^{page 49 note 1} III, 208–9.

^{page 49 note 2} Georg., IV, 127–133Google Scholar. Although the poet refers to the countryside near Tarentum, where the old ex-pirate had been settled, the description of his holding and of his way of life might well have been taken from his original home in Cilicia Aspera.

^{page 50 note 1} MAMA III, p. 47Google Scholar; Fig. 68; Taf. 23, 24.

^{page 50 note 2} My grateful thanks, as always, are due to my wife, who has prepared all the plans and sketches which illustrate the text.

^{page 50 note 3} The great river of Cilicia Aspera and Isauria is, of course, the Calycadnus; but this paper is concerned only with the territory to the east of its course.

^{page 50 note 4} MAMA III, Taf. 57, Abb. 179; Taf. 36, Abb. 105; Taf. 37, Abb. 106.

^{page 52 note 1} Strabo, XIV, 671. Gibbon, in The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, describes the exchange of Moslem and Christian captives on the bridge at Lamas during the 9th century. As the Arabs reached their own lines, they shouted Allah Akbar, while the Christians countered with Kyrie Eleison!

^{page 52 note 2} First described by Bent, Theodore, JHS XII, 1891, pp. 210–211Google Scholar. There is a temple of Hermes on one side of the valley, and a church of 5th or 6th century date on the other.

^{page 52 note 3} Forrer, E., Forschungen, I, pp. 78 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 53 note 1} BMC, Pl. XL, No. 14 (Lycaonia, Isauria, Cilicia).

^{page 53 note 2} ibid., p. 235, No. 9; Pl. XXXIX, No. 5. Oppian, himself a native of Cilicia, apostrophises Hermes in Hal., III, ll. 8–9, and describes Corycús as Έρμαίαο πόλιν. The caduceus sign is widely found all over this area on reliefs and inscriptions, and Bent's description of temples and shrines to Hermes makes fascinating reading (op. cit., p. 211).

^{page 53 note 3} Jones, A. H. M., Cities of the Eastern Provinces, Oxford, 1937, p. 436, n. 17Google Scholar.

^{page 53 note 4} See p. 49, n. 2 above.

^{page 53 note 5} See Gough, M., “Anazarbus,” AS II, 1952, p. 93, n. 30Google Scholar.

^{page 53 note 6} LIV, 9.

^{page 53 note 7} XII, 525.

^{page 53 note 8} XIV, 671. Josephus, , Ant. Iud., XVI, 131Google Scholar, describes a visit of Herod to Elaeusa, where he was received by Archelaus in his palace.

^{page 53 note 9} BMC, p. lxix.

^{page 53 note 10} Tarcondimotus the Younger seems to have had the same idea in mind when he altered the name of Anazarbus to Caesarea at about the same time. See M. Gough, op. cit., p. 93, and n. 34.

^{page 54 note 1} See Hicks, E. L., “Inscriptions from Western Cilicia,” JHS XII, 1891, p. 232Google Scholar, No. 12, and p. 227, No. 4. Pace Ruge, , RE, Vol. 10.2, p. 1886Google Scholar, s.v. Kanytelis, the ethnic name of the inhabitants of Kanlǐ Divane should be Κανυτηλλεῖς, not Κανυτηλιδεῖς. The correct reading, which is quite certain, has been established from an excellent squeeze made by Mr. David Wilson.

^{page 54 note 2} See p. 49, n. 1.

^{page 54 note 3} BMC, p. 236, No. 14.

^{page 54 note 4} These inscriptions have not yet been published.

^{page 55 note 1} The remains of this temple have been described by many travellers. Among these were Admiral Sir Francis Beaufort (Karamania, London, 1818, p. 250)Google Scholar; Langlois, Victor, Voyage dans la Cilicie, Paris, 1861, p. 231Google Scholar; Wilhelm, and Heberdey, , “Reisen in Kilikien,” Denkschr. Akad. Wien., XLIV, p. 61Google Scholar; Paribeni, and Romanelli, , Mon. Ant., XXIII, pp. 96 ffGoogle Scholar. The most authoritative account is, however, Keil, and Wilhelm, , MAMA III, pp. 221–2Google Scholar; also Fig. 176 and Taf. 56.

^{page 55 note 2} To avoid the complications which would result from a perpetual reiteration of the intermediate points of the compass, the north-west and south-east facades will be described hereafter as north and south respectively; the two long sides as east and west.

^{page 56 note 1} Beaufort, op. cit., p. 250, describes them as Composite.

^{page 56 note 2} It may have been rather higher, but this is uncertain as all the examples are damaged.

^{page 57 note 1} Our measurement appears the more likely, since the frieze, with antithema, would have had a total thickness of 0·94 m., which would fit the architrave better than a frieze block with a thickness (including antithema) of 0·77 m.

^{page 57 note 2} Magie, , Roman Rule in Asia Minor, Princeton, 1950, p. 1339Google Scholar.

^{page 58 note 1} MAMA III, Fig. 176.

^{page 58 note 2} Examples are legion; e.g. The Parthenon, the Pantheon, the temple of Rome and Augustus at Ancyra.

^{page 59 note 1} See p. 55, n. 2.

^{page 61 note 1} It is also possible that it represents the Messianic paradise prophesied by Isaiah (XI, 6–7). Herzfeld, and Guyer, (MAMA, II, pp. 106–107Google Scholar, Pl. 104.5) illustrate a paradeisos mosaic discovered by them in the “Cathedral” at Corycus, and cite an included inscription (not photographed) containing a quotation from the same passage of Isaiah; πάρδαλις συναναπαύσεται κηρίῳ καὶ…

^{page 61 note 2} This design is discussed by Levi, Doro, Antioch Mosaic Pavements, Princeton, 1947, Vol. I, pp. 547 ffGoogle Scholar. Single elements of the pattern are to be seen in the earliest structure of Kaoussie church (op. cit., Vol. II, Pls. CXIVa, CXVb and c). This mosaic is dated to A.D. 387, and Levi infers that the developed pattern was in use by the middle of the 5th century. This is borne out by a close parallel in Room 7 of the upper level of the House of the Buffet Supper at Antioch, which Levi dates to c. 425. Later examples (c. 500) of a similar type may be seen, ibid., Pls. LXXXIII. and LXXXIV. See also Herzfeld and Guyer, op. cit., p. 105, Pl. 103.

^{page 62 note 1} The Antioch mosaics, from the 4th century onwards, show an increasing influence of “Oriental textiles and eastern motions of composition”. (See Morey, , Early Christian Art, Princeton, 1942, p. 31.Google Scholar) , Swift's claim (Roman Sources of Christian Art, New York, 1951, pp. 156–161Google Scholar) that the frontal mode of rendering and two dimensional flatness was Roman in inspiration appears to me far-fetched, and his examples unconvincing, in particular his Fig. 66. A primitive graffito, whose author had no pretensions to being a draughtsman, cannot be considered as reflecting a trend in the art of his period. The Antiochene pattern book style culminated in the mosaic of the Martyrium of Seleucea on the Orontes (Doro Levi, op. cit., Vol. II, LXXXVII–LXXXIX).

^{page 62 note 2} The Constantinople mosaics were dated, tentatively, by their excavators to the 5th century (St. Andrew's University, The Great Palace of the Byzantine Emperors, London, 1947, p. 91)Google Scholar. The style has something in common with Antiochene mosaics of the period, though its execution is superior. There is practically no continuity of composition, and the general effect is flat, with a minimum of perspective.

^{page 62 note 3} See end of n. 1, above. Doro Levi, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 359–363, discusses this mosaic, which he dates before the disastrous earthquake of A.D. 526 (Procopius, , Hist. Sec., XVIII, 10)Google Scholar.

^{page 62 note 4} See n. 2, p. 61.

^{page 62 note 5} This method of filling the background is familiar from the first century A.D. onwards. It is, however, more commonly found at Antioch after the fourth century. (See Doro Levi, op. cit., Vol. II, Pls LXXb, LXXVII, LXXXVI). The scale pattern is also used at Constantinople in the Palace of the Byzantine Emperors.

^{page 63 note 1} I am indebted to Professor D. Talbot Rice of Edinburgh University for examining and dating these bowls. Byzantine pottery had a wide area of distribution in the later centuries of the Empire, and it is not really surprising to find it in Cilicia during the Armenian period of supremacy.