verstegan, , Restitution of Decayed Intelligence in Antiquities, esp. pp. 161–4Google Scholar. In the late tenth century, Æthelweard (Chronicon i.3) stated that Britain was now called England, ‘taking the name of the victors’ (ed. Campbell, , p. 9Google Scholar); in the twelfth century, Henry of Huntingdon stated that the monarchy of England had originated under Egbert, and had then been divided into shires (ed. Greenway, , pp. 12, 16 and 264); and according to Camden, Egbert had issued an edict proclaiming the Heptarchy as ‘England’.Google Scholar

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¹⁰³ Gibson, , Reliquiœ Spelmannianœ, p. 70.Google Scholar

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¹¹⁴ It would appear that separate badges for each of the kingdoms of the Heptarchy were invented in the Middle Ages, to which was added a badge for the kingdom of all England (a cross flory), itself derived from the thirteenth-century arms of Edward the Confessor (above, n. 65). In Speed's system (which may be a refinement of an older system), the cross flory served on its own for kings from Egbert to Eadwig, including Alfred; the badge becomes a cross flory between four martlets, for kings from Edgar to Edmund Ironside; a fifth martlet was then added at the base of the cross, for Edward the Confessor. University College, Oxford, seems to have adopted its own coat of arms (a cross flory between four martlets) from this system, presumably in the fond belief that these arms were Alfred's.

¹¹⁵ ibid. pp. 348–9 [Egbert] and 356–9 [Alfred].

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¹²⁹ For his father's account, see Gibson, , Reliquiœ SpelmannianœGoogle Scholar, sig. d; see also Obadiah Walker's preface to the edition of 1678 (below, n. 174).

¹³⁰ Hearne countered Spelman's suggestion (that Oxford was a safe place) with a spirited assertion of the supposition that Alfred chose Oxford ‘because Letters had flourished here so much before’ (Spelman, , Life of Alfred, ed. Hearne, , pp. 144–5, n. 1; cf. pp. 225–6).Google Scholar

¹³¹ He gave an honest reason for not wishing to impugn the antiquity of his own university: ‘Besides having been of Trinity College in Cambridge, I would not be thought to have less affection to my Foster-Mother's Right, than the Author to the Apology [i.e. Twyne], MrCamden, , Leland, and other Oxford Men have shewn for Oxford’ (p. 191).Google Scholar

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¹³³ Spelman, , Life of Alfred, ed. Hearne, , p. 192.Google Scholar

¹³⁴ Spelman, , Life of Alfred, ed. Hearne, , pp. 125–31Google Scholar. See also Arngart, , Proverbs of Alfred II, 20–5.Google Scholar

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¹³⁸ University College, MS. 131 (‘Joan. Spelmanni notæ in vitam Ælfredi regis, 8vo’) was perhaps a volume of Spelman's working notes. University College 136 (‘Vita Ælfredi regis, primi monarchiæ Anglicanæ fundatoris, Anglicano sermone, folio’), if not an earlier manifestation of a local interest in King Alfred, was perhaps a copy of the finished work in its original English form. The descriptions are from Bernard, E., Catalogi librorum manuscriptorum Angliae et Hiberniae in unum collecti (Oxford, 1697), p. Univ 5Google Scholar, cited by Coxe, H. O., Catalogus codicum MSS. qui in collegiis aulisque Oxoniensibus hodie adservantur, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1852) 1, 38 (by which time both were missing).Google Scholar

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¹⁴² Milton, J., The History of Britain, that Part Especially Now Call'd England, from the First Traditional Beginning Continu'd to the Norman Conquest (London, 1670)Google Scholar, repr. from the edition of 1677 in Milton, J., The History of BritainGoogle Scholar, with an Introduction by Parry, G. (Stamford, 1991)Google Scholar. For a modern edition, with full apparatus, see Complete Prose Works of John Milton, V.i: 1648?–1671, ed. Fogle, F. (New Haven, CT, 1971)Google Scholar. See also Carnicelli, T. A., ‘Milton's Knowledge of the Anglo-Saxon Period’, A Milton Encyclopedia, ed. Hunter, W. B. et al. , 9 vols. (Lewisburg, 1978–1983) I, 51–3Google Scholar, and Hamilton, G. D., ‘The History of Britain and its Restoration Audience’, Politics, Poetics, and Hermeneutics in Milton's Prose, ed. Loewenstein, D. and Turner, J. G. (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 241–55.Google Scholar

¹⁴³ Complete Prose Works V.i, ed. Fogle, , 249Google Scholar; Milton, , History of Britain, p. 216Google Scholar, with Parry's remarks, ibid. pp. 40–2.

¹⁴⁴ Complete Prose Works V.i, ed. Fogle, , 257–9Google Scholar (Danish invasions), 276–92 (Alfred), 327–8 (decline after Edgar) and 403 (Norman Conquest); Milton, , History of Britain, pp. 222–4, 238–51, 280 and 357.Google Scholar

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¹⁴⁸ A verse play by Rymer, Thomas (1641–1713)Google Scholar, called Edgar, or The English Monarch; an Heroick Tragedy (London, 1678), 2nd ed. (London, 1693)Google Scholar, was dedicated to King Charles II, and began with a poem comparing Charles and Edgar (‘Thus … You alone, great Edgar's Person bear. / Unking'd, in Love, we represent him here’). Rymer became historiographer royal in 1692, and is better known for his Foedera (1704–1717)Google Scholar. For further comment, see Osborn, J. M., ‘Thomas Rymer as Rhymer’, PQ 54 (1975), 1–26.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁹ It is worth noting in this connection that the Wilton Diptych (above, n. 65) had passed into the possession of King Charles I; see Griffiths, , The Print in Stuart Britain, pp. 92–3 (no. 48).Google Scholar

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¹⁵¹ For the continued significance of the Laws of Edward the Confessor in seventeenth-century polemic, see Greenberg, J., ‘The Confessor's Laws and the Radical Face of the Ancient Constitution’, EHR 104 (1989), 611–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Weston, , ‘England: Ancient Constitution and Common Law’, pp. 381–5.Google Scholar

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¹⁵³ Sir Matthew Hale's The Prerogatives of the King, ed. Yale, D. E. C., Selden Soc. 92 (London, 1976).Google Scholar

¹⁵⁴ Hale's ‘History of the Common Law’ was first published in 1713, repr. in 1716 and 1739. It is repr. from the 3rd ed. in Hale, M., The History of the Common Law of England, ed. Gray, C. M. (Chicago, 1971)Google Scholar; but cf. Yale, D. E. C., Hale as a Legal Historian, Selden Soc. Lecture (London, 1976), pp. 5–6Google Scholar, on the transmission of the text. See also Cromartie, Sir Matthew Hale, pp. 104–9.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁵ Prerogatives of the King, ed. Yale, , pp. 19–20Google Scholar; History of the Common Law, ed. Gray, , pp. 5, 36–8, 42–3, 55–6, 62, 68–9 and 76 (and pp. 160–7, on trials by jury, without mention of Alfred)Google Scholar. For Hale and the Norman Conquest, see also ibid. pp. xxvii–xxviii; Prerogatives of the King, ed. Yale, , pp. xli–xliiGoogle Scholar; Cromartie, , Sir Matthew Hale, pp. 33–6.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁶ In the early 1640s Hare, John, in his tract St Edwards Ghost, or Anti-Normanisme (London, 1647)Google Scholar, had developed a version of the ‘Norman Yoke’ which proposed the restoration of the laws of Edward the Confessor (Hill, , ‘The Norman Yoke’, pp. 72–4), though it might have been realized subsequently that it was better to maintain differentials between the Norman and the English regimes.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁷ Petyt, W, The Antient Right of the Commons of England Asserted; or, A Discourse Proving by Records and the Best Historians that the Commons of England were Ever an Essential Part of Parliament (London, 1680), esp. Preface, pp. 1–75, at 6–16 (on ‘Saxon government’).Google Scholar

¹⁵⁸ Brady's response to Petyt's tract was first published in 1681, and revised in Brady, R., An Introduction to the Old English History (London, 1684)Google Scholar; see also Brady, R., A Complete History of England (London, 1685), pp. 114–17Google Scholar. For Petyt and Brady, see Weston, , ‘England: Ancient Constitution and Common Law’, pp. 404–10Google Scholar. See also Douglas, D. C., English Scholars 1660–1730, 2nd ed. (London, 1951), pp. 119–38Google Scholar; Butterfield, , The Englishman and his History, pp. 75–8Google Scholar; Pocock, , Ancient Constitution, pp. 182–228Google Scholar; Smith, R. J., The Gothic Bequest: Medieval Institutions in British Thought, 1688–1863 (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 7–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Hicks, P., Neoclassical History and English Culture: From Clarendon to Hume (Basingstoke, 1996), pp. 82–109.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁵⁹ For a conspectus of the arguments deployed c. 1690, see Goldie, M., ‘The Revolution of 1689 and the Structure of Political Argument: an Essay and an Annotated Bibliography of Pamphlets on the Allegiance Controversy’, Bull, of Research in the Humanities 83 (1980), 473–564, at 485–91 and 529.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁰ Temple, W., An Introduction to the History of England (London, 1695), 3rd ed. (London, 1708)Google Scholar. for Temple, see the entry in DNB, and Steensma, R. C., ‘“So Ancient and Noble a Nation”: Sir William Temple's History of England’, NM 77 (1976), 95–107.Google Scholar

¹⁶¹ Above, p. 236.Google Scholar

¹⁶² The payments are recorded in the General Accounts for 1661/2 (UC:BU2/F1/1, 389r and 389v), cited by Poole, R. Lane, Catalogue of Portraits in the Possession of the University, Colleges, City, and County of Oxford, 3 vols. (Oxford, 1912–1926)Google Scholar II, 1, n. 1. A payment of £3 10s ‘for King Alfreds picture’, recorded in a private account book of Thomas Walker, Master of Univ 1632–48 and 1660–5, suggests, however, that the Master paid for the picture himself (UC:MA26/F4/1, 3v). I am most grateful to Dr Robin Darwall-Smith, Archivist of University College, for supplying and clarifying these references (letter, 4 Jan. 1999), and for determining that a further payment of £8 10s, ‘to the painter’, adduced in this connection by Lane Poole, probably had nothing to do with the picture of Alfred. A payment of 2s 6d was made in 1706 ‘for mending and varnishing King Alfred's picture’ (UC:BU5/F2/1, p. 3).Google Scholar

¹⁶³ Cf. Hearne's remarks in his diary, 24 Feb. 1714: ‘I saw this morning in the Master of University College's Dining Room a Picture of K. Alfred, painted a pretty many Years agoe. But us nothing near as good as that I have printed from the Draught in Sr John Spelman's MS. ‘The Beard is also wrong, & it makes him look too old. There is not that Briskness neither in the Face as should be.’ (Remarks and Collections of Thomas Hearne, ed. Doble, C. E. et al. , 11 vols., Oxford Hist. Soc. 2, 7, 13, 34, 42–3, 48, 50, 65, 67, 72 (Oxford, 1885–1921) IV, 313–14Google Scholar.) In March 1721 Francis Wise addressed some queries on Alfredian matters to Arthur Charlen, including the age of the Cottonian manuscript of Asser and ‘the Age of the Picture of King Alfred in the Master's Lodgings at University’, which Charlett forwarded to Humfrey Wanley (BL, Add. 70477); Wanley dealt with the former, but avoided the latter (Letters of Wanley, ed. Heyworth, , pp. 423–5 (no. 217) and 431–2 (no. 220))Google Scholar. In 1728 William Smith alluded to a ‘very small’ painting of King Alfred in the Lodgings which was considered to be older than another painting of Alfred which by implication was not in the Lodgings (Annals of University-College [below, n. 461], p. 251).Google Scholar

¹⁶⁴ See below, pp. 265 and 271. The engravings do not include the college's coat of arms, on which see above, n. 114.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁵ The assumption derives from the fact that the portrait is not registered in Poole, Lane, Catalogue of Portraits II [1926]Google Scholar, even though the details of its origin in 1661–2 are given in a footnote (ibid. p. 1, n. 1).

¹⁶⁶ For some of the classic examples of Caroline portraiture, see Ollard, R., The Image of the King: Charles I and Charles II (London, 1979)Google Scholar. For Charles I, see also Howarth, D., Images of Rule: Art and Politics in the English Renaissance, 1485–1649 (London, 1997), pp. 132–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and esp. Roberts, J., The King's Head. Charles I: King and Martyr, Exhibition Catalogue (London, 1999).Google Scholar

¹⁶⁷ The size and appearance of the portraits, the similar form of lettering on each, and the identical frames, suggest that they have long been hung as a pair; they were still regarded as a pair in 1902 (Carr, , University College, pp. 7 and 225)Google Scholar, and are recorded as a pair (though correctly identified) in the college inventory of 1943. The portrait of the queen conforms to the standard iconographic type for Elizabeth of York: see Strong, R., Tudor and Jacobean Portraits, 2 vols. (London, 1969) I, 97–8. I am grateful to Lord Butler (Master of University College), Ms Christine Ritchie (Librarian of University College), and Dr Jane Cunningham (Courtauld Institute) for their good offices in connection with these portraits; and to the occupants of the Blue Room, in the Master's Lodgings, for tolerating an intrusion when I came to see the portraits in March 1999.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁸ For the Bodleian picture gallery, see Waterhouse, E., ‘Paintings and Painted Glass’, The History of the University of Oxford, V: the Eighteenth Century, ed. Sutherland, L. S. and Mitchell, L. G. (Oxford, 1986), 857–64, at 857–9Google Scholar. I am grateful to Steven Tomlinson, Assistant Librarian, Bodleian Library, for his guidance in this connection.

¹⁶⁹ The Bodleian portrait appears to be a cross between the engraving of the portrait made in 1661–2 and the engraving of a medieval painting, said to represent King Alfred, in St Albans cathedral, published in Spelman, Life of Alfred, ed. Walker, (1678)Google Scholar, pl. II. It was presumably one of the portraits of founders commissioned for the picture gallery, c. 1670, by Willem Sonmans (William Sunman), who died in 1708. For the date ‘872’, cf. Rous (above, pp. 236–7), who gives 873. A mezzotint of the Bodleian portrait was published in Faber, John, Founders of Colleges in Oxford and Cambridge (London, 1712–1714)Google Scholar, inscribed: ‘Alfredus Saxonum Rex Coll. Universitatis Oxon. Fundr. Circa Ao Chr. 872. Hujus summi Regis Effigiem a Tabula in Bibl. Bodleiana factam Reverendo Viro Arthuro Charlett S.T.P. et istius Collegii Magistro &c. Summa cum Humil. & Observantia D.D.D. J. Faber Ao 1712.’ A particularly fine reproduction of the portrait, in colour, was published in Ackermann, R., A History of the University of Oxford, its Colleges, Halls, and Public Buildings, 2 vols. (London, 1814) I, opp. p. 25.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁰ For Obadiah Walker, see the account of his life in the DNB, and VCH Oxon III, 67–8Google Scholar. See also F[irth], A. E., ‘Obadiah Walker’, University College Record 1961, 95–106, and 1964, 261–73Google Scholar; Darwall-Smith, R., ‘Obadiah Walker in his own Words’, University College Record 1998, 56–68Google Scholar; Mitchell, L., ‘Obadiah Walker: Addendum’, University College Record 1998, 69–73Google Scholar; and Darwall-Smith, , University College: the First 750 Years, pp. 16–18.Google Scholar

¹⁷¹ Printed here from Walker's draft (UC:MA30/1/C/13). I am grateful to Dr Robin Darwall-Smith for supplying me with a photocopy. The letter is also cited by Newman, J., ‘The Architectural Setting’, The History of the University of Oxford, IV: Seventeenth-Century Oxford, ed. Tyacke, N. (Oxford, 1997), pp. 135–77, at 145CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and by Beddard, R. A., ‘Tory Oxford’, Seventeenth-Century Oxford, ed. Tyacke, , pp. 863–905, at 864.Google Scholar

¹⁷² Wase is named as the translator by Hearne, , Life of Alfred, p. 225. He was educated at Eton and at King's College, Cambridge.Google Scholar

¹⁷³ The draft of Walker's letter to Ashmole (UC:MA30/3/C7/1) is printed by Darwall-Smith, , ‘Obadiah Walker in his own Words’, p. 63.Google Scholar In the event, Walker published five engraved plates of coins, which are not in themselves unimportant in the history of Anglo-Saxon numismatics. The first (pl. III) shows the coins found at Harkirke, Lanes., in 1611 (Blackburn, M. and Pagan, H., ‘A Revised Check-List of Coin Hoards from the British Isles, c.500–1100’, Anglo-Saxon Monetary History, ed. Blackburn, M. A. S. (Leicester, 1986), pp. 291–313, at 295 and 303 (no. 92)Google Scholar, from a manuscript in Corpus Christi College, Oxford (MS. 255, 78v). The other four plates (pls. IV–VII) show a range of Anglo-Saxon coins from the collections of Sir John Cotton, Elias Ashmole, the Bodleian Library, and Dr Nicholas Jonston, but also including some said to be ‘apud nos’. The device on the ‘London Monogram’ type was interpreted by Walker as evidence that the Alfred who issued it was king of Northumbria; cf. Remarks and Collections, ed. Doble, et al. , II, 189.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁴ [Walker], Ælfredi Magni Anglorum regis invictissimi vita. Walker's own copy, with extensive annotations, is preserved in the library of University College, Oxford. The original copperplates for all seven of the engraved plates are preserved in the college archives (UC:MA30/2/AR/1–7). I am grateful to Ms Christine Ritchie for enabling me to examine the book in November 1998.

¹⁷⁵ The notes include a text of the OE Coronation Oath, printed from ajunius transcript [Junius 60, 2r] of a (burnt) Cottonian manuscript [Cotton Vitellius A. vii] (p. 62)Google Scholar; an interesting discussion of the Alfredian church at Athelney described by William of Malmesbury (pp. 130–1, with diagram)Google Scholar, and some carefully chosen words on Alfred's foundation of Oxford University and of University College (p. 135).Google Scholar

¹⁷⁶ The appendices include the Latin version of King Alfred's will (from Parker), the prose and verse prefaces to Alfred's translation of Gregory's Regula pastoralis (from Parker), a text of the West Saxon regnal table (from Whelock), a chronology of Alfred's life, a text of the voyages of Ohthere and Wulfstan (presumably derived from a transcript of BL, Cotton Tiberius B. i), and an account of Alfred's descendants to King Charles II. See also Brewer, , ‘References to the Voyage of Ohthere’, p. 209.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁷ Clark, A., The Life and Times of Anthony Wood, Antiquary, of Oxford, 1632–1695, Described by Himself, 5 vols., Oxford Hist. Soc. 19, 21, 26, 30, 40 (Oxford, 1891–1900) II, 421–2 and 449Google Scholar; see also Beddard, , ‘Tory Oxford’, pp. 864–5Google Scholar, and Jones, , The English Nation, pp. 107–14.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁸ The statue was given to the college by Dr Robert Plot, on his becoming a Fellow Commoner; see Smith, , Annals of University-College [below, n. 461], pp. 251–2Google Scholar, and VCH Oxon III, 77Google Scholar. David, Loggan's view of the rebuilt University College, published in his Oxonia Illustrata (1675)Google Scholar, shows the outer face of the gate-tower with two niches for statues, both then empty; see The Encyclopedia of Oxford, ed. Hibbert, C. (London, 1988), p. 475.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁹ Clark, , Life and Times of Wood III, 35. Alfred was later replaced over the gate tower by Queen Anne, who remains in situ.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁰ See the account of his career in the DNB, and the references cited above, nn. 170 and 177. In 1687–8 Walker published a number of Catholic tracts from a printing-press at Univ (Clark, , Life and Times of Wood III, 209, 218, 221Google Scholar), under an imprint with included King Alfred's head; see Carter, , History of the OUP, pp. 118–19Google Scholar, and Tyacke, N., ‘Religious Controversy’, Seventeenth-Century Oxford, ed. Tyacke, , pp. 569–619, at 610 and 614, with pl. 28.Google Scholar

¹⁸¹ A photograph of the statue in the rockery, taken in 1915 (Oxfordshire Photographic Archive, Central Library, Oxford), is reproduced in Rhodes, J., Oxford: the University in Old Photographs (Stroud, 1988)Google Scholar. See also VCH Oxon III, 77. The statue was still there in the 1940s, but is alas there no more.Google Scholar

¹⁸² Life of Alfred, ed. Hearne, , p. 190Google Scholar. The ancient stained glass in the west window has not survived; but for an account of it in the early seventeenth century, see Jackson, T. G., The Church of St. Mary the Virgin Oxford (Oxford, 1897), pp. 124 and 213–14.Google Scholar

¹⁸³ The representations of King Alfred and King Æthelstan were engraved for Spelman, Life of Alfred, ed. Walker, , pl. II.Google Scholar The windows, which would appear to have originated c. 1600, were described by Hearne in 1724; see Remarks and Collections, ed. Doble, et al. , VIII, 225Google Scholar. For their later history, cf. VCH Oxon III, 186–7.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁴ Parker, M., Early History of Oxford, pp. 52–3.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁵ There are engravings of the bust in Spelman, Life of Alfred, ed. Walker, , pl. I, and in Wise's edition of Asser (p. 1)Google Scholar. The portrait (given to the college in 1769) showed Alfred in a ‘red and ermine mantle over blue dress’, holding a partly unrolled scroll in his left hand (Poole, Lane, Catalogue of Portraits II, 243)Google Scholar; cf. below, n. 312. I am grateful to Mrs Elizabeth Boardman, College Archivist, Brasenose College, and Ms Maria Chevska, curator of pictures, for apprising me of its unfortunate fate.

¹⁸⁶ For an excellent study of the wider context, see Fairer, D., ‘Anglo-Saxon Studies’, History of the University of Oxford: the Eighteenth Century, ed. Sutherland, and Mitchell, , pp. 807–29.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁷ Oxford, Bodleian Library, Junius 12 (S.C. 5124), 53 (S.C. 5165) and 70 (S.C. 5181). See also Stanley, E. G., ‘The Sources of Junius's Learning as Revealed in the Junius Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library’, Franciscus Junius F.F. and his Circle, ed. Bremmer, R. H. Jr, Stud. in Lit. 21 (Amsterdam and Atlanta, GA, 1998), 159–76, at 166–7, 169 and 170.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁸ For an assessment of Thwaites's contribution, see Fairer, , ‘Anglo-Saxon Studies’, pp. 812–20.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁹ Gibson, E., Chronicon Saxonicum (Oxford, 1692)Google Scholar. Gibson, Edmund (1669–1748)had entered The Queen's College in 1686Google Scholar. He also edited Reliquiœ Spelmannianœ (Oxford, 1698).Google Scholar

¹⁹⁰ An. Manl. Sever. Boethi Consolations Philosophiae Libri V, Anglo-Saxonice redditi ab Alfredo, inclyto Anglo-Saxonum rege, ed. Rawlinson, C. (Oxford, 1698)Google Scholar. See Fairer, , ‘Anglo-Saxon Studies’, pp. 813–14Google Scholar. Rawlinson (1677–1733) entered The Queen's College in 1695, and worked with assistance from Thwaites.

¹⁹¹ For Elstob's Orosius, see Fairer, , ‘Anglo-Saxon Studies’, pp. 822–3Google Scholar, and Letters of Wanley, ed. Heyworth, , p. 46 n. 4. William Elstob (1673–1715) entered The Queen's College in 1691, and became a fellow of University College in 1696.Google Scholar

¹⁹² One of three notebooks containing the material gathered by the Elstobs for their edition of the laws is now Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS. Eng. lang. c. 11 (S.C. 40391). For the Elstobs, see Gretsch, M., ‘Elizabeth Elstob: a Scholar's Fight for Anglo-Saxon Studies’, Anglia 117 (1999).Google Scholar

¹⁹³ For Thwaites and his Orosius, see Fairer, , ‘Anglo-Saxon Studies’, p. 812Google Scholar. For the ‘Pastoral Care’, see Oxford, Bodleian Library, Rawl. D. 377, fols. 86–7. See also A Chorus of Grammars, ed. Harris, R. L., Pub. of the Dictionary of Old English 4 (Toronto, 1992), 108.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁴ For the ‘Benefactors’ Book’, see Darwall-Smith, , University College: the First 750 Years, pp. 5–6, with illustration showing the treatment of Alfred the Great and William of Durham on the opening page. I am informed by Dr Darwall-Smith that the last (? original) entry in the book is dated 1695, followed by two undated records which refer to Arthur Charlett, after which the book is blank.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁵ For Wanley, see The Blackmell Encyclopaedia of Anglo-Saxon England, ed. Lapidge, M. et al. , (Oxford, 1999), pp. 466–7Google Scholar, and references; see also Gillam, S., ‘Humfrey Wanley and Arthur Charlett’, Bodleian Lib. Record 16.5 (1999), 411–29. One wonders whether Wanley might have had a hand in the production of the ‘Benefactors’ Book'.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁶ Wanley to Hickes, 18 Feb. 1698 (Letters of Wanley, ed. Heyworth, , pp. 85–6Google Scholar); see also Fairer, , ‘Anglo-Saxon Studies’, pp. 807–8.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁷ Hickes, G. and Wanley, H., Antiquœ literaturœ septentrionalis libri duo (Oxford, 1703–1705), comprising Hickes's Linguarum vett. septentrionalium thesaurus grammatico-criticus et archœologicus (in vol. I) and Wanley's Librorum vett. septentrionalium, qui in Angliæ biblioth. extant, catalogus historico-criticus (in vol. II).Google Scholar

¹⁹⁸ Hearne, T., The Life of Alfred the Great, by Sir John Spelman Kt (Oxford, 1709)Google Scholar. The sketch of Alfred which looms out of the page in Spelman's autograph manuscript (above, n. 137) was elaborated and engraved by Burghers for the frontispiece to Hearne's edition; but this portrait of the king made little impression on later Alfredian iconography. To judge from Hearne's own account (Remarks and Collections, ed. Doble, et al. , II, 179–83, 184–5 and 438)Google Scholar, he prepared his edition c. 1705, and intended it as an expression of his gratitude to University College for kindnesses received; yet Dr Charlett, Master of Univ, was obstructive, in part because Hearne's edition was not dedicated to him, but also because he objected to the portrait (ibid. VIII, 39), evidendy preferring the one in his own Lodgings, later engraved for Wise's edition of Asser (above, pp. 261–2, and below, p. 271)Google Scholar. See also Harmsen, T., ‘Bodleian Imbroglios, Politics and Personalities, 1701–16: Thomas Hearne, Arthur Charlett and John Hudson’, Neophilologus 82 (1998), 149–68, at 153 and 155–6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁹⁹ For his diaries, and a digest of his correspondence, see Remarks and Collections, ed. Doble, et al. , described, with his other papers, in the Bodleian Library Summary Catalogue, under the Rawlinson collection. For Hearne's letters to James WestGoogle Scholar, see A Catalogue of the Lansdowne Manuscripts in the British Museum II (London, 1819), 174–81Google Scholar. For a catalogue of his library, see Antiquaries, ed. Piggott, S., Sale Catalogues of Libraries of Eminent Persons 10 (London, 1974), 201–402Google Scholar. For his publications, see Carter, , History of the OUP, pp. 263–9.Google Scholar

²⁰⁰ Hearne, , Life of Ælfred the Great, pp. 144, n. 1 and 177 [–80], n. 4.Google Scholar

²⁰¹ Keynes, S., ‘The Discovery and First Publication of the Alfred Jewel’, Somerset Archaeol. and Nat. Hist. 136 (1993 for 1992), 1–8Google Scholar; MacGregor, A. G. and Turner, A. J., ‘The Ashmolean Museum’, History of the University of Oxford: the Eighteenth Century, ed. Sutherland, and Mitchell, , pp. 639–58, at 649Google Scholar; and S. Piggott, ‘Antiquarian Studies’, ibid. pp. 757–77, at 771. For the history of Alfred at Oxford in the later eighteenth century, see further below, pp. 322–4.Google Scholar

²⁰² On the emergence of ‘British’ identity in the eighteenth century, see Colley, L., Britons: Forging the Nation 1707–1837 (New Haven, CT, 1992)Google Scholar; see also O'Gorman, F., The Long Eighteenth Century: British Political and Social History 1688–1832 (London, 1997), pp. 96–101Google Scholar, and Hastings, A., The Construction of Nationhood: Ethnicity, Religion and Nationalism (Cambridge, 1997), esp. pp. 35–65 (‘England as Prototype’), at 61–5.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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²⁰⁴ Above, pp. 247–8.Google Scholar For further discussion, see Hill, , ‘The Norman Yoke’, pp. 95–9Google Scholar; Horsman, R., ‘Origins of Racial Anglo-Saxonism in Great Britain before 1850’, Jnl of the Hist. of Ideas 37 (1976), 387–410CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Newman, G., The Rise of English Nationalism: a Cultural History 1740–1830 (London, 1987), pp. 183–91 and 229–30Google Scholar; and Smith, , The Gothic Bequest, esp. pp. 98–102.Google Scholar

²⁰⁵ Wilkins, D., Leges Anglo-Saxonicœ ecclesiasticæ & civiles (London, 1721). Wilkins was of Prussian origin (born Wilke), and is said to have been blessed with ‘a width of erudition purchased with a certain want of accuracy’ (DNB).Google Scholar

²⁰⁶ Smith, J., Historiae ecclesiasticae gentis Anglorum libri quinque, auctore Sancto & Venerabili Baeda (Cambridge, 1722).Google Scholar

²⁰⁷ Wise, F., Annales rerum gestarum Ælfredi Magni, auctore Asserio Menevensi (Oxford, 1722).Google Scholar Wise (1695–1767) was a fellow of Trinity College, Oxford. For his suggestion, made in 1738, that the White Horse of Uffington commemorated the English victory at Ashdown in 871, see Piggott, , ‘Antiquarian Studies’, History of the University of Oxford: the Eighteenth Century, ed. Sutherland, and Mitchell, , pp. 757–77, at 765–70.Google Scholar

²⁰⁸ For a portrait of Vertue as engraver, in the Society of Antiquaries of London, see Einberg, E., Manners & Morals: Hogarth and British Painting 1700–1760, Exhibition Catalogue (London, 1987), pp. 56–7 (no. 30)Google Scholar; see also p. 93 (no. 71).Google Scholar

²⁰⁹ There was no spirit of friendship between Wise and Hearne. In 1719 Wise (described by Hearne as ‘a Pretender to Antiquities’) had got the post of Second Librarian (Under-Keeper) in the Bodleian Library which had been denied to Hearne because of his refusal to take the oaths (Remarks and Collections, ed. Doble, et al. , VII, 81)Google Scholar. This naturally affected Hearne's feelings towards Wise. Hearne was thus bound to have a low opinion of Wise's Asser, which he thought had been done ‘purely out of opposition to me’ (ibid. VIII, 30, 39–40 and 322, and IX, 121–2 and 123–4). Wise narrowly failed to become Bodley's Librarian in 1729, to Hearne's evident pleasure (ibid. X, 207).

²¹⁰ The coat of arms (a cross potent fitched at foot) is a variation of the cross patonce or cross flory which represented the kingdom of all England, and was used for kings from Egbert to Eadwig, including Alfred (above, n. 114). The cross flory returns in a later version of Vertue's portrait (pl. IIb)

²¹¹ For Rapin, see Trevor-Roper, H. R., ‘A Huguenot Historian: Paul Rapin’, Huguenots in Britain and their French Background, 1550–1800, ed. Scouloudi, I. (Basingstoke, 1987), pp. 3–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Hicks, , Neoclassical History and English Culture, pp. 146–50.Google Scholar

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²¹⁴ Thoyras, P. de Rapin, The History of England, as well Ecclesiastical as Civil I–II (London, 1726–1728).Google Scholar Vol. I [Julius Caesar – Edward the Martyr] is dated 1728, and was dedicated to Thomas, Lord Howard, Baron of Effingham. Vol. II.i [Æthelred II – Harold II, with the dissertation on the government of the Anglo-Saxons], dated 1726, and II.ii [William I – Stephen], dated 1728, was dedicated to Sir Charles Wager. For the manner and success of the publication, see Wiles, R. M., Serial Publication in England before 1750 (Cambridge, 1957), pp. 96–7, 197 and 276–7.Google Scholar

²¹⁵ Thoyras, P. Rapin de [sic], The History of England, 2nd ed., 2 vols. (London, 1732–1733)Google Scholar, originally published in weekly parts. For the folio edition, see Wiles, , Serial Publication in England, pp. 106–8 and 285. Illustradons were added by subscription, from 1733 to 1736 (below, n. 293).Google Scholar

²¹⁶ Thoyras, P. Rapin de, The History of England, 3rd ed., 2 vols. (London, 1743)Google Scholar, originally published in weekly parts (Wiles, , Serial Publication in England, p. 335).Google Scholar

²¹⁷ An Abridgement of the History of England; being a Summary of Mr. Rapin's History and Mr. Tindal's Continuation, from the Landing of Julius Casar, to the Death of King George I, 3 vols. (London, 1747)Google Scholar, in which the narrative was reduced to single-sentence paragraphs, with marginal dates, though retaining some extended prose on ‘The Character of Alfred the Great’ (I, 39–45).Google Scholar

²¹⁸ Lockman, J., A New History of England, by Question and Answer, extracted from the Most Celebrated English Histories, particularly M. Rapin de Thoyras (London, 1729)Google Scholar, which reached its 5th ed. in 1740, its 10th in 1758, its 15th in 1768, its 20th in 1784, and its 25th in 1811. For the illustrations which first appeared in the 6th ed. (1747), see below, p. 305.Google Scholar For Lockman, (1698–1771), see the DNB.Google Scholar For a similar work by Mangnall, Richmal (1769–1820), see below, n. 514.Google Scholar

²¹⁹ Butterfield, , The Englishman and his History, pp. 90–6.Google Scholar

²²⁰ Rapin, , History of England, 2nd ed. I, 90–7 (on Alfred), at 92Google Scholar, n. 6: ‘She having one Day set a Cake on the Coals, and being busied about something else, the Cake happen'd to be burnt; upon which she fell a scolding at the King for his Carelessness in not looking after the Cake, which she told him he could eat fast enough. Alfred was then sitting in the Chimney-corner, making Bows and Arrows, and other warlike Instruments. Asser. Vit. Alfr. p. 9.’). Cf. Thoyras, de Rapin, Histoire d'Angleterre I, 307.Google Scholar

²²¹ For a contemporary assessment of Prince Frederick, albeit from an interested party, see Horace Walpole:Memoirs of George II, ed. Brooke, J., 3 vols. (New Haven, CT, 1985) I, pp. 50–5.Google Scholar

²²² Extended modern studies are: Young, G., Poor Fred: the People's Prince (Oxford, 1937)Google Scholar; Edwards, A., Frederick Lewis, Prince of Wales (London, 1947)Google Scholar; and De-la-Noy, M., The King Who Never Was: the Story of Frederick, Prince of Wales (London, 1996).Google Scholar See also Jones, S., Frederick, Prince of Wales, and his Circle, Exhibition Catalogue [Gainsborough's House] (Sudbury, 1981)Google Scholar; Newman, A. N., ‘The Political Patronage of Frederick Lewis, Prince of Wales’, Hist. Jnl 1 (1958), 68–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Langford, P., A Polite and Commercial People: England 1727–1783 (Oxford, 1989), pp. 36–7, 47–8 and 340Google Scholar; and Colley, , Britons, p. 206.Google Scholar

²²³ Among contemporary portraits of Prince Frederick, several in the Royal Collection are reproduced with discussion in Lloyd, C., The Quest for Albion: Monarchy and the Patronage of British Painting, Exhibition Catalogue (London, 1998).Google Scholar

²²⁴ Philippe Mercier (1689–1760), ‘Frederick, Prince of Wales, and his Sisters making Music at Kew’, reproduced with discussion in Laing, A., In Trust for the Nation: Paintings from National Trust Houses, Exhibition Catalogue (London, 1995), pp. 56–7.Google Scholar

²²⁵ MacDougall, , Racial Myth in English History, pp. 25–6.Google Scholar

²²⁶ SirBlackmore, Richard, Alfred: an Epick Poem in Twelve Books (London, 1723).Google Scholar For Blackmore's life and works, see the DNB. See also Miles, , King Alfred in Literature, pp. 52–7Google Scholar; and Simmons, C. A., ‘The Historical Sources of Sir Richard Blackmore's Alfred’, ELN 26 (1988), 18–23.Google Scholar

²²⁷ Blackmore, , Alfred, pp. xli–xliii.Google Scholar

²²⁸ See further below, n. 293. For Vertue and Prince Frederick, see Clayton, T., The English Print 1688–1802 (New Haven, CT, 1997), pp. 172–3.Google Scholar

²²⁹ Gunnis, R., Dictionary of British Sculptors 1660–1851 (London, 1953), rev. ed. (London, 1968), pp. 333–8Google Scholar; Webb, M. I., Michael Rysbrack, Sculptor (London, 1954), pp. 145–6Google Scholar; Eustace, K., Michael Rysbrack Sculptor 1694–1770, Exhibition Catalogue (Bristol, 1982), pp. 135–7 and 173Google Scholar; and Eustace, K., ‘Stowe and the Development of the Historical Portrait Bust’, Apollo 148 [no. 437] (07 1998), 31–40, at 37.Google Scholar For Queen Caroline and the arts, see Millar, O., The Tudor, Stuart and Early Georgian Pictures in the Collection of Her Majesty The Queen (London, 1963), pp. 27–8. The terracotta bust of Alfred (known from a photograph, reproduced in Eustace, Rysbrack, fig. 51), with others in the same series, fetched up on a shelf in the Orangery at Windsor Castle, and was destroyed when the shelf collapsed in 1906. There is an engraving, dated 1785, of a portrait of King Alfred as one of a series of royal portraits at Kensington Palace.Google Scholar

²³⁰ Millar, , The Tudor, Stuart and Early Georgian Pictures in the Collection of Her Majesty The Queen, pp. 28–30Google Scholar; Rorschach, K., ‘Frederick, Prince of Wales (1707–51), as Collector and Patron’, Walpole Soc. 55 (1989–1990), 1–76Google Scholar; Rorschach, K., ‘Frederick, Prince of Wales: Taste, Politics and Power’, Apollo 134 [no. 356] (10 1991), 239–45.Google Scholar

²³¹ Rorschach, , ‘Frederick, Prince of Wales (1707–51), as Collector and Patron’, esp. pp. 21–6Google Scholar; Harris, J., ‘A Carlton House Miscellany: William Kent and Carlton House Garden’, Apollo 134 [no.356] (10 1991), 251–3.Google Scholar

²³² Walpole: Memoirs of King George II, ed. Brooke, I, 50.Google Scholar

²³³ The Octagon Temple drew architectural inspiration from Lord Burlington's Palladian villa at Chiswick, built in the 1720s, on which see The Palladian Revival: Lord Burlington: his Villa and his Garden at Chiswick, Exhibition Catalogue (New Haven, CT, 1994).Google Scholar

²³⁴ According to a note in a contemporary publication, Rysbrack had finished ‘the two fine Statues, which are to be erected on two marble Pedestals in the Octagon of the Garden of his R. H. the Prince of Wales in Pall-Mall’ by July 1735 (London Mag. 07 1735, 390).Google Scholar The inscription on the pedestal of the statue of Alfred read as follows: ‘Alfredo Magno, / Anglorum Reipublicæ Libertatisque / Fundatori / Justo, Forti, Bono, / Legislatori, Duci, Regi, / Artium Musarumque / Fautori Eruditissimo, / Patriæ Patri / Posuit / F.W.P. / MDCCXXXV’ (ibid.). In 1736 Prince Frederick paid Rysbrack £105 for the marble busts of Alfred and the Black Prince; see Webb, , Rysbrack, pp. 156 and 210Google Scholar, and Eustace, , ‘Stowe and the Development of the Historical Portrait Bust’, p. 38.Google ScholarRorschach, , ‘Frederick, Prince of Wales (1707–51), as Collector and Patron’, pp. 24–5, suggests that the statues were by the staircase of the Octagon Temple.Google Scholar

²³⁵ For William Woollett (1735–85), appointed Engraver to King George III in 1775, see Clayton, , The English Print, pp. 210–11Google Scholar; his engraving of the garden at Carlton House is reproduced ibid. p. 164.

²³⁶ The battered and restored statue of a bearded king which stands in Trinity Church Square, Southwark, London S.E.1, is presumed by some to be Prince Frederick's Alfred, from Carlton House, but is supposed by others to be from the Palace of Westminster, c. 1400.

²³⁷ The position of the Octagon Temple, at the eastern end of Carlton House gardens, can be seen in Rocque's map of London (1746), reproduced in Rorschach, ‘Frederick, Prince of Wales (1707–51), as Collector and Patron’, fig. 39, and in Jones, , Frederick, Prince of Wales, and his Circle, p. 13.Google Scholar This map can be compared with maps in Carlton House: the Past Glories of George IV's Palace, Exhibition Catalogue (London, 1991), inside front and back covers, showing the house and gardens in 1799 and showing the house superimposed on a modern street plan of the same area.Google Scholar

²³⁸ For Bolingbroke's text, which itself makes no reference to Alfred, see Bolingbroke: Political Writings, ed. Armitage, D. (Cambridge, 1997), pp. 217–94Google Scholar; see also Lord Bolingbroke: Contributions to the ‘Craftsman’, ed. Varey, S. (Oxford, 1982).Google Scholar For pertinent comment, see Smith, , The Gothic Bequest, pp. 57–70Google Scholar; Langford, , England 1727–1783, p. 222Google Scholar; and esp. Gerrard, C., The Patriot Opposition to Walpole: Politics, Poetry, and National Myth, 1725–1742 (Oxford, 1994), pp. 185–229.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²³⁹ The Complete Poetical Works of James Thomson, ed. Robertson, J. L. (Oxford, 1908), pp. 107 and 378Google Scholar; Thomson, J., Liberty, The Castle of Indolence, and Other Poems, ed. Sambrook, J. (Oxford, 1986), p. 111CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Thomson, J., The Seasons and the Castle of Indolence, ed. Sambrook, J. (Oxford, 1972), pp. 77 and 225.Google Scholar

²⁴⁰ For Alfred: a Masque, see Miles, , King Alfred in Literature, pp. 58–62Google Scholar; Grant, D., James Thomson: Poet of ‘The Seasons’ (London, 1951), pp. 169–94Google Scholar; McKillop, A. D., ‘The Early History of Alfred’, PQ 41 (1962), 311–24Google Scholar; Alfred: a Masque written by David Mallet and James Thomson, set to Music by Thomas Augustine Arne, ed. Scott, A., Musica Britannica 47 (London, 1981), pp. xv–xxGoogle Scholar; Burden, M., ‘A Mask for Politics: The Masque of Alfred’, Music Rev. 48 (1988), 21–30, at 26–7Google Scholar; and Gerrard, , Patriot Opposition, p. 117.Google Scholar See also Cliveden, National Trust Guide (London, 1994), pp. 16–19. A CD recording of extended excerpts from the masque was published by the BBC Music Mag. in June 1997. The masque was performed by Bampton Classical Opera, in the Deanery Garden, Bampton, in July 1998.Google Scholar

²⁴¹ Rorschach, , ‘Frederick, Prince of Wales (1707–51), as Collector and Patron’, pp. 27–31, citing Vertue's notes in BL, Add. 19027, 80r.Google Scholar

²⁴² See Gerrard, , Patriot Opposition; esp. pp. 102–7 and 116–21Google Scholar, and O'Gorman, , The Long Eighteenth Century, pp. 71–86.Google Scholar

²⁴³ Lees-Milne, J., Earls of Creation: Five Great Patrons of Eighteenth-Century Art (London, 1962, new ed. London, 1986), pp. 23–8Google Scholar; see also Burke, J., English Art 1714–1800 (Oxford, 1976), p. 50Google Scholar, and McCarthy, M., The Origins of the Gothic Revival (New Haven, CT, 1987), p. 27Google Scholar and pl. 21. The place where King Alfred stayed on the eve of the battle of Edington in 878, formerly identified as ‘Oakley Wood’ (among other places), is now identified as Iley Oak, near Warminster, Wilts. (Asser's ‘Life of King Alfred’, ed. Stevenson, , pp. 270–2Google Scholar; Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, p. 249).Google Scholar

²⁴⁴ Eustace, , ‘Stowe and the Development of the Historical Portrait Bust’Google Scholar; Webb, , Rysbrack, pp. 135–6Google Scholar; Clarke, G., ‘Grecian Taste and Gothic Virtue: Lord Cobham's Gardening Programme and its Iconography’, Apollo 97 (06 1973), 566–71Google Scholar; Bevington, M., Stowe: the Garden and the Park, 2nd ed. (Stowe, 1995), pp. 37–8 and 94–6Google Scholar; and Robinson, J. M., Temples of Delight: Stowe Landscape Gardens, National Trust (London, 1990; new ed., 1994), pp. 90–3Google Scholar, with illustrations. See also Stowe Landscape Gardens, National Trust Guide (London, 1997), pp. 28–30.Google Scholar

²⁴⁵ See Descriptions of Lord Cobham's Gardens at Stowe (1700–1750), ed. Clarke, G. B., Buckinghamshire Record Soc. 26 (Aylesbury, 1990), 11, 75, 90, 107, 116 and 138.Google Scholar

²⁴⁶ Samuel Johnson: Poems, ed. McAdam, E. L. with Milne, G., Yale Edition of the Works of Samuel Johnson 6 (New Haven, CT, 1964), 45–61, at 60–1.Google Scholar

²⁴⁷ Boswell: Life of Johnson, ed. Chapman, R. W., 3rd ed., rev. Fleeman, J. D. (Oxford, 1970), p. 128.Google Scholar In 1781 Thomas Astle sent Johnson some notes on King Alfred's will: see Liber Vitae, ed. Keynes, , p. 77.Google Scholar

²⁴⁸ George, Lord Lyttelton, The History of the Life of Henry the Second, and of the Age in which he Lived, in Five Books: to which is prefixed, A History of the Revolutions of England from the Death of Edward the Confessor to the Birth of Henry the Second, 3 vols. (London, 1767–1771), esp. II, 165 (navy), 175–6 (trade), 257 (slavery), 259 (view of Frankpledge) and 322 (learning).Google Scholar

²⁴⁹ The painting is now in the Frick Collection, New York. See Uglow, J., Hogarth: a Life and a World (London, 1997), pp. 363–5Google Scholar, and Eustace, , ‘Stowe and the Development of the Historical Portrait Bust’, p. 39.Google Scholar

²⁵⁰ For the Jacobite jingle (‘Here lies poor Fred, who was alive and is dead …’), see Young, , Poor Fred, pp. 219–24.Google Scholar Prince Frederick's death was marked by the publication of numerous odes; and it is represented also by a pottery figure ‘Britannia mourning for Frederick, Prince of Wales’ (British Museum), reproduced in Jones, Frederick, Prince of Wales, and his Circle, p. 27.Google Scholar See also Langford, , England 1727–1783, pp. 220–1.Google Scholar

²⁵¹ Guthrie, W., A General History of England, from the Invasion of the Ramans under Julius Cœsar, to the Late Revolution in MDCLXXXVIII, 4 vols. (London, 1744–1751)Google Scholar, originally published in weekly parts (Wiles, , Serial Publication in England, pp. 148 and 339)Google Scholar. The plates are in the form of engraved portraits, for rulers from William I onwards. For Guthrie (1707–70), see Smith, , The Gothic Bequest, pp. 55–6Google Scholar, and Hicks, , Neoclassical History and English Culture, pp. 155–8.Google Scholar

²⁵² Bernard, J. P. et al. , A General Dictionary, Historical and Critical in which a New and Accurate Translation of that of the Celebrated Mr. Boyle is Included, 10 vols. (London, 1734–1741) I, 493–505 (on Alfred)Google Scholar; Biographia Britannica: or, The Lives of the Most Eminent Persons who have Flourished in Great Britain and Ireland, from the Earliest Ages, down to the Present Times, 6 vols. in 7 (London, 1747–1766) I, 45–57 (on Alfred)Google Scholar. See also Ryland, J., The Life and Character of Alfred the Great (London, 1784), said to have been ‘drawn from the more ample view of him in the first volume in folio of the Biographia Britannica, with other authors’, which I have not seen.Google Scholar

²⁵³ For the complex bibliography of this work, see Jessop, T. E., A Bibliography of David Hume and of Scottish Philosophy (London, 1938), pp. 27–33Google Scholar. For an exposition of Hume's historical writing, see Smith, , The Gothic Bequest, pp. 74–84Google Scholar, and Hicks, , Neoclassical History and English Culture, pp. 170–209.Google Scholar

²⁵⁴ Smollett, T., A Complete History of England, 4 vols. (London, 1757–1758), republished in weekly parts as 2nd ed. (London, 1758)Google Scholar. On the popularity of this work, see Wiles, , Serial Publication in England, pp. 5–6.Google Scholar

²⁵⁵ Hume, D., The History of England from the Invasion of Julius Caesar to the Revolution in 1688, 6 vols. (London, 1759–1762), new ed. in 8 vols. (London, 1778), reset in 6 vols.Google Scholar, with a Foreword by Todd, W. B., Liberty Classics (Indianapolis, IN, 1983) I, 63–81Google Scholar. An abridged edition of Hume's, History (Chicago, 1975), which does not include coverage of the Anglo-Saxon period, has an Introduction by R. W. Kilcup.Google Scholar

²⁵⁶ E.g. Hume, , History of England [1983] 1, 168–9 and 185Google Scholar. See also Skinner, , ‘History and Ideology’, pp. 155 and 177.Google Scholar

²⁵⁷ The Sovereignty of the Law: Selections from Blackstone's ‘Commentaries on the Laws of England’, ed. Jones, G. (London, 1973), pp. 46–8, 176 and 209–12CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For Blackstone, see also Smith, , The Gothic Bequest, pp. 91–4.Google Scholar

²⁵⁸ See, in general, Miles, , King Alfred in LiteratureGoogle Scholar; Stanley, , ‘The Glorification of Alfred’Google Scholar; Frank, R., ‘The Search for the Anglo-Saxon Oral Poet’, Bull. of the John Rylands Univ. Lib. of Manchester 75 (1993), 11–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Pratt, L., ‘Anglo-Saxon Attitudes?: Alfred the Great and the Romantic National Epic’, Literary Appropriations of the Anglo-Saxons from the Thirteenth to the Twentieth Century, ed. Scragg, D. and Weinberg, C., CSASE 29 (Cambridge, 2000), 138–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Miles, (pp. 2–3)Google Scholar cites Arnold, J. Loring, ‘King Alfred in English Poetry’, PhD Dissertation, Univ. of Leipzig (Meiningen, 1898), which I have not seen.Google Scholar

²⁵⁹ See Colley, L., ‘Radical Patriotism in Eighteenth-Century England’, Patriotism: the Making and Unmaking of British National Identity, ed. Samuel, R., 3 vols. (London, 1989) I, 169–87, at 172–3, for an almanac issued by one of the Anti-Gallicans in 1750–1, featuring a print which listed the pre-Conquest rulers of England.Google Scholar

²⁶⁰ Alfred the Great, Deliverer of his Country: a Tragedy (London, 1753)Google Scholar. See also Miles, , King Alfred in Literature, pp. 63–5Google Scholar, and Stanley, , ‘The Glorification of Alfred’, pp. 432–3.Google Scholar

²⁶¹ [Chatterton, T.], Poems, Supposed to have been Written at Bristol, by Thomas Rowley, and Others, in the Fifteenth Century (London, 1777)Google Scholar; see also Chatterton, T., The Rowley Poems 1794 (Oxford and New York, 1990).Google Scholar

²⁶² The Complete Works of Thomas Chatterton: a Bicentenary Edition, ed. Taylor, D. S. with Hoover, B. B., 2 vols. (Oxford, 1971) I, 72Google Scholar (Battle of Hastings II, lines 135–8Google Scholar) and 273 (draft of a letter to Horace Walpole, April 1769).

²⁶³ An Historical Essay on the English Constitution: or, An Impartial Inquiry into the Elective Power of the People, fromthe First Establishment ofthe Saxons in this Kingdom, wherein the Right of Parliament, to Tax our Distant Provinces, is Explained, and Justified (London, 1771), esp. pp. 22–33Google Scholar. For exposition of this work, see Newman, , The Rise of English Nationalism, pp. 185–9Google Scholar, and Smith, , The Gothic Bequest, pp. 100–2.Google Scholar

²⁶⁴ Bicknell, A., The Life of Alfred the Great, King of the Anglo-Saxons (London, 1777)Google Scholar. See Stanley, , ‘The Glorification of Alfred’, p. 419.Google Scholar

²⁶⁵ Bicknell, A., The Patriot King: or Alfred and Elvida. An Historical Tragedy (London, 1788)Google Scholar, soon adapted for performance in Germany and provided with incidental music by Joseph Haydn (Stanley, , ‘The Glorification of Alfred’, p. 423, n. 47)Google Scholar. See also Miles, , King Alfredin Literature, pp. 69–71.Google Scholar

²⁶⁶ [Home, L.], Alfred A Tragedy. As Performed at the Theatre-Royal, in Covent-Garden (Dublin, 1777; London, 1778)Google Scholar. For a synopsis of the plot, see Miles, , KingAlfred in Literature, pp. 66–9.Google Scholar

²⁶⁷ Holmes, R., Alfred. An Ode. With Six Sonnets (Oxford, 1778).Google Scholar

²⁶⁸ Kedleston Hall, Derbyshire, National Trust Guide (London, 1988, rev. 1998), p. 55Google Scholar; I am grateful to Ms Jill Banks, Archivist, Kedleston Hall, for her assistance in this connection. If only to judge from the portrait, ‘Ethelred’ was modelled on a Helmet penny of Æthelred II. Medallions of Alfred and Ethelred were among the items sold at the sale of the effects of a sculptor called Bridges in 1775 (Gunnis, , Dictionary of British Sculptors, p. 61).Google Scholar

²⁶⁹ The painting, made in 1776 by Antonio Zucchi (1726–95), shows Britannia, enthroned between Faith and Justice, being presented by Fame with portraits of Alfred the Great and Elizabeth I. Zucchi was working for Robert Adam, on behalf of Elizabeth, Dowager Countess of Home. See Whinney, M., Home House: No. 20 Portman Square (Feltham, 1969), pp. 39–40Google Scholar, with plate on p. 94, and Croft-Murray, , Decorative Painting in England II, 298. The portrait of Alfred was based on the image devised by Vertue.Google Scholar

²⁷⁰ An inscription on a tablet in the wall read as follows: ‘To the Memory of / Alfred the Great / The Wise, the Pious and Magnanimous / The Friend of / Science, Virtue, Law, and Liberty / This Monument /Jeremiah Dixon of Allerton / Gledhow caused to be erected / A.D. MDCCLXIX.’ I am grateful to Chris Solomon for drawing my attention to ‘Alfred's Castle’; to Vivien Cartwright (Local Studies Library, Central Library, Leeds) for providing me with presscuttings (and a photograph of part of the structure taken shortly before it was demolished in May 1946); and to Brett Harrison (The Thoresby Society, Leeds) for providing me with a photograph of the inscription (from a lantern slide made in 1888). Jeremiah Dixon (1726–82) was High Sheriff of the county in 1758, and was made an FRS in 1773; he had bought the Gledhow estate in 1764. For the inscription on his tomb in the parish church of Leeds, see Whitaker, T. D., Loidis and Elmete; or, An Attempt to Illustrate the Districts Described in those Words by Bede (Leeds, 1816), p. 57Google Scholar, with pedigree of Dixon at pp. 130–1. See also Taylor, R. V., The Biographia Leodiensis; or, Biographical Sketches of the Worthies of Leeds and Neighbourhood, from the Norman Conquest to the Present Time (London, 1865), pp. 181–3.Google Scholar

²⁷¹ Six Odes Presented to that Justly-Celebrated Historian, Mrs. Catharine Macaulay, on her Birth-Day, and Publicly Read to a Polite and Brilliant Audience, Assembled April the Second, at Alfred-House, Bath, to Congratulate that Lady on the Happy Occasion (Bath, [1777]), esp. pp. 17–19, 35–8 and 39–45Google Scholar. For ‘Alfred House’, built c. 1772, see Ison, W., Georgian Buildings of Bath from 1700 to 1830, rev. ed. (Bath, 1980), pp. 7, 27, 97–9, 156–7 and 198Google Scholar (showing the bust of Alfred, displaying all the features of its Vertue/Rysbrack model, over the Adamesque doorcase). For an account of her writings, see Hill, B., The Republican Virago: the Life and Times of Catharine Macaulay, Historian (Oxford, 1992), esp. pp. 31–2 and 79–80.Google Scholar

²⁷² d'Arnaud, F. T. M. Baculard, Délassements de l'homme sensible, ou anecdotes diverses, 6 vols. (Paris, 1783) I.i, 1–16Google Scholar (with no indication of source). See Dawson, R. L., Baculard d'Arnaud: Life and Prose Fiction, 2 vols., Stud. on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century 141–2 (Banbury, 1976) II, 474–518 (Baculard's medievalism) and 677–9Google Scholar (Délassements); see also Miles, , King Alfred in Literature, p. 111Google Scholar, and Stanley, , ‘The Glorification of Alfred’, pp. 427–8.Google Scholar

²⁷³ See further below, pp. 300–1.

²⁷⁴ ‘The Story of Alfred and Ethelwitha: with an Interesting Scene, Designed by Stothard’, Universal Mag. of Knowledge and Pleasure (January, 1784), pp. 29–32.Google Scholar

²⁷⁵ For example, in Alfred: an Historical Tragedy (London, 1789)Google Scholar, on which see Miles, , King Alfredin Literature, pp. 71–2Google Scholar, and in Fuller's novel (next note); also cited in Observations on the Life and Character of Alfred the Great (1794), on which see further below.

²⁷⁶ Fuller, A., The Son of Ethelwolf: an Historical Tale (London, 1789)Google Scholar, Preface: ‘Heaven has restored to you a father, to England a sovereign, worthy of the tears that were recendy shed for him, and of the happiness that his recovery now inspires.’ For an effective discussion of the novel, see Stanley, , ‘The Glorification of Alfred’, pp. 427–31.Google Scholar

²⁷⁷ Lessons to a Young Prince, on the Present Disposition in Europe to a General Revolution (London, 1790).Google Scholar

²⁷⁸ The author of the tract was the Welsh radical David Williams (1738–1816). For his use of Alfred, see Jones, W. R. D., David Williams: the Anvil and the Hammer (Cardiff, 1986), esp. pp. 73Google Scholar (in A Plan of Association on Constitutional Principles (1780)), 109–12Google Scholar (in Lesson to a Young Prince (1790)), and 151Google Scholar (in Egeria, or Elementary Studies on the Progress of Nations in Political Oeconomy, Legislation, and Government (London, 1803)).Google Scholar

²⁷⁹ For further discussion, see Horsman, R., Race and Manifest Destiny: the Origins of American Racial Anglo-Saxonism (Cambridge, MA, 1981), pp. 9–24Google Scholar; Hauer, S. R., ‘Thomas Jefferson and the Anglo-Saxon Language’, PMLA 98 (1983), 879–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Frantzen, A. J., Desire for Origins: New Language, Old English, and Teaching the Tradition (New Brunswick, NJ, 1990), esp. pp. 204–7.Google Scholar

²⁸⁰ Dictionary of American Naval Fighting Ships, 8 vols. (Washington, DC, 1959–1981) I, 28. I owe my knowledge of the Alfred's, existence to the kindness of Professor Richard Abels, of the US Naval Academy, Annapolis, MD.Google Scholar

²⁸¹ von Haller, A., Alfred König der Angel-Sachsen (Göttingen and Bern, 1773)Google Scholar. See also Miles, , King Alfred in Literature, pp. 109–11Google Scholar, and Stanley, , ‘The Glorification of Alfred’, pp. 417–18.Google Scholar

²⁸² von Haller, A., Alfred, roi des Anglo-Saxons (Lausanne, 1775).Google Scholar

²⁸³ Penn, J., The Battle of Eddington; or, British Liberty. A Tragedy (London, 1792), 2nd ed. (London, 1796)Google Scholar. See also Miles, , King Alfred in Literature, pp. 73–4Google Scholar, and Stanley, , ‘The Glorification of Alfred’, p. 424, n. 48.Google Scholar

²⁸⁴ [Anon.], Observations on the Life and Character of Alfred the Great (London, 1794)Google Scholar. The tale of Alfred and Ethelwitha was derived from Baculard d'Arnaud (above, n. 275). For the publisher, see the DNB, and Davis, M. T., ‘“That Odious Class of Men Called Democrats”: Daniel Isaac Eaton and the Romantics 1794–1795’, History 84 (1999), 74–92.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁸⁵ O'Keeffe, J., Dramatic Works, 4 vols. (London, 1798) IV, 195–267Google Scholar. See also Miles, , King Alfredin Literature, pp. 74–6Google Scholar, and Stanley, , ‘The Glorification of Alfred’, pp. 424, n. 49, 426–7 and 437.Google Scholar

²⁸⁶ For an account of this performance, see Miles, , King Alfred in Literature, pp. 76–7.Google Scholar

²⁸⁷ Diary of Joseph Farington [below, n. 443] III, 1055–6.

²⁸⁸ Cartwright, J., An Appeal, Civil and Military, on the Subject of the English Constitution (London, 1799)Google Scholar. For Cartwright, see the DNB, and Osborne, J. W., John Cartwright (Cambridge, 1972)Google Scholar; see also Smith, , The Gothic Bequest, pp. 137–9Google Scholar, and Simmons, , Reversing the Conquest, pp. 36–9.Google Scholar

²⁸⁹ On the popularity of history in the eighteenth century, see Langford, , England 1727–1783, pp. 96–9Google Scholar, and Brewer, , Pleasures of the Imagination, pp. 181–2Google Scholar. The Universal History mentioned by Langford had first appeared (part by part) in 7 folio volumes (1736–44), ranging widely across the ancient world (though including an account of the Anglo-Saxon invasion of Britain in VII.1, 438–55). An edition ranging across the modern world first appeared in 44 octavo volumes (1759–66), but did not cover Great Britain. A revised edition of the modern part, in 42 octavo volumes (1780–84), gave belated coverage to England, Scotland and Ireland (XXXIX–XLII); and Anglo-Saxon England is given relatively short shrift (XXXIX, 1–47, at 14–19 (Alfred)). See Abbattista, G., ‘The Business of Paternoster Row: Towards a Publishing History of the Universal History (1736–65)’, Publishing Hist. 17 (1985), 5–50.Google Scholar

²⁹⁰ Above, n. 213. The portraits include King Egbert (opp. p. 213), King Alfred (opp. p. 301), and King Cnut (opp. p. 406). The portraits were probably derived from the plates in Walker's edition of Spelman's ‘Life’ (1678), whether of the coins (for Egbert and Cnut) or of the painting at University College (Alfred). The headpieces include Vortigern and Rowena (p. 91), St Augustine preaching before King Æthelberht (p. 147), the three Anglian kings of Northumbria, Mercia, and East Anglia paying their respects to King Egbert (p. 277), the beheading of Swein's sister in the presence of King Æthelred (p. 383), and a meeting of the Witenagemot during the age of the Heptarchy (p. 475).

²⁹¹ Above, n. 214, vols. I, opp. pp. 293Google Scholar(Egbert) and 323 (Alfred), and Il.i, opp. title-page (Cnut).Google Scholar

²⁹² Above, n. 215, vol. I, 3Google Scholar(a pastoral scene), 9Google Scholar(Romans building), 30Google Scholar(Rowena catching the eye of Vortigern), 45Google Scholar(St Augustine before King Æthelberht), 82Google Scholar(the three Anglian kings of Mercia, Northumbria and East Anglia acknowledging the sovereignty of King Egbert), 117Google Scholar(execution of Gunnhild on the orders of King Æthelred in 1002), and 147 (government by heptarchy).Google Scholar

²⁹³ Vertue, G., The Heads of the Kings of England Proper for Mr Rapin's History, Translated ty N. Tindal, M.A. (London, 1736)Google Scholar. Publication of the portraits began in December 1733, and was not completed until the summer of 1736; see Wiles, , Serial Publication in England, pp. 285, 294 and 310Google Scholar, and Lippincott, , Selling Art in Georgian London, pp. 149–50 and 190Google Scholar, n. 57. See also Haskell, F., History and its Images: Art and the Interpretation of the Past (New Haven, CT, 1993), p. 289, with fig. 168 (showing Vertue's portrait of Richard II).Google Scholar

²⁹⁴ For the image, see above, pp. 261–2 and 265; for the coat of arms, see above, nn. 65 and 114.

²⁹⁵ The illustrations in the 3rd ed. of 1743, essentially the same as in the 2nd ed. of 1732–3, are said to be the best (DNB). They comprise the decorative headpieces, Vertue's symbolic portraits, drawings of particular monuments, and some additional portraits in vol. 2.

²⁹⁶ Erdman, D. V., Blake: Prophet Against Empire. A Poet's Interpretation of the History of his own Times, 3rd ed. (Princeton, NJ, 1977), p. 66.Google Scholar

²⁹⁷ For royal portraiture of the period, see Granger, James, Biographical History of England, from Egbert the Creat to the Revolution (1769)Google Scholar; and for engraved portraits of Alfred, among others, see O'Donoghue, F. and Hake, H. M., Catalogue of Engraved British Portraits … in the British Museum, 6 vols. (London, 1908–1925) I, 34–5Google Scholar. For Baziliologia (1618)Google Scholar, see above, n. 117.

²⁹⁸ For the wider contexts of history painting, see Waterhouse, E., Painting in Britain 1530–1790, 5th ed. (New Haven, CT, 1994), pp. 271–84Google Scholar; Burke, , English Art 1714–1800, esp. pp. 239–71Google Scholar; Brewer, J., The Pleasures of the Imagination: English Culture in the Eighteenth Century (London, 1997), esp. ch. 5 (pp. 206, 217, 245 and 246)Google Scholar; and The Dictionary of Art, ed. Turner, J., 34 vols. (London, 1996) XIV, 581–9Google Scholar. Haskell, , History and its Images, is concerned mainly with the use of art as historical evidence; but for the depiction of historical events in art, see esp. pp. 287–9Google Scholar. For ‘English’ history painting in particular, see Sunderland, J., ‘Mortimer, Pine and Some Political Aspects of English History Painting’, Burlington Magazine 116 (1974), 317–26Google Scholar; Strong, R., And when did you last see your father? The Victorian Painter and British History (London, 1978)Google Scholar, focusing attention on the nineteenth century; Sunderland, J., ‘John Hamilton Mortimer: His Life and Works’, Walpole Soc. 52 (1986), esp. 12–22 and 70–5Google Scholar; The Painted Word: British History Painting, 1750–1830, ed. Cannon-Brookes, P. (Woodbridge, 1991)Google Scholar; and Allen, B., ‘Rule Britannia? History Painting in 18th-Century Britain’, Hist. Today 45 (06 1995), 12–18Google Scholar. See also Rochelle, M., Historical Art Index, A.D. 400–1650: Peoples, Places, and Events Depicted (Jefferson, NC, 1989)Google Scholar. For other important aspects of the subject, see Lippincott, L., Selling Art in Georgian London: the Rise of Arthur Pond (New Haven, CT, 1983)Google Scholar, and Lippincott, L., ‘Expanding on Portraiture: the Market, the Public, and the Hierarchy of Genres in Eighteenth-Century Britain’, The Consumption of Culture: Word, Image, and Object in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, ed. Bermingham, A. and Brewer, J. (London, 1995), pp. 75–88.Google Scholar