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Notes on the Monuments of Turkish Thrace

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 December 2013

Yildiz Ötüken  and
Robert Ousterhout
Yildiz Ötüken
Affiliation:
Hacettepe University, Ankara
Robert Ousterhout
Affiliation:
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
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Extract

The following notes represent the results of two visits to Turkish Thrace made by the authors during the summers of 1987 and 1988. In 1987 we visited Edirne, Vize and Enez, as well as several Byzantine fortifications at other locations. We returned to Edirne, Vize and Enez in 1988, and in addition we explored the coastal region southwest of Tekirdaǧ. We encountered numerous monuments of the Byzantine and post-Byzantine periods in these areas that have not been subjected to scholarly scrutiny—at least not since the population exchange of 1922–3 dramatically altered the demographic picture of Thrace. Our purpose in presenting this information is not to provide the complete documentation for each site visited, nor to provide a complete listing of the historical monuments of the region. Rather, we would like to make the scholarly community aware of the unpublished or unstudied monuments of Thrace, as well as the possibilities for further research in the area.

Type
Research Article
Information
Anatolian Studies , Volume 39 , December 1989 , pp. 121 - 149
Copyright
Copyright © The British Institute at Ankara 1989

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References

The authors would like to thank the Vakiflar Genel Müdürlüǧü, for permission to examine monuments under their control. We would also like to thank Erol Çetin, Ch. Bakirtzis, Thanasis Papazōtos, Urs Peschlow, Ann Terry, Eunice and Henry Maguire, and the Archaeological Museums of Tekirdaǧ and Edirne for various assistance during the preparation of this report.

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2 Lampakēs, G., “Periēgēseis,” DChAE, 8, 1908, 3–41Google Scholar. Papadopoulos-Kerameōs, A., “Archaiotes kai Epigraphai tēs Thrakēs,” EPhS. Parartema, 16, 1886, 65–113Google Scholar. Lampousiadēs, G., “Hodoiporikon,” Thrakika, 15, 1941, 99–134Google Scholar.

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5 Illustrated but not discussed by Eyice, “Bizans Devrinde Edirne,” fig. 12; the caption notes that angels are represented on the upper face, although these are not visible in his photograph.

6 See Chatzidakis, M., “Ikonostas,” RBK, 3, 1973, 326–53, esp. 333, 336Google Scholar. Also Lasareff, V., “Trois fragments d'epistiles peintes et le templon byzantin,” DChAE, 4, 1964–1965, 117–43Google Scholar; Epstein, A. W., “The Middle Byzantine Sanctuary Barrier: Templon or Iconostasis?” JBAA, 134, 1981, 1–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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9 For Chalkidi, see Xyngopoulos, A., “To templon tēs hagias Paraskevēs en Chalkidi,” AD, II, 4, 1927, 67–74Google Scholar. For the Blacherna at Arta, see Orlandos, A. M., “Hē para tēn Artan Monē tōon Blachernōn,” ABME, 2, 1936, 21–9Google Scholar, figs. 14–22. For Istanbul, , Mendel, G., Catalogue…, Constantinople, 1912, II, nos. 697–9, 496–7Google Scholar; an example in the Afyon Archaeological Museum is unpublished. For other examples, see above, n. 6, all with additional bibliography.

10 See Grabar, A., Sculptures byzantines du Moyen Age, II, Paris, 1976Google Scholar, pl. XVIII.

11 See for example Weitzmann, K., The Icon, New York, 1978Google Scholar, esp. 19 and fig. vii.

12 See Wessel, K., “Himmelfahrt,” RBK, 2, 1972, 1224–62Google Scholar, esp. 1249. Wessel notes that “aus räumlichen Grunden einsetzende Reduzierung des Himmelfahrtsbildes” can be observed, notably in the steatite image from thirteenth-fourteenth centuries in the Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore, no. 612. Represented here are only two bearing angels and the enthroned Christ. In the false door panels in the Kariye Camii, the scene is divided between the angels and Christ in one panel and the onlookers in another, see Hjort, Ø., “The Sculpture of the Kariye Camii,” DOP, 33, 1979Google Scholar, pls. 18–19.

13 See Wessel, , “Himmelfahrt,” esp. 1234–8Google Scholar.

14 Gough, M., ed., Alahan. An Early Christian Monastery in Southern Turkey. Toronto, 1985, 87–91Google Scholar, pls. 19–22.

15 See Epstein, A. W., Tokali Kilise. Tenth-Century Metropolitan Art in Byzantine Cappadocia, Washington, D.C., 1986Google Scholar, pl. 103.

16 See Restle, M., Byzantine Wall Painting in Asia Minor, Greenwich, Conn., 1967, III, pls. 529–30Google Scholar; Underwood, P. A., The Kariye Djami, New York, 1966, III, pls. 404–5Google Scholar.

17 Hadermann-Misguich, L., Kurbinovo, Brussels, 1975, I, 186–97Google Scholar, esp. 187, notes that the iconography of the scene is obscure; II, pl. 92 for illustration.

18 der Nersessian, S., L'illustration des Psautiers grecs du Moyen Age, II, Paris, 1970, 21Google Scholar and fig. 30 (fol. 16v); also Wessel, , “Himmelfahrt,” esp. 1244Google Scholar.

19 The Ascension illustrates the psalm in the Chludov Psalter, fol. 22r; the Theodore Psalter, fol. 25v; and the Barberini Psalter, fol. 41r; see Gkioles, N., Hē Analepsis tou Christou vasei tōon mnēmeiōn tēs l. chilieteridos, Athens, 1981, esp. 59–64; 240–2Google Scholar, and pl. 57; also Nersessian, L'illustration, fig. 46.

20 Hadermann-Misguich, , Kurbinovo, I, 167–75Google Scholar; II, pl. 81. 21.

21 For the motif, see Grabar, , Sculptures, IIGoogle Scholar, pls. XIV–b (Templon architrave, İzmir Archaeological Museum), IX–b (Templon post, Selçikler), both eleventh century.

22 For similar combinations of an interlocking geometrical motif with palmettes, see Sheppard, C., “Byzantine Marble Slabs,” ArtB, 51, 1969Google Scholar, fig. 6 (İznik Archaeological Museum no. 705), dated to the end of the sixth or beginning of the seventh century; this dating appears too early in comparison with the middle Byzantine examples, and a ninth–tenth century date would make more sense.

23 The lotus-and-palmette frieze is quite common; see Orlandos, A. K., “Ta Byzantina mnēmeia tēs Bēras,” Thrakika, 4, 1933Google Scholar, fig. 12 (a rare example of a templon architrave from Thrace); Hjort, , “Sculpture,” 236–7Google Scholar, figs. 28a, 29, 36–41, for several Constantinopolitan examples of eleventh–twelfth century date.

24 For the brief treatment of the capitals, see Eyice, , “Bizans Devrinde Edirne,” Edirne, 73 and figs. 13–14Google Scholar.

25 Ousterhout, R., “Byzantine Church at Enez,” JöB, 35 1985, 276Google Scholar, and figs. 22–3.

26 Ousterhout, figs. 19–23; also Sinos, S., Die Klosterkirche der Kosmosoteira in Bera (Vira), Munich, 1985Google Scholar, fig. 9.

27 See Grabar, , Sculputures, II, 261–80Google Scholar, esp. pl. XIII–b, no. 29, p. 48 (İzmir); pl. XXXIX–b, no. 62, pp. 68–9 (Lavra); pls. LVI–a, b and LVIII–b, no. 76, pp. 86–8 (Kiev); Asdracha, C. and Bakirtzis, Ch., “Inscriptions byzantines de Thrace,” AD, 35 1980 (= 1986), pl. 65–d, p. 257 (Trajanoupolis)Google Scholar.

28 For the history of Bayezid II Camii, see Yüksel, A., Osmanlı Mimarisinde II. Beyazid, Yavuz Selim Devri 886–926 (1481–1520), Istanbul, 1982, V, esp. 103–6Google Scholar; for the Hünkâr mahfili, 115–16 and plan 41. See also Goodwin, G., A History of Ottoman Architecture, London, 1971, 143–50Google Scholar. The plan of the Hünkâr mahfili is based on the plan of Yüksel, who represents accurately the present form. The plan of the mosque published by Gurlitt, C., “Die Bauten Adrianopels,” Orientalisches Archiv, I, 1910–1911, 1–4, 51–60Google Scholar, pl. CXXIV, shows the imperial loge with 24 supports, but this is certainly inaccurate, or else it represents the form before alteration, perhaps before the construction of the stairs; for this problem see Yüksel, 115–16.

29 These have been only cursorily noted in the literature; see for example Goodwin, 144, who calls them “slender antique columns;” or Yüksel, 116, who thought them to be “supports from the Diana Temple,” based on Peremeci, O., Edirne tarihi, Istanbul, 1940, 68–72Google Scholar. Spolia are found throughout the Bayezid II Camii: for example, 3 of the columns in the courtyard are red granite, 6 are verde antico, 7 are Proconessian marble, and 3 are grey granite; in the prayer hall the central window of the east wall and the columns flanking the mihrab are green Breccia.

30 See for Skripou, , Megaw, , BSA, 61, 1966, 1–32Google Scholar; for Loukas, Hosios, Orlandos, , ABME, 7, 1951, 132–4, figs. 1–2Google Scholar; for Nea Moni on Chios, Bouras, Ch., Nea Moni on Chios (Athens, 1982)Google Scholar, fig. 130; for Panagia Krina on Chios, Bouras, , DChAE, 10, 1980–1981, 165–80Google Scholar, fig. 1; for Piskopi on Santorini, , Orlandos, , ABME, 7, 1951, 197–8Google Scholar, figs. 10–12; for St. Panteleimon at Nerezi, , Lazarev, , DChAE, 4, 1964–1965Google Scholar, fig. 10; for Daphni, , Orlandos, , ABME, 8, 1955–1956, 77–88Google Scholar, figs. 11–19; for the development and state of scholarship, see above, n. 6.

31 For the known examples, see above, n. 7.

32 Unpublished examples have been examined by Ötüken in İznik, Büyük Kumla near Gemlik, Babasultan near Bursa, and on Manastır Island in Lake Apollonia. These will be published in a study of the archaeological remains in Bithynia and Mysia, to appear in Ist For.

33 Pattern A appears commonly in both periods; see for example Early Christian pier colonnettes at Poreč, Terry, A., The Architecture and Architectural Sculpture of the Sixth-Century Eufrasius Cathedral Complex at Porec, Ph.D. diss.: University of Illinois, 1984, figs. 163–9Google Scholar (patterns A and C); and for the Middle Byzantine period, Stikas, E., To Oikodomikon chronikon tēs Monēs Hosiou Louka Phokidos, Athens, 1970Google Scholar, fig. 122 (pattern A); also Orlandos, A., Hē basilikē xylostegos tēs mesogiakēs lekanēs, Athens, 1950–1959, II, 518–19Google Scholar; also Peschlow-Bindokat, A. und Peschlow, U., “Die Sammlung Turan Beler in Kumbaba bei Şile,” Ist Mitt, 27/28, 1977/1978, 354–6Google Scholar.

34 For comparisons, see above, n. 24; also the Blacherna at Arta, as above, n. 8; St. Sophia at Ohrid, Petrov, K., La plastique décorative…, Skopje, 1962, 126–57Google Scholar, figs. 3–12; Veljusa, , Milkovic-Pepek, P., Veljusa, Skopje, 1981, 134–8Google Scholar; fig. 24.

35 See Xydis, S. G., “The Chancel Barrier, Solea, and Ambo of Hagia Sophia,” ArtB, 29, 1947, 1–24Google Scholar; notes that the middle Byzantine arrangement had at the most 6–8 pier colonnettes, while the Early Christian could have 12–14; see p. 4 for further examples.

36 For a brief discussion of the capitals, see Eyice, , “Bizans Devrinde Edirne.” 74–5Google Scholar; resim 18.

37 For the star-rosette, see Feld, O., “Die Innenausstattung der Nikolaoskirche in Myra,” in Myra. Eine lykische Metropole, ed. Borchardt, J., Berlin, 1975, 360–428Google Scholar, esp. 374, pl. 121A, no. 40; Hjort, , “Sculpture,” 201–89Google Scholar, esp. 267–9, fig. 94–H.

38 See Ousterhout, “Byzantine Church at Enez,” exonarthex capitals, figs. 19–21.

39 Polacco, R., Collezioni e musei archeqlogici del Veneto. Sculture paleocristiane e altomedioevali di Torcello, Rome, 1976, 76Google Scholar. İznik Archaeological Museum inv. no. 2503 (unpublished).

40 See Grabar, , Sculptures, II, 1976, pl. IX–d, no. 13, pp. 43–4Google Scholar (Bursa Archaeological Museum inv. no. 304); pl. X–c, no. 15, pp. 43–4 (Bursa inv. no. 2714); pl. IV–c, no. 11, pp. 41–2 (Selçikler); pl. IX–a, no. 18, pp. 44–5 (Afyon); pl. XXXIX, no. 62, pp. 68–9 (Lavra phiale); pl. LIX–b, c, no. 76, p. 84 (Kiev, St. Sophia); pl. LVI–a, b, no. 76, p. 86 (Kiev); examples from Babasultan and İznik inv. no. 2503 are unpublished.

41 See Zuliani, F., I marmi di San Marco. Un studio e un cataloga della scultura ornamentale marciana fino all' XI secolo, Venice, n.d., 101, fig. 74Google Scholar.

42 See Feld, , “Innenausstattung,” Myra, 370Google Scholar, pl. 119–B, no. 31; also compare pl. 122–C, no. 46, p. 346. For other examples, Grabar, , Sculptures, II, 1976, VI–c, VII–a, no. 11, pp. 41–2Google Scholar (Selçikler); pl. XII, no. 25, p. 46 (İzmir Archaeological Museum); see also pl. X–c, no. 15, pp. 43–4 (similar to Bursa inv. no. 2683).

43 See Kautzsch, R., Kapitellstudien, Berlin, 1936, 115–36Google Scholar, and esp. nos. 389–413; Kitzinger, E., “The Horse and Lion Tapestry at Dumbarton Oaks,” DOP, 3 (1946), 61–72Google Scholar. Also Kramer, J., Skulpturen mit Adlerfiguren an Bauten des 5. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. in Konstantinopel (diss. Munich, 1965)Google Scholar, Köln, 1968, 86–96 for a list of eagle capitals known to him. Also Sodini, J.-P., “Sculpture architecturale,” Actes du Xe Congrès Int. Arch. Chr., I (1984), 207–98Google Scholar, esp. 225–7.

44 Kitzinger, 61; Kautzsch, 152–65, and nos. 477–534.

45 See for example, Kitzinger, figs. 84–9.

46 Thessalonike. Istoria kai Technē (Ekthesē Lefkou Pyrgou), Athens, 1986, 39–40Google Scholar, no. 20a; Djobadze, W., “Remains of a Byzantine Ambo and Church Furnishings in Hobi (Georgia)”, AA (1984), 627–40Google Scholar, esp. 636–7 and figs. 11–12; Deichmann, F. W., Corpus der Kapitelle der Kirche von San Marco zu Venedig, Wiesbaden, 1981, 145–6Google Scholar, pl. 49, no. M–1.

47 Kitzinger, figs. 107–9, 111–12.

48 See also Maguire, E. D., “Range and Repertory in Capital Design,” DOP, 41, 1987, 351–61Google Scholar, for variety in early Christian capital design.

49 Lampakēs, , “Periēgēseis,” 4–32Google Scholar.

50 Lampousiadēs, G., “Hodoiporikon,” Thrakika, 15, 1941, 119 ff.Google Scholar; see also Samidēs, , “Epigraphai Ainou,” Thrakika, 2, 1929, 279–83Google Scholar; Hasluck, F. W., “Monuments of the Gattelusi,” BSA, 15, 1908–1909, 248–57Google Scholar. Several of the existing monuments are discussed by Eyice, “Trakya”, 348–54. For recent excavations, see above, n. 3.

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53 Petit, L., “Typikon du Kosmosotira,” IRAIK, 13, 1908, 19Google Scholar. Uspenski, Th., “Konstantinopoliskii seraliski kodeks vosimuknizniia,” IRAIK, 12, 1907, 26–7Google Scholar.

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55 Sinos, , Klosterkirche, 1–34Google Scholar, esp. 7, 15–16.

56 Gouffier, Compte de Choisseul, Voyage pittoresque de la Grece, Paris, 1808, II, pl. XIIIGoogle Scholar.

57 Boué, A., Recueil d'itineraires dans la Turquie d'Europe, Vienna, 1851, I, 106Google Scholar.

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59 Mystakidēs, B., Neologos, 1882, no. 3934Google Scholar; Papadopoulos-Kerameōs, A., “Sympleroma tēs dymonteiou syllogēs tōn Thrakikōn archaiotētōn,” Thrakikē Epeteris, 1, 1897, 9–11Google Scholar.

60 Petit, , “Typikon,” 19Google Scholar.

61 Lampakēs, , “Periēgēseis,” 33–9Google Scholar.

62 Lampakēs, , “Periēgēseis,” 38–38Google Scholar, including a rough sketch of the cross.

63 Lampakēs, , “Periēgēseis,” 33–9Google Scholar.

64 Nos. 3431–4.

65 As above, n. 62; for Skaloti, esp. Thrakika, 3, 1932, 47–9Google Scholar.

66 Roussas, , Ekklesiastiko Mouseio, 10, pl. 14Google Scholar.

67 British Ordnance Survey, Geographical Section, General Staff no. 2097

68 The same date appears in a number of inscriptions recorded by Lampakēs, , “Periēgēseis,” 34–5Google Scholar.

69 Boué, , Reçueil, I, 106Google Scholar.

70 Petit, , “Typikon,” 19Google Scholar.

71 Th. Papazōtos has suggested to us that the name may derive from the cutting of terraces into the slope. In the province of Sphakia on Crete a village called Skaloti is positioned on a slope; see Amantos, K., Athēna, 22, 1910, 203Google Scholar. Our thanks to Rene and Henry Kahane for this reference.

72 Grisebach, A., Reise durch Rumelien und nach Brussa im Jahre 1839, Göttingen, 1841, I, 175–9Google Scholar, esp. 175; see also 142, 160, and pl. II.

73 Grisebach, I, 51, 189Google Scholar.

74 Grisebach, I, 160Google Scholar.

75 Grisebach, I, pl. II, and 161: “wegen der roten Farben und wegen den Lagerungsverhältnissen, die auf die volkanische Entstehung hinweisen,” it has a “gewissen Tonporphyr” and came to be called “Porphyrberg”.

76 Gökbilgin, M. T., XV. ve XVI. asırlarda Edirne ve Paşa Livası, İstanbul, 1952, 158, 377Google Scholar.

77 Grisebach, I, pl. II; Boué, I, 106Google Scholar.

78 Mystakidēs, , “Enia-Ainia,” 1932, 45–7Google Scholar; Lampakēs, , “Periēgēseis,” 41Google Scholar.

79 As above, n. 58.

80 Mystakidēs, , “Enia-Ainia,” 1932, 50–1Google Scholar.

81 Dirimtekin, F., “Vize,” AMY, 3, 1961, 18–20, 47–9Google Scholar; Eyice, S.. “Trakya,” Belleten, 33, 1969, 326–33Google Scholar, pls. 1–9; Mango, C., “The Byzantine Church at Vize (Bizye) in Thrace and St. Mary the Younger,” ZRVI 11, 1968, 9–13Google Scholar.

82 The plan published by Eyice, “Trakya,” pl. 4, shows only the niche in the third bay; the other is not represented.

83 The information concerning the Vakıflar restoration of 1984 comes to us in a letter dated 17/8/1987 from the restorer-architect who directed this work, Erol Çetin of the İstanbul Vakıflar Bölge Müdürlüğü.

84 Iōannidēs, I., Historia tēs Vizyēs anatolikēs Thrakēs, Hetaireia Thrakikōn Meletōn 33, Athens, 1954Google Scholar (written in 1886), 14, notes that “by the door leading into the naos proper are tombs or, perhaps, repositories for holy relics;” quoted by Mango, “Byzantine Church,” 10 n. 6. These observations take on added interest in respect to the tomb of St. Mary the Younger; see Mango, 12–13. E. Çetin found 10–15 skeletons below the original floor of the narthex as well.

85 Compare the formulaic inscription with Oikonomides, N., A Collection of Dated Byzantine Lead Seals, Washington, 1986, 106Google Scholar, no. 110, inter alia. For Theodore, see Ostrogorsky, G., History of the Byzantine State, Rutgers, 1969, 281–2Google Scholar; Dölger, F., Regesten der Kaiserurkunden, Munich-Berlin, 1924, I, no. 673Google Scholar.

86 This may have been the base of an altar table or of a templon. There is evidence for additional construction along the south side of the building which merits further investigation.

87 The curved back may suggest a lyre-backed throne, which appeared commonly in coinage, manuscripts, and monumental painting c. 860–950; see most recently Breckenridge, J., “Christ on the Lyre-Backed Throne,” DOP, 34–5, 1980–1981, 247–60Google Scholar.

88 Little has been said about the frescoes; see Mango, “Byzantine Church,” 11 n. 9: “A greatly damaged fresco representing two standing saints may still be seen on the south face of the southeast dome pier.” This no longer survives. See also Eyice, , “Trakya,” 331Google Scholar. Lampousiadēs, G., “Hodoiporikon,” Thrakika, 9, 1938, 281Google Scholar, notes in passing the obscured wall paintings.

89 For the last Turkish layer, see Eyice, “Trakya,” pls. 6–9; Mango, pls. 4–7. The restoration work destroyed much of this layer, particularly in the northern half of the building.

90 Mango, 9 n. 2; Eyice, 329.

91 For this technique see the discussion by Ötüken, Y., “Bizans duvar tekniğinde tektonik ve estetik çcözümler,” Röleve ve Restorasyon Dergisi, 1988, in pressGoogle Scholar.

92 As above, n. 1. Also Lampousiadēs, , “Hodoiporikon,” Thrakika, 9, 1938, 45–70Google Scholar; Thrakika, 10, 1938, 253–63Google Scholar. More recently, Pralong, A., “Remarques sur les fortifications byzantines de la Thrace orientale,” Géographie historique du monde Méditerranéen, ed. Ahrweiler, H., Byzantina Sorbonensia 7, Paris, 1988, 221–309Google Scholar; Papazōtos, Th., “Anichnevsē topographikē tēs Anatolikēs Thrakēs,” Acts of the First International Symposium on Byzantine Thrace, ByzFor, 15, 1988Google Scholar, in press. Also useful are the historical notes by Asdracha, C., “La Thrace orientale et la Mer Noire: gégraphie ecclésiastique et prosopographie (VIIIe–XIIe s.),” Géographie historique, 221–309Google Scholar.

93 Dirimtekin, , “Midye,” AMY, 5, 1963, 47–65Google Scholar; more recently, Pralong, , “Remarques,” 196–92Google Scholar.

94 Dirimtekin, , “Midye,” 47Google Scholar.

95 For further comments on masonry techniques, see Ousterhout, R., “Observations on the ‘Recessed Brick’ Technique during the Palaeologan Period,” ADelt, 37, 1989Google Scholar, in press.

96 Dirimtekin, , “Pınarhisar,” AMY, 5, 1963, 39–40Google Scholar and fig. 1 (incorrect); Eyice, , “Trakya'da Bizans Devrinde ait Eserler,” Belleten, 33, 1969, 347Google Scholar; Pralong, , “Remarques,” 198–9 and fig. 19 (incorrect)Google Scholar. A rather confusing plan and a description of the site (including several now vanished buildings) were also given by Lampousiadēs, , “Hodoiporikon,” 1938, 254–6Google Scholar. For the Byzantine identity of the site, see Asdracha, , “Thrace orientale,” 240–1Google Scholar.

97 Vocotopoulos, P. L., “The Concealed Course Technique: Further Examples and a Few Remarks,” JöB, 28, 1979, 255Google Scholar and fig. 19; Velenis, G., Hermēneia tou exōterikou diakosmou stē byzantinē architektonikē, Thessaloniki, 1984, 67Google Scholar.

98 Three towers were noted at the site by Lampousiadēs, , “Hodoiporikon,” 1938, 50Google Scholar. For the identification of the site, see Asdracha, , “Thrace orientale,” 239–40Google Scholar.

99 Aksoy, S., “Lüleburgaz,” TTOK Belleteni, July–Oct., 1973Google Scholar.

100 Dumont, A., “Inscriptions et monuments figurés de la Thrace,” Mélanges d'archéologie et d'epigraphie, Paris, 1892, 403 ff.Google Scholar; Papadopoulos-Kerameōs, A., ‘Archaiotes kai Epigraphai tēs Thrakēs,” EPhS. Parartema, 16, 1896, 65–113Google Scholar, esp. 88 ff.; Lampousiadēs, , “Hodoiporikon,” Thrakika, 15, 1941, 99–134Google Scholar, esp. 116 ff. Also Seure, G., “Inscriptions de Thrace,” BCH, 24, 1900, 147–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Robert, L., “Villes de Chersonese et la Thrace,” Hellenica, 5, 1948, 35–58Google Scholar.

101 We observed the fragmentary remains of two post-Byzantine basilicas in the town of Ganos and two monasteries in the fields nearby. We were told that there were two more churches at some distance in the hills to the north of the village.

102 See Papadopoulos-Kerameōs, , “Archaiotes,” 87–9Google Scholar; Asdracha, “Thrace orientale.”

103 Papadopoulos-Kerameōs, 87–9.

104 See Grabar, , Sculptures byzantines, II, 68–9Google Scholar and pl. XXXIX (Athos, Lavra); 71–2 and pl. XLII (Ohrid, St. Sophia); 84 and pl. LIX a–c (Kiev, St. Sophia). Also Hjort, , “Sculpture of the Kariye,” 268Google Scholar (and n. 205 for further examples) and Fig. 93–H; Eyice, S., Son Devir Bizans Mimarisi, İstanbul, 1980, figs. 198, 191, 194 (İstanbul, Kilise Camii)Google Scholar; Sheppard, , “Byzantine Marble Slabs,” figs. 9–10 (İstanbul, Archaeological Museum nos. 2906 and 4388)Google Scholar.

105 See Grabar, , Sculptures byzantines, IIGoogle Scholar, pl. XLII; Pazaras, Th., Anaglyphes Sarkophagoi kai Epitaphies Plakes tēs Mesēs kai Ysterēs Byzantinēs Periodou stēn Ellada, Thessaloniki, 1984, 239–41Google Scholar and fig. 46.

106 Feld, , “Innenaustattung der Nikolaoskirche in Myra,” in Myra, 373–4Google Scholar and catalogue no. 37.

107 Pazaras, Anaglyphes Sarkophagoi, figs. 1–a and 2–b.

108 Pazaras, fig. 1; and Megaw, , “Skripou,” ABSA, 61, 1966Google Scholar, pls. 5–a and 15–h.

109 For Athos and Istanbul, see Grabar and Sheppard respectively, as above, n. 104.

110 Hadermann-Misguich, , Kurbinovo, I, 243–5Google Scholar; II, pls. 126–7. Ag. Hermolaos is often stated to be the only medical saint represented in the costume of a priest, but he is always depicted with a pointed beard; see Boberg, J., LCI, 6, 1974, VIGoogle Scholar, col. 511–12.

111 Hadermann-Misguich, , Kurbinovo, IIGoogle Scholar, pl. 126; see also Mathews, T. and Hawkins, E., “Notes on the Atik Mustafa Paşa Camii in Istanbul and Its Frescoes,” DOP, 39, 1985, 131–2Google Scholar and figs. 21–2 (Cosmas and Damian).

112 As above, n. 100.

113 See Grabar, , Sculptures byzantines, II, 44Google Scholar, pls. IVb–c, VIIb.

114 Grabar, II, 48Google Scholar, pl. XIV.

115 Grabar, II, 42Google Scholar, pl. VIIa–b.

116 Grabar, II, pls. XLIIId, CXXXVII.

117 Between Barbaros and Avdin, Papadopoulos-Kerameōs visited monastery of Ag. Nikolaos, a church of the Panagia tēs Galaterēs, converted to a monastery in 1885, and the church of Ag. Christophoros; “Archaiotes,” 97–9.

118 Papadopoulos-Kerameōs, , “Archaiotes,” 99Google Scholar: an inscription dated 1077 refers to the restoration of the church of Ag. Iōakeim kai Annē, so the occupation of the site may be much older.

119 Papadopoulos-Kerameōs, , “Archaiotes,” 97–8Google Scholar, noted that the church was on the location of an early Christian church, evidenced by numerous marble fragments.