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The Textual Illustration of the “Jester Scene” on the Sculptures of Alaca Höyük*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 December 2013

Ahmet Ünal
Ahmet Ünal
Affiliation:
University of Munich
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Extract

The following article has to be conceived as one of my responses to a long standing and enigmatic question-mark which I have been carrying incessantly in mind since my first acquaintance with cuneiform writing and archaeology: Are there interactive implications between archaeological record and textual context in Hittite Anatolia at all? One might promptly and spontaneously expect that as a principle there must have been close relations between both sorts of data, since, first of all, they are mental and material products of the same people. Why are, then, the results gained from comparisons of archaeological and philological material disappearingly feeble considering that Hittitology is in a very lucky position in being supplied abundantly by both sorts of material? The temporary results gained from the comparative studies by other scholars as well as by myself were often disappointingly meagre. This is one of the reasons why I have frequently pointed out in a pessimistic way inconsistencies between archaeological objects and information supplied by the written sources in Hittite culture.

Type
Research Article
Information
Anatolian Studies , Volume 44 , December 1994 , pp. 207 - 218
Copyright
Copyright © The British Institute at Ankara 1994

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References

1 Some of these studies are: Ünal, A., “Naturkatastrophen in Anatolien im 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr.”, Belleten 163 (1977) 447–72Google Scholar; “Zu neu entdeckten kuriosen Graffiti in der näheren Umgebung von Boğazköy-Ḫattuša,” Fs Kurt Bittel (1983) 523–35Google Scholar; “Studien über das hethitische Kriegswesen II: verba delendi ḫarnink-/ḫarganu- ‘vernichten, zugrunde richten’,” SMEA 24, Fs Meriggi (1984) 71–85Google Scholar; “Untersuchungen zur Terminologie der hethitischen Kriegsführung I: Verbrennen, in Brand stecken als Kriegstechnik,” Or 52, Fs Kammenhuber (1983) 164–80Google Scholar; “‘You Should Build for Eternity’: New Light on the Hittite Architects and their Work,” JCS 40 (1988) 97–106Google Scholar; “Hittite Architect and a Rope-Climbing Ritual”, Belleten 205 (1988) 1469–1503Google Scholar; “Orta ve Kuzey Anadolu'nun M. Ö. 2. Binyıl İskan Tarihiyle İlgili Sorunlar,” Anadolu 22, Fs Akurgal (1989) 17–33Google Scholar; “Drawings, Graffiti and Squiggles on the Hittite Tablets—Art in Scribal Circles,” Fs T. Özgüç (1989) 505–13Google Scholar; with Ertekin-İ, A.. Ediz, , “1991'de Boğazköy-Ḫattuša'da Bulunan Hitit Kılıcı ve Uzerindeki Akadca Adak Yazıtı —The Hittite Sword from Boğazköy-Ḫattuša, Found in 1991 and its Akkadian Inscription,” Müze/Museum 4 (1990–1991[1992]) 46–9 (Turkish) 50–2 (English)Google Scholar; “Boğazköy Kılıcının Üzerindeki Akadca Adak Yazısı Hakkında Yeni Gözlemler,” Fs N. Özgüç (1993) 727–30Google Scholar; “Boğazköy Metinlerinin İşığı Altinda Hititler Devri Anadolu'sunda Fililojik ve Arkeolojik Veriler Arasındaki İlişkilerden Örnekler”, 1992 Yılı Anadolu Medeniyetleri Müzesi Konferansları (1993) 11–31Google Scholar; “The Nature and Iconographical Traits of ‘Goddess of Darkness’,” Fs N. Özgüç (1993) 639–44Google Scholar; “Ritual Purity Versus Physical Impurity in Hittite Anatolia: Public Health and Structures for Sanitation According to Cuneiform Texts and Archaeological Remains,” in: Mikasa, H. I. H. Prince Takahito (ed.), Essays on Anatolian Archaeology, BMECCJ VI (1993) 119–39Google Scholar; “Zur Beschaffenheit des hethitischen Opfertisches aus philologischer und archäologischer Sicht,” Fs B. Hrouda (1994) 283–91Google Scholar; “Grundsätzliches zur Korrelation archäologischer und philologischer Daten im hethiterzeitlichen Anatolien”, Fs. P. Neve, IstMitt. 43, 117–22Google Scholar; “Yakılıp Yıkılan Eski Anadolu Kentlerinin Akibeti: Hitit Göçleri ve Hitit İşgalinin Anadolu İskan Tarihinde Doğurduğu Demografik Sonuçlar,” (in a Turkish Memorial Volume) (forthcoming); for Syria see Gates, Marie-Henriette, “Dialogues Between Ancient Near Eastern Texts and the Archeological Record: Test Cases from Bronze Age Syria,” BASOR 270 (1988) 63–91Google Scholar.

2 See for example Ünal, A., “Naturkatastrophen in Anatolien im 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr.—M. Ö. II. Binyıl Anadolusunda Doğal Afetler, Belleten 163 (1977) 424, 448Google Scholar; see also the bibliography cited above in note 1.

3 Ünal, A., “Hittite Architect and a Rope-Climbing Ritual,” Belleten 205 (1988) 1498 fGoogle Scholar.

4 KUB 54.1 obv. ii 24: nu-wa-mu-kán EN-YA ANA 2 GÍR pian paški[t], “My lord has stood/planted me in front of two knives/daggers.” See the translation by Archi, and Klengel, , AOF XII (1985), 59Google Scholar.

5 H. Th. Bossert was also right in his estimation that the depictions on the orthostats of Alaca Höyük would eventually be explained by the ritual texts, Altanatolien (1942) 51Google Scholar.

6 Emre, K. and Çınaroğlu, A., “A Group of Metal Hittite Vessels from Kınık-Kastamonu,” Fs N. Özgüç (1993) 675–713Google Scholar.

7 CTH 738, See Pecchioli-Daddi, F., “Aspects du culte de la divinité Hattie Tetešḫapi,” Hethitica 8 (1987) 361–80Google Scholar.

8 Daddi, op. cit. p. 362 f.

9 See Laroche, E., “Recherches sur les noms des dieux hittites,” RHA 7 (1946–1947) 35Google Scholar; Girbal, G., Beiträge zur Grammatik des Hattischen (1986) 158, 161, 165, 169Google Scholar; Daddi, op. cit. 369.

10 On this priestess see in details Amantea, E. L., “La NIN.DINGIR nei testi ittiti, Miscellanea di Studi Storici 5 (1985–1986) 121–61Google Scholar.

11 KBo 21.90 lines 51–4.

12 Daddi, op. cit. p. 363.

13 With its various writings.

14 KBo 32.114 obv.? 14.

15 For the NIN.DINGIR's occurrences in Hattic milieu see L. E. Amantea, op. cit. p. 125 f.

16 Daddi, op. cit. 366, 367.

17 parašna-, šaša-, SILA4, UR.BAR.RA, ḫankuriya-, ŠAḪ.TUR, KBo 21.103 + KUB 32.82 rev.! 27 f. with dupl. KBo 21.90 obv. 51 f.; Bo 6594 iii 4.

18 Daddi, op. cit. p. 368.

19 Music seems not to have been limited to Hattic rituals though: the (ḫ)išuwa-ritual from Hurrian milieu also contains music as well as some military games, KBo 15.52 v 1 ff.Google Scholar, CTH 628, but its purpose here is quite different, and its usage is not as extensive as in the festivals of Hattic origin.

20 Ünal, A., Belleten 205 p. 1494Google Scholar; idem, “Boğazköy Metinlerinin Işığı Altında Hititler Devri Anadolu'sunda Filolojik ve Arkeolojik Veriler Arasındaki Ilişkilerden Örnekler,” 1992 Yılı Anadolu Medeniyetleri Müzesi Konferansları (1993) 28.

21 Daddi, op. cit p. 364.

22 Cf. Mellink, M. J., “Observations on the Sculptures of Alaca Höyük,” Anatolia 14 (1970) 15–27, esp. 18Google Scholar; idem, “Hittite Friezes and Gate Sculptures,” Fs Güterbock (1974) 203–5.

23 His paper read at the II Congresso Internazionale di Hittitologia, Pavia, June 29, 1993: “Zur Datierung des Sphinxtores in Alaca Höyük”, now appeared in “Beschreiben und Deuten in der Archäiologie des Alten Orients, Fs. R. Mayer-Opificius”, Altertumskunde des Vorderen Orients, Band IV, 1994, 213–26Google Scholar.

24 Arinna, Tawiniya, Zippalanda etc. have been so far proposed, see below.

25 Bittel, K., Die Hethiter (1976) 54Google Scholar; Akurgal, E., Hatti Uygarlığı, Fs R. O. Arık (1987) 1 ff.Google Scholar; idem, Fs T. Özgüç (1989) 1 f.; idem, “L'Art Hatti,” Fs Alp (1992) 1–5; Taracha, P., “Hittites in Alaca Hüyük? An Old Question Reconsidered,” Archaeologia Polonia 29 (1991) 71–8Google Scholar; Moortgat-Correns, U., Fs N. Özgüç (1993) 123Google Scholar.

26 Meid, W., Archäologie und Sprachwissenschaft. Kritisches zu neueren Hypothesen der Ausbreitung der Indogermanen (Innsbruck 1989)Google Scholar; Mallory, J. P., In search of the Indo-Europeans: Language, Archaeology and Myth (1989) 182 ff.Google Scholar; idem, “Kurgan and Indo-European Fauna iii: Birds,” JIES 19 (1991) 223 ff.

27 Mellink, J., “Observations on the Sculptures of Alaca Höyük,” Anatolia/Anadolu 14 (1970) 18Google Scholar.

28 Interpreted up to now as the queen.

29 The Hittite or, say better, the Sumerian name of this sash seems to be TÚG E.ÍB. KUN “Quastenschleifen”, Siegelová, J., Hethitische Verwaltungspraxis im Lichte der Wirtschafts- und Inventardokumente I (1986) 220 f. note 4Google Scholar.

30 Reich und Kultur der Chethiter (1914) 79Google Scholar “eine frei dastehende Leiter”.

31 The Art and Architecture of the Ancient Orient (1954, revised 4th edition 1969) 127Google Scholar.

32 Observation of Professor O. R. Gurney.

33 Professor Gurney points to parallels from Thera and Crete, citing Marinatos, , AthMitt 1983, 2–3Google Scholar.

34 On the foreign character of these figures see Ünal, A., “Hittite Architect and a Rope-Climbing Ritual,” Belleten 205 (1988) 1499Google Scholar.

35 Swords with crescent-shaped pommel from Boğazköy, Yazılıkaya, Gavurkale, Alaca Höyük etc.

36 Ünal, A. et al. , “The Hittite Sword from Boğazköy-Ḫattuša, found in 1991, and its Akkadian Inscription,” Müze/Museum 4 (1990–1991 (1992)) 50–2Google Scholar; Ünal, A., “Boğazköy Kılıcının Üzerindeki Akadca Yazıt Hakkında Yeni Gözlemler,” Fs N. Özgüç (1993) 727–30Google Scholar; see also my anonymous note in: Die Antike Welt 23/4 (1992) 256–7Google Scholar; Ediz, A. Ertekin-I., “The Unique Sword from Boğazköy/Ḫattuša,” Fs N. Özgüç (1993) 719–25Google Scholar.

37 I am presently preparing this 42 cm. long bronze sword or dirk, found at Pınarbaşı in the Province of Kastamonu, and preserved in the museum of Kastamonu for publication together with Nurettin Çakir, Meral Güngördü and Yavuz Ortaakarsu, cf. Ünal, , Fs N. Özgüç p. 727 with note 6Google Scholar. Since, as I have guessed first in my publications of the Boğazköy sword (see the note above) it now is almost certain that this type of swords represents Aegean LH IIIAI period swords (most recently Mellink, M., AJA 97, 1993, 112 fCrossRefGoogle Scholar. with references to the studies of N. K. Sandars and Y. Ersoy) their pommels can be reconstructed, in contrast to crescentic pommels of the Hittite swords, round, as we can see on a potsherd from Boğazköy representing a Mycenaean(?) warrior, Bittel, K., “Tonschale mit Ritzzeichnungen von Boğazköy,” Revue Archéologique (1976) 9–14Google Scholar.

38 Perrot, G. and Chipiez, Ch., Exploration archéologique et histoire de l'art dans l'antiquité, IV (1887)Google Scholar.

39 In his study of Höyük, Alaca orthostats: “La porte des sphinx à Euyuk,” MVAG 1908, 3, 13. Jahrgang, pl. 14 f. and fig. 20Google Scholar; this passage is cited also by Ünal, A., “Hittite Architect and a Rope-Climbing Ritual,” Belleten 205 (1988) 1499 fGoogle Scholar.

40 van Lennep, H. J., Travels in Little Known Parts of Asia Minor (London, 1870)Google Scholar; information kindly supplied by Professor Gurney. Earlier literature is cited by Th. Macridy-Bey, op. cit., note 1.

41 Canby, J. V., “Hittite Art,” BA 52 (1989) 119Google Scholar.

42 Garstang, J., The Land of the Hittites (1910) 259–61Google Scholar; idem, The Hittite Empire (1929) 136 f.

43 Garstang, J., The Hittite Empire 137Google Scholar; Ed. Meyer, , Reich und Kultur der Chetiter (1914) 79Google Scholar: “… voran geht ein Gittarrenspieler, hinter ihm ein Trompeter.”

44 In his letter of 8 November 1993.

45 Garstang, op. cit. p. 136.

46 KUB 55.28 +, Ünal, A., “‘You should Build for Eternity’: New Light on the Hittite Architects and their Work”, JCS 40 (1988) 97–106Google Scholar; idem, “Hittite Architect and a Rope-Climbing Ritual,” Belleten 205 (1989) 1469–1503.

47 The Art and Architecture of the Ancient Orient (1954, revised 4th edition 1969) 127Google Scholar.

48 Güterbock, H. G., “Notes on Some Hittite Monuments,” AS 6 (1956) 56Google Scholar.

49 Akurgal, E., Die Kunst der Hethiter (1961) p. 85 and fig. 93Google Scholar.

50 Bittel, K., Die Hethiter (1976) 201 and fig. 218Google Scholar.

51 Mellink, J. M., “Observations on the Sculptures of Alaca Höyük, Anatolia 14 (1970) 16Google Scholar.

52 See above note 31.

53 Announced to be published in Eothen 2, cf. Daddi, , Hethitica 8 (1987) 361 n. 1Google Scholar.

54 The text parallels KUB 60.56; I am grateful to Dr. T. van den Hout for this kind information communicated in a letter; see now BiOr 51 (1994), 123Google Scholar.

55 Restoration is not sure; the majority of the texts attesting the “sweeping the ground” (daganzipuyš šanḫ-) by LÚ.MEŠ ŠU.I have the local particles -ašta or -šan.

56 Gurney proposes to restore [LÚ.MEŠḫal-li-r]i!-eš! GIŠ KUN5 6 zi-d[a? comparing StBoT 28.37.IV 6–9Google Scholar; for this reading see, however, below KBo 27.39 right col. 13 (text 4).

57 For this restoration cf. KBo 4.9 i 42–4Google Scholar. In view of the parallel passage KBo 27.39 right col. 13 f. (below, text 4) Gurney suggests restoring pa-a-an-zi instead of tar-ú-iš-kán-zi.

58 See the duplicate text KBo 27.39 r. col. 11.

59 Although it is questionable whether ašuša- really means “earring” or not, cf. HW2 s. v. ašuša-.

60 Akurgal, Kunst der Hethiter fig. 93.

61 Called kinuḪi-, KBo 18.173 ii 10Google Scholar; KBo 18.178 obv. 5; KUB 42.11 ii 10Google Scholar; KUB 42.58 line 5; cf. kinuhaimma- KUB 35.143 ii 4Google Scholar.

62 Besides la-ga-a-ri, ša-li-ga-a-ri, du-ug-ga-a-ri and wa-ag-ga-a-ri iškar- is the only possible reading in the broken line 8.

63 Reading suggested by Gurney.

64 Reading suggested by Gurney.

65 Cf. dupl. KUB 28.101 iii 2Google Scholar.

66 Dupl., KUB 28.101 iii 4Google Scholar.

67 LÚALAN.]ZU9GIŠi-la-aš (10) …]x ti-i-e-zi.

68 Römer, W. M. Ph., “Der Spassmacher im alten Zweistromland, zum ‘Sitz im Leben’ altmesopotamischer Texte,” Persica 1 (1978) 43–68Google Scholar.

69 aluzinnu, sum. u4-da-tuš, a-tar-dù.

70 Römer, op. cit. p. 46.

71 Ünal, , Belleten 205, p. 1498Google Scholar.

72 KBo 25.176 rev. 22.

73 Cf. Erkut, Sedat, “Hitit Çağının Önemli Kenti Arinna'nın Yeri,” Fs Alp (1992) 163Google Scholar.

73a Popko, M., Zippalanda: Ein Kultzentrum im hethitischen Kleinasien (TH 21, 1994), 13Google Scholar and esp. 29 ff.

74 KUB 9.32 iii 5–11Google Scholar; cf. also the mention of GAL LÚ.MEŠḫapiya ŠA URUTawiniya, KBo 19.161 i 4.

75 The unique hunting scene on the newly published bowl from Kınık-Kastamonu represents so far the longest continuous representation in Hittite narrative art, A. Çınaroğlu, “Kastamonu Kökenli Bir Grup Hitit Gümüş(?) Eseri, , Müze/Museum 4 (1990–1991) 53–9Google Scholar; Çınaroğlu, K. Emre-A., “A Group of Metal Hittite Vessels from Kınık-Kastamonu”, Fs N. Özgüç (1993) 675 ff. and fig. 23Google Scholar.

76 For example Bittel, K., Die Hethiter (1976) 201Google Scholar.

77 Cf. Mellink, , Fs Güterbock p. 205Google Scholar.

78 Bittel, op. cit. fig. 209, 216.

79 On account of its bad preservation this figure has so far been observed and noted only by very few scholars such as Bey, Makridi and Garstang, J.. In a recent study “A Great Queen on the sphinx piers at Alaca Höyük” (AS XXXIX, 151 ff.Google Scholar) R. L. Alexander claims that it represents a Hittite Great Queen, while the better-preserved male figure on the inner face of the eastern sphinx pier opposite (Akurgal, E., Kunst der Hethiter (1961) fig. 88Google Scholar; Bittel, op. cit. fig. 210) is interpreted by him as the King.

80 Cf. Baltacıoğlu, Hatçe, “Four Reliefs from Alacahöyük, Fs N. Özgüç (1993) 55 ffGoogle Scholar.

81 Certainly something like KUŠkurša- “hunting bag, hunter's bag”, cf. the mention of 14 KUŠkurša- in KBo 21.84:5Google Scholar; see in detail H. G. Güterbock, Hittite kurša- “hunting bag”, Essays in Ancient Civilization Presented to H. J. Kantor (1989) 114–19Google Scholar; McMahon, G., The Hittite State Cult of the Tutelary Deities, OIAS no. 25 (1991) 20–22, 182–4, 250–4Google Scholar.

82 H. Frankfort, Art and Architecture fig. 55; Akurgal, op. cit. fig. 97; Bittel, op. cit. figs. 224–6.

83 Bittel, op. cit. fig. 214.

84 Bittel, op. cit. fig. 220.

85 Akurgal, op. cit. fig. 93; Bittel, op. cit. fig. 218.

86 Bittel, op. cit. fig. 212.

87 Bittel, op. cit. fig. 220 right side.

88 Bittel, op. cit. fig. 222.