² See Fig. 1 (drawn by my colleague, Mr A. L. F. Rivet) and Fig. 2 (based on the 1: 200,000 Konya and Beyşehir sheets published in Ankara by the Harta Genel Müdürlüğü). Kiepert's, H. map of Kleinasien, 1: 400,000Google Scholar (Konya sheet), now brought up to date by Robert, L. in Hellenica XIII (1965)Google Scholar, remains the most satisfying cartographic representation of the area in ancient times. A useful survey of the main geological features of the region is given by Farrand, W. R. in “Geology and Physiography of the Beyşehir-Suğla Depression, West Taurus Lake District.” (Türk Arkeoloji Dergisi XIII (1964), p. 149–153)Google Scholar. The earlier dispute between Ramsay and Calder about the extent to which Lake Suğla has disappeared (cf. Klio XXII (1928), p. 396f.Google Scholar; XXIII (1929), p. 88–91 and 98–99) can now be considered settled. Because of the diversion of water from Lake Beyşehir which formerly maintained the level of the other lake, in some years Lake Suğla dries up completely in summer. I drove a Landrover across its bed in September, 1958. But every spring water collects again, particularly over the western part of the Lake's original surface. Plate Ia shows conditions in early autumn, 1958. It was taken beside the village of Arvana.

³ Strabo, XII, 568–570. The great difficulty of establishing exact ethnic frontier lines in this region has been most recently discussed by Zgusta, L. in his Introduction to Kleinasiatische Personennamen, Prague, 1964 (quoted as Zgusta, KP), p. 31–39Google Scholar. His definition of “ein pisidisch-lykaonisches Übergangsgebiet” (p. 37), illustrated in the end-papers, takes account of these difficulties.

⁴ For discussions of the fluctuations in the Roman provincial frontiers of Pamphylia and Isauria, see Magie, D., Roman Rule in Asia Minor, 2 vols., Princeton, 1950 (quoted as Magie, RRAM), p. 1132, n. 1Google Scholar; p. 1304, n. 4 (Pamphylia): p. 1170, n. 22; p. 1529, n. 3 (Isauria). The problems relating to Pamphylia have been recently considered by MissJameson, Shelagh in “Lycia and Pamphylia from Augustus to Diocletian” (unpublished D. Phil, thesis, Oxford, 1965Google Scholar).

⁵ See the report by Solecki, R. S. of a survey carried out by Columbia University Archaeological Expedition in Türk Arkeoloji Dergisi XIII (1964), p. 129–148Google Scholar.

⁶ Mellaart, J., AS. XIII (1963), “Early Cultures of the South Anatolian Plateau, II”, p. 205Google Scholar.

⁷ Mellaart, op. cit., p. 210.

^7a Goetze, A., Kleinasien,² Munich, 1957, p. 179 and end-paperGoogle Scholar.

⁸ Goetze, op. cit., p. 201–206.

⁹ Calder, W. M., MAMA. VII (1965)Google Scholar, Introduction, III, Language: (1) Neo-Phrygian inscriptions; together with the map on p. xliv, “Phrygian-speaking zone of Asia and Galatia in A.D. 280.”

¹⁰ It was allegedly to undertake a campaign against the Pisidians that Cyrus recruited Greek mercenaries in 401 B.C. (Xenophon, , Anabasis III, 1, 10Google Scholar).

¹¹ Letters from Eumenes II and Attalus II of Pergamum to the citizens of Amblada are published in Swoboda, /Keil, /Knoll, , Denkmäler aus Lykaonien, Pamphylien und Isaurien, Prague, 1935 (quoted as Denkmäler), p. 33–34Google Scholar, nos. 74 and 75. They followed Galatian pressure upon the territory of Amblada during the Galatian War of 168–165 B.C., pressure which had been relieved by the arrival of a Pergamene field army, led by Attalus.

¹² The career of Amyntas, originally grammateus and later successor to Deiotarus, king of Galatia, is described in Strabo, XII, 567–569 and in Dio LI, 2, 1; LIII, 26, 3. For the Homonadeis, see Magie, , RRAM p. 1303, n. 2Google Scholar; and now Levick, B., Roman Colonies in Southern Asia Minor, Oxford, 1967 (quoted as Levick, Roman Colonies), Appendix V, “The Homanadensian War”, p. 203–214Google Scholar.

¹³ Syme, R., Klio XXVII, (1934), p. 135–138Google Scholar, “Galatia and Pamphylia under Augustus. IV. The Date of the Homanadensian War”; Levick, , Roman Colonies, p. 206–213, concursGoogle Scholar.

¹⁴ Milestones dated 6 B.C. at Comama, (CIL. III, 6974Google Scholar) and at Tiberiopolis, Pappa (JHS. XXII (1902), p. 102, n. 7)Google Scholar.

¹⁵ A boundary line is suggested by Ruge, W. in RE. XVIII (1949), 355–6Google Scholar (figure). This boundary has not yet been secured by evidence on the ground—so Miss Jameson informs me.

¹⁶ Magie, , RRAM. p. 1459–1461, n. 24Google Scholar. Sherk, R. K., The Legates of Galatia (The Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, Ser. LXIX, no. 2, Baltimore, 1951) p. 62Google Scholar.

¹⁷ cf. MAMA. VI, p. 27, no. 74Google Scholar. I owe this reference to Miss Jameson.

¹⁸ Sterrett, J. R. S., Epigraphical Journey, p. 123, no. 95Google Scholar; Calder, W. M., JRS. II (1912), p. 86–87, nos. 5 and 6Google Scholar.

¹⁹ For these late provincial boundaries, reflected in the Council lists, after Ephesus, and in the Nova Tactica, see M. H. Ballance's forthcoming article “Lykaonia” (map) in Reall. d. Byz. Kunst (ed. K. Wessel).

²⁰ Ramsay, W. M., BSA. IX (1902), “Pisidia and the Lycaonian Frontier”Google Scholar; Jahresheft d. Österreichischen Arch. Inst. VII (1904), Beiblatt, “Lycaonia”Google Scholar.

²¹ Hamilton, W. J., Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus and Armenia, Vol. II (London, 1842)Google Scholar; Schönborn, A., Beiträge zur Geographie Kleinasiens (1849)Google Scholar.

²² J. R. S. Sterrett, Epigraphical Journey (quoted as EJ.) and Wolfe Expedition (quoted as WE.) (Papers of the American School at Athens, Vols. II and III, 1884–1885Google Scholar).

²³ Hirschfeld, G., Monatsber. Acad. Berlin (1879Google Scholar), with end-paper; Sarre, F., Reise in Kleinasien Sommer, 1895Google Scholar.

²⁴ Ramsay, W. M., BSA. IX (1902), p. 243–273Google Scholar.

²⁵ Juthner, /Knoll, /Patsch, /Swoboda, , Vorläufiger Bericht über eine archaeologische Expedition nach Kleinasien, Prague, 1903Google Scholar (quoted as Vorbericht).

²⁶ Swoboda, /Keil, /Knoll, , Denkmäler aus Lykaonien, Pamphylien und Isaurien, Prague, 1935Google Scholar.

²⁷ Material from east of Suǧla, Lake in JRS. XIV (1924), p. 50–84Google Scholar; from the territory of the Orondeis, in MAMA. VIII (1962)Google Scholar.

²⁸ Hall, A. S., AS. IX (1959), pp. 119–124, “The Site of Misthia.”Google Scholar

²⁹ Dévédjian, K., Pêche et pêcheries en Turquie, Constantinople, 1926, Appendix, p. 94Google Scholar, names carp, barbel and crayfish among others. My impression is that fishing has now declined. Boats are used mainly for bringing timber across the Lake from Hoiran.

³⁰ The medicinal qualities of its wine are mentioned by Strabo, XII, 570.

³¹ Contrast Plate Ia with Plate Ib (taken in the vicinity of Yaylasun, a village in the mountains east of Beyşehir). For a study of modern conditions of life in the mountains of central and western Pisidia, see de Planhol, X., De la Plaine pamphylienne aux lacs pisidiennes. Nomadisme et Vie Paysanne, Paris, 1958Google Scholar.

³² See Fig. 2.

³³ For a Roman milestone at Yunisler, see Cronin, H. S., JHS. XXII (1902), p. 102, no. 7Google Scholar = Cousin, G., Kyros le Jeune en Asie Mineure (1906), p. 408Google Scholar = CIL. III, 14401cGoogle Scholar.

³⁴ Ballance, M. H. states the possibilities in MAMA. VIII, Introduction, p. xiGoogle Scholar.

³⁵ Fig. 2 shows this clearly.

³⁶ Two others were explored by the Austrians and are shown in Denkmäler, end-paper II.

³⁷ Cronin, H. S., JHS. XXII (1902), pp. 94–125, 339–376CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁸ Denkmäler, pp. 9–10; MAMA. VIII, pp. 60–61, nos. 330, 332–9Google Scholar.

³⁹ A reconstruction of this arch is shown in Denkmäler, p. 129, Abb. 48 and 49.

⁴⁰ For the Koinon of the Orondeis, see MAMA. VIII, p. 60, no. 333Google Scholar (Yunisler); for Ὀρονδικοί see Ptolemy V, iv, 9; the “ager Orondicus” appears in Cicero's, De Lege Agraria, II, 50Google Scholar; and “Oronticus tractus” in Pliny, , V, 147Google Scholar. For further discussion of the names Orondeis, Oroandeis and the various forms of the ethnicum, see Magie, , RRAM. II, p. 1173–4Google Scholar, n. 25. His conclusion that the two peoples are distinct is to be preferred to that of Ruge, W. (RE. XVIII (1949), 1130f.Google Scholar) and Robert, L. (RArch., 6me Série, II (1933), p. 132Google Scholar; BCH. LXX (1946), p. 521f.Google Scholar; Noms Indigènes dans L'Asie Mineure gréco-romaine (1963), p. 339Google Scholar; and now Hellenica XIII (1965), p. 76, 82–83Google Scholar) that they are the same.

⁴¹ Magie, , RRAM. p. 1560–1Google Scholar, note 12.

⁴² Their route is still in dispute: cf. Gren, E., Kleinasien und Ostbalkan (Uppsala, 1941), p. 126, n. 176Google Scholar. I owe this reference to Miss Levick.

⁴³ For abolitio memoriae, see Vittinghoff, F., Der Staatsfeind in der römischen Kaiserzeit (Berlin, 1936), p. 12–13 with p. 32, n. 144Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ The proposer's cognomen is here restored exempli gratia. Other possible restorations are Νεῶ[νος] (cf. IGR. IV 420Google Scholar) or νεω[τέρου], if no father's name appeared on the preceding line.

⁴⁵ ἔτους or α´ ἔτ. α´ are also possible.

⁴⁶ The identity of the donors would be obvious.

⁴⁷ If the name did appear, the space remaining permits only δ]όντος or ᾄρχ]οντος. Otherwise, the main possibilities are ἐπιμελητεύοντος or γραμματεύοντος.

⁴⁸ IGR. III, 125Google Scholar (Comana); IGR. IV, 223Google Scholar (Pessinus).

⁴⁹ OGIS. II, 533Google Scholar; R. K. Sherk, op. cit. p. 28–29.

⁵⁰ I have aimed at providing a photograph or other facsimile for as many as possible of the inscriptions recorded in this article for the first time. In some cases this has proved impracticable. The remarks of Robert, L. on the subject of illustration (Hellenica XIII (1965), p. 12–13)Google Scholar are entirely just.

⁵¹ A bishop of Nicomedia, named Gerontius, much loved by his people, was deposed by Chrysostom, of whom he was later the accuser (A.D. 403).

⁵² See the remarks on this point of Buckler, /Calder, /Cox, in JRS. XIV (1924), p. 52Google Scholar.

⁵³ Denkmäler, p. 10–11.

⁵⁴ Vorbericht, p. 14.

⁵⁵ The villagers in Çonya cheerfully admitted that they had plundered the ancient site.

⁵⁶ The stone lacks, however, the decoration of tympanum and pediment which is normally associated with the presence of deities (see numerous examples illustrated by Metzger, H. in Catalogue des Monuments Votifs du Musée d'Adalia, Paris, 1952)Google Scholar. Before concluding that this is simply an uninscribed funerary monument to three women, one should note that the pose given to all three (right hand across breast, visible above the folds of clothing) is similar to that of the three female deities shown on Plate VII no. 20 of Metzger's collection. In his remarks on this stone, which comes from Gurma, to the west of Antalya, Metzger remarks (p. 43–44) that the attitude of the divinities differs from that characteristic of the figures on any of the groups of Nymphs known at present. The present group may, therefore, be an as yet unidentified female triad. For triads of male gods in Lycia and Pisidia, see Robert, L., Hellenica X (1955), p. 5–12Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ Denkmäler, p. 108–9.

⁵⁸ Στράβων: MAMA. VII, p. 98, no. 439Google Scholar (Kozanlı); Πραπίς: see Zgusta, , KP. 1302Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ Ramsay, W. M., JHS. IV (1883), p. 23–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Studies in the Eastern Roman Provinces (1906), p. 305–377Google Scholar; Sterrett, J. R. S., WE., p. 226–273Google Scholar, nos. 366–388. Πεδιανός or Πειδρηνός are the only two possibilities here. For other dedications to the Θεὰ Μητήρ (i.e. Cybele) cf. MAMA. VII, p. 1, no. 2Google Scholar (Ladık); p. 97 no. 434 (Kozanlı). For her worship in Asia Minor, under many different names, see RE. XI (1922), 2250–2298 (Schwenn)Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ Denkmäler, p. 73, no. 148 (Palaia Isaura).

⁶¹ Cronin, H. S., JHS. XXII (1902), p. 104–5Google Scholar. L. Robert is almost certainly correct in suggesting (Hellenica XIII (1965), p. 87Google Scholar) that this series represents the boundary between imperial estates administered by the procurator at Kireli and the territory of the city of Mistea.

⁶² Which city controlled the mountains to the east is uncertain. Perhaps, as Robert suggests (op. cit. p. 76), the Orondians of that area formed a non-urban group directly ruled by a procurator. See inscription no. 1 of this article, with comments, and note 43.

⁶³ Sterrett, J. R. S., WE., p. 188Google Scholar. Ramsay, W. M., BSA. IX (1902), p. 263Google Scholar; JRS. XIV (1924), p. 200Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ Denkmäler, p. 44.

⁶⁵ This point is well made by Robert, L. in Hellenica XIII, p. 83Google Scholar, though he appears to have overlooked the boundary stone at Manastır, and its implications.

⁶⁶ It may be Mistea itself, though I regard this as highly unlikely.

⁶⁷ See the Index (Personal names) for the range of names and their distribution. For the limitations of this evidence for “romanisation” see Gren, , Kleinasien, p. 27, n. 88Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ CIL. III, Suppl., 12144.

⁶⁹ Sterrett, J. R. S., WE., p. 189, no. 312Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ For a discussion of συμπολιτευόμενοι ῾Ρώμαιοι in this area, see Denkmäler, p. 75, no. 152. The whole subject of conventus is dealt with by Magie, , RRAM., p. 162–166; p. 1051–1053, n. 6–13Google Scholar; p. 1615–6. The possibility that Augustus also planted out non-colonial groups of veterans is discussed by Broughton, T. R. S. in TAPA. 66 (1935), p. 18–24Google Scholar. For a full treatment of veteran settlement in this area, see now Levick, Roman Colonies, passim.

⁷¹ For collegiate emperors addressed as Theoi Sebastoi, there are many parallels in the indexes of IGR. III and IV. A close parallel from Ladık, (IGR. III, 247)Google Scholar in Θεοῖς Σεβαστοῖς εὐεργέταις Θησεύς.

⁷² Two other uninscribed examples are recorded below: p. 84 (b), 1 and p. 89 (j).

⁷³ See Robert, L., Études Épigraphiques et Philologiques, p. 124, n. 2Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ See also Robert, L., Noms Indigènes, p. 426–7Google Scholar, with note 4.

⁷⁵ cf. Denkmäler, p. 42–3.

⁷⁶ pace Ramsay, who wished to find here the site of Tityassus, (JRS. VII (1917), Plate IX)Google Scholar. Earlier he had placed it at Ibrim Kalesi.

⁷⁷ See Ramsay's remarks in BSA. IX (1902) p. 260fGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁸ They have, however, been listed by Zgusta, in KP., 1290 and 1445Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Sarre, R., Reise in Kleinasien, Sommer 1895, p. 134Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ Vorbericht, p. 32–3.

⁸¹ See Denkmäler, p. 45–6.

⁸² On the cult of Ares the Horseman, see Robert, L., Hellenica III, p. 63–4Google Scholar; X, p. 78.

⁸³ It could be the site of Kasai, Lyrbe or Sennai: cf. Robert, L., RÉG. LXXII, (1959) Bull. Epigr., p. 260Google Scholar. no. 455.

⁸⁴ Denkmäler, p. 125, Abb. 41. I propose to publish elsewhere a discussion of trophies from this district. These bear directly on the history of the region. For an exemplary study of trophies found at Side, see Mansel, A. M., Belleten, Vol. XXX, No. 119, Temmuz 1966, p. 351–375Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ F. Sarre, op. cit., p. 131.

^85a Cf. Anatolian Studies presented to Ramsay, p. 88. For other examples, see Avi-Yonah, , Abbreviations in Greek Inscriptions (Jerusalem, 1940), p. 111Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Sterrett believed that the Roman road took a more direct route (WE., p. 187). The new milestone recorded below (no. 42, p. 84) makes a detour to Amblada more likely.

⁸⁷ WE., p. 129, no. 217.

⁸⁸ The results of earlier exploration are given in Denkmäler, p. 32–39.

⁸⁹ Denkmäler, p. 26, no. 29. For the duties associated with the office of eirenarch, see Magie, , RRAM. II, p. 1514–5, n. 46Google Scholar. For other instances of the paraphylax, see IGR. III, 516Google Scholar (Cadyanda): 640 (Arneae); 649, 560, and 653 (Idebessus).

⁹⁰ For Calpurniani, see PIR. I², II, p. 47, nos. 237–239Google Scholar.

⁹¹ For Vicrii see Schulze, W., Zur Geschichte Lat. Eigennamen (1933), p. 102, 204. 244Google Scholar. He gives their possible origin in ager Amitern., Aquinum, Ariminum and Pisaurum.

⁹² Vol. II (1953), p. 868–883, esp. 868–872.

⁹³ On φιλόπατρις see the comments of Buckler, /Robinson, in AJA. 17 (1913), p. 39–40Google Scholar. On both adjectives see Robert, L., Hellenica XIII (1965), p. 215Google Scholar, with note 4, and earlier, Études ép. et phil., p. 140.

⁹⁴ See no. 21 above and note 92.

⁹⁵ For δημόσιος in a public inscription cf. TAM. III, 1, p. 8Google Scholar, no. 3B, line 16: δημόσιοςδημοσίου χρήματος. Here the term is applied to ager publicus. Was this land belonging to the city, or to Rome?

⁹⁶ On this question see now B. Levick, Roman Colonies, especially ch. 11, “The Absorption of the Colonists and the Decline of Latin.”

⁹⁷ For Phylai in the Greek city-state cf. Szántó, E., Die Griechischen Phylen (Wien, 1901), esp. p. 62–70Google Scholar; also RE. XX (1941), 994–1061Google Scholar, “Phyle” (K. Latte). Heracles appears as the eponymous of a tribe at Iconium (ILS. 9415). The tribes of Ankara are discussed by Bosch, E. in Jahrbuch f. Kleinasiatischen Forschung, III (1955), p. 57–67Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ See Robert, L., Études Épigraphiques et Philologiques, p. 124Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ s.v. Λήναιον.

¹⁰⁰ This inscription was squeezed for me by my young, more agile Turkish companion, whose name I have unfortunately mislaid.

¹⁰¹ Cf. WE., p. 184–5, nos. 302 and 303.

¹⁰² For the first duovir of Iconium see ILS. 9414.

¹⁰³ cf. MAMA. I, 212Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁴ Discussed by Ruge, W. in RE. XVIII (1949), 586–588Google Scholar. The present inscription appears to be the earliest proof of the town's existence so far recorded. Porphyrogenitus, Constantine, in De Them. 14, 37 (ed. Pertusi, )Google Scholar, says that the Thracesion Theme runs through “Anemouteichos” and touches (συνάπτει) Sagalassus. I owe this reference to Miss Jameson.

¹⁰⁵ cf. Denkmäler, p. 125, Abb. 41 (sketch of a similar trophy block).

¹⁰⁶ Vorbericht, p. 19.

¹⁰⁷ Denkmäler, p. 28, recording what appears to be a boundary stone.

¹⁰⁸ Denkmäler, p. 31.

¹⁰⁹ For another epigram from this site, see Robert, L., Revue de Phil., 33 (1959), p. 196–9Google Scholar.

¹¹⁰ For the theme of journeys in verse inscriptions, see Robert, L. in Hellenica II, p. 107–8Google Scholar; IV, p. 47, no. 8; X, p. 281, no. 6; La Carie II, p. 189–190Google Scholar. Examples of men who represented their cities on embassies are common; for instance, Lucius Memmius of Sylloge ³, 8705—πόλλακις πρέσβεα περὶ μεγίστων; and the case examined by Keil, J. in S. B. Bayerische Akad. W., P-H. Kl., 1956, Heft 3Google Scholar: “Ein ephesischer Anwalt des 3. Jahrhunderts durchreist das Imp. Rom.” (= SEG. XVII, 505Google Scholar), who was honoured early in the 3rd century A.D. for services which included (Lines 9–12)—πρεσ[βεύ]σαντα…. εἰς τε τὴν βασίλ[ιδα] ῾Ρώμην πλεόνακις… The prohibition of embassies to the emperor himself is inferred from the formulae in Flavian and later imperial replies. See Williams', W. article, “Antoninus Pius and the Control of Provincial Embassies” in Historia XVI (1967), p. 470–483Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ A similar mark is recorded by Bean, G. in AS. IX (1959), p. 103–4Google Scholar, no. 69B, where he takes it for a rough breathing.

¹¹² See note 92 above.

¹¹³ Men and Attis are normally conflated in this region.

¹¹⁴ Many veterans and soldiers are recorded on funerary inscriptions in this district. See the list given by Buckler, /Calder, /Cox, in JRS. XIV (1924), p. 68Google Scholar. I shall add further examples in another article recording new inscriptions found in Isauria.

¹¹⁵ On stone-cutters from Dokimion, see Robert, L., Journal des Savants, 1962, p. 41–3Google Scholar.

¹¹⁶ (1939), p. 27–62.

¹¹⁷ Almost certainly the same piece figured in Denkmäler, p. 23, Abb. 23.

¹¹⁸ Vorbericht, p. 20.

¹¹⁹ Perhaps the unidentified site near Yalı Hüyük. See Fig. 2.