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R.E.C.A.M. Notes and Studies No. 7: Inscriptions from Uşak, Denizli and Hisar köy

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 December 2013

A. R. R. Sheppard
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Extract

The following texts were recorded in Uşak Museum and in the archaeological depots at Denizli and Hisar Köy (Attuda) during preparatory work for the R.E.C.A.M. project.

Cylindrical altar of white marble. Below the text a wreath and boucrania. Now in the garden of Uşak Museum, but probably from Sebaste (Selçikler). Height: 0·98 m. Diameter: 0·49 m. Letters: 1·8 cm. Pl.I(a).

“Year 188 (= A.D. 104), in the ninth month. Euphrastus, slave of Caesar, (prays) for the victory and eternal security of Imperator Nerva Traianus Caesar Augustus Germanicus Dacicus.”

The prayer for Trajan's victory is particularly appropriate in the year preceding the final conflict with Decebalus (105/6). Euphrastus is almost certainly to be identified with the Εὔφραστος Καίσαρος included in the list of founder members of the Gerousia of Sebaste in A.D. 99.

Type
Research Article
Information
Anatolian Studies , Volume 31 , December 1981 , pp. 19 - 27
Copyright
Copyright © The British Institute at Ankara 1981

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References

1 I am grateful to the T.C. Eski Eserler ve Müzeler Genel Müdürlüǧü for granting permission for this work, to the Institute for supporting me as Scholar in 1976, when the work at Uşak and Denizli was carried out, to the Directors of the Museums concerned and their staffs for all their help. I owe an especial debt of gratitude to the Kaymakam of Sarayköy and the Muhtar and people of Hisar Köy for a great deal of help and hospitality in August 1977.

2 For events in Dacia at this time see Cassius Dio LXVIII.10.3. The Sebaste Gerousia list was published by Paris, P., BCH VII (1883), p. 453Google Scholar; Euphrastus appears at line 19.

3 Weaver, P. R. C., Familia Caesaris (Cambridge 1972), pp. 218 f., 250 ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 Delicate negotiations with the Governor and with Rome over the foundation of Gerousiae are recorded in TAM II.175Google Scholar (Sidyma), BCH XVII (1893), p. 247 no. 18Google Scholar (Apamea). Apparently, even a formal dedication to the Emperor could bring favourable results: IG VII.2236–7Google Scholar (Thisbe) are dedications to Trajan and Hadrian of 98 and 118, the first being by a certain Brochas φιλοκαίσαρ, the second put up by the same man calling himself M. Ulpius Brochas Epiphanianus.

5 For the role of imperial slaves in local communities see Boulvert, G., Domestique et fonctionnaire sous le haut-empire romain (Paris 1974), pp. 216–230CrossRefGoogle Scholar, citing the relevant documents. Freedmen iuvenes: ILS 5193, IRT 606. Freedmen benefactors of cities: SIG 3 807 (Magnesia-on-Maeander; ?ex-imperial doctor of Nero), Robert, L., Études épigraphiques et philologiques (Bibliothèque de l'École Pratique des Hautes Études 272, Paris 1938), pp. 45–53Google Scholar (Nysa, former A Cubiculo of Hadrian). Neither of these former palace officials is really a comparable case.

6 AE 1933.160 (Moesia Sup.), ILS 4198 (Virunum, Noricum). Cf. IGR IV.133 (Pergamum), a dedication to Trajan by an arcarius of Moesia Inf.

7 OGIS 550 (Eirenarch), IGR IV.531 (ἱππεὺς τῶν ἐν Συννάδοις, Dorylaeum). These two may have served on imperial estates.

8 Pliny, , Epp. X.79.3, 80Google Scholar. Cf. IX.5 on the importance of distinctions of class and status and Juv. 1.99–116 on the inflated prestige of wealthy freedmen.

9 Plut., , Praecepta Reipublicae Gerendae 816F–817AGoogle Scholar.

10 J. H. Oliver, Hesp. Supp. XIII no. 7, lines 57–76, 96–102 and pp. 19–24, 27 f., 44–63.

11 MAMA VI.53Google Scholar. Coin of Tiberius illustrating the cult: SNG Danmark: The Royal Collection … in the Danisn National Museum Lydia ii 714 cp. 743. See also Mellor, R., ΘΕΑ ‘ΡΩΜΗ – The Worship of the Goddess Roma in the Greek World (Hypomnemata 42, Göttingen 1975), p. 73CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In some places the cult of Roma alone survived into the imperial period: see Mellor, op. cit., pp. 195–98. Eumeneia and Apamea had cults of Roma alone in the Julio-Claudian period, but there is no secure evidence for any earlier date: Mellor, op. cit. pp. 74–75. Fayer, C., Il Culto della dea Roma (Pescara 1976), p. 101Google Scholar insists that the cult in Eumeneia and Apamea dates back to republican times. See Mellor, op. cit. p. 74 on the weakness of such arguments. Evidence is now reported from triumviral Aphrodisias, Reynolds, J., PCPS XXVI (1980), pp. 70 ffGoogle Scholar.

12 Magie, D., Roman Rule in Asia Minor (Princeton 1950), pp. 213 ff.Google Scholar, citing Strabo XII.8.16, cf. Cic., , Pro Flacco 55–63Google Scholar; App., , Mith. 20–21Google Scholar.

13 Strabo, XIV.2.24; Radermacher, L., RE V (1903), 1150Google Scholar; R. Mellor, op. cit. p. 45. Callicrates, a priest of Roma, is thought to have been active diplomatically in the Civil War period at Aphrodisias (Reynolds, loc. cit.), but there is no other reason to connect this text with Aphrodisias; geography is rather against it.

14 IGR III.409, 800–1Google Scholar.

15 Cp. IG XII.ii.536Google Scholar (Eresus) for a dedication to Augustus and the People.

16 Tac., Ann. II.47Google Scholar.

17 Ibid. IV.13.

18 Ramsay, W. M., Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia I (Oxford 1895), p. 142 nos. 30–31Google Scholar.

19 The sonorous ending of the name contrasts oddly with its derivation from the word for “gourd”: see Robert, L., Noms indigènes dans l'Asie mineure gréco-romaine I (Bibliothèque de l'Institut français de Stamboul 13, Paris 1963), p. 293 fGoogle Scholar.

20 W. M. Ramsay, op. cit. no. 31 line 2 for the paraphylax. The Hierapolis police decree relating to village patrols was alleged to have come from Thiunta: Anderson, J., JHS XVII (1897), p. 411 no. 14Google Scholar = OGIS 527.

21 See in general on village life Jones, A. H. M., The Greek City from Alexander to Justinian (Oxford 1940), pp. 272 ff., 286 fGoogle Scholar.

22 NE Phrygia: IGR IV.548Google Scholar (Territory of Nacolea): Οἱ περὶ τὴν γειτονίασιν τοῦ χ[ώ]ρου Αὐρ Ἀντιόχου Παπᾶ κληρονόμοι… Lydia, : IGR IV.1491–2, 1494, 1497, 1662, 1664Google Scholar. Cp. Şahin, S., Neufunde von antiken Inschriften in Nikomedea und in der Umgebung der Stadt diss. Münster 1974, p. 145Google Scholar for a wine-party and Gymnasiarchy in a Bithynian village with an obviously native cult of “Thea Rhysiane”.

23 A. H. M. Jones, loc. cit. and pp. 160 ff.; Swoboda, H., RE Supp. IV.961–973Google Scholar; Rostovtzev, M., “Die Domäne von Pogla”, JOAI IV Beibl. 37–46Google Scholar. Country folk were usually classed as non-citizen paroikoi: IGR III.69Google Scholar (Prusias), 800 f. (Sillyum), cp. Dio Chrys. 45.13, IG VII.1862 (Thespiae). A few cities probably still had dependent native serfs, dating from the original Greek colonisation: Heraclea Pontica, Cyzicus, Zelea, Priene, ?Miletus, ?Ephesus. Some Bithynian cities owned large estates run by Oikonomoi: CIG 3777 (Nicomedea), 3793 (Chalcedon), but this was exceptional – Dio Chrys. 31.47. See Landvogt, P., Epigraphische Untersuchungen über den “Oikonomos” diss. Strasbourg 1908Google Scholar. Nicaea had at least one dependent emporion, administered by an Emporiarch: Robert, L., REA XLIV (1942), p. 306 no. 5Google Scholar. Pogla had a system of rural district courts (topika dikasteria) even before its synoecism: IGR III.409. Otherwise the villages had a fair degree of freedom to run their own local affairs. The extreme case of village initiative seems to be the decree of Castollus dividing up its common land without reference to any outside authority: OGIS 488.

24 MAMA VI.74, 75Google Scholar.

25 Restored by MAMA as follows: . Now in Denizli Depot, Inv.no. 179.

26 The “Aur.” is restored in MAMA VI.79Google Scholar.

27 Life magistracies: Lévy, I., “Etudes sur la Vie municipale de l'Asie mineure sous les Antonins ii”, REG XII (1899), pp. 257–262Google Scholar; Jones, A. H. M., The Greek City p. 175 and n. 42Google Scholar; Robert, L., REA LXII (1960), pp. 294 ff.Google Scholar, Hellenica XIII (Paris 1965), p. 207Google Scholar.

28 Plut., , Praecepta Reipublicae Gerendae 822AGoogle Scholar.

29 PIR 2 C 433: his full name was M. Ulpius Carminius Claudianus. No other member of the family held both these offices.

30 CIG 2782 (Aphrodisias). Line 15 of this text describes C. as “High Priest” immediately before his temple offices and priesthood at Aphrodisias: however, the cult of Aphrodite there had both a high-priesthood and a priesthood which might be held by the same person as in Reinach, T., REG XIX (1906), p. 147, no. 80Google Scholar = MAMA VIII.514Google Scholar. Cf. PIR 2 C 433.

31 PIR 2 F 223.

32 SNG Deutschland: Von Auloch VII.2500Google Scholar.

33 So PIR 2 s.v.; Head, B. V., Historia Nummorum2 (Oxford 1911), p. 611Google Scholar.

34 CIG 2782. His benefactions totalled 115,000 D in the shape of improvements to the Temple of Aphrodite, Theatre and Gymnasium of Diogenes and of distributions of money especially to the Council and Gerousia (lines 16–46).

35 ταμίαν ἀρχινεωποίον. (CIG 2782.15 f.)

36 Provincials who are not Senators become common as Logistae from Hadrian onwards: Jones, A. H. M., The Greek City p. 137Google Scholar. The post of ἀργυροταμίας τῆς Ἀσίας is only mentioned here: Ramsay, W. H., Cities and Bishoprics I p. 188 n. 4Google Scholar.

37 CIG 2782.4–5.

38 PIR 2 C 429.

39 PIR 2 C 431: MAMA VI.74.2–3.Google Scholar

40 CIG 2783; SNG Deutschland: Von Auloch VII.2501Google Scholar (Severus and Domna), 2505 (Caracalla).

41 PIR 2 C 429; SNG Danmark: Royal Coll. in Dan. Nat. Mus.: Caria i.168.

42 Plut., , Praecepta Reipublicae Gerendae 814Google ScholarD, De Tranquillitate Animi 470CGoogle Scholar. Habicht, C., “Zwei Neue Inschriften aus Pergamon”, IM IX–X (1959/1960), pp. 109–27Google Scholar, Halfmann, H., Die Senatoren aus dem östlichen Teil des Imperium Romanum bis zum Ende des 2. Jh. n. Chr. Hypomnemata 58, Göttingen 1979), pp. 24 ff., 33–34Google Scholar.

43 Moretti, L., Iscrizioni Agonistiche Greche (Rome 1953) p. 193Google Scholar and nos. 77, 79, 90. No. 79 commemorates a wrestler who won victories at Ephesus and Smyrna in their “Olympics”.