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The Location of Cilician Ura1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  15 June 2015

Richard H. Beal
Richard H. Beal
Affiliation:
Oriental Institute, University of Chicago
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Extract

Much has been written about the city of Ura in southern Anatolia, which was important in both the Bronze and the Iron Ages. Nevertheless, no fully satisfactory location for Ura has yet been proposed.

The primary text for locating Ura is the Neriglissar Chronicle. This records:

“Appuašu, king of Pirindu mustered his [large] army and set out to plunder and sack Syria (ebir nāri). Neriglissar mustered his army and marched to Ḫume to oppose him. In anticipation of him (i.e. Neriglissar) (lāmišu), Appuašu placed the army and cavalry which he had assembled in a mountain valley in ambush. (When) Neriglissar reached them he inflicted a defeat upon them (and) conquered the large army. He captured his army and numerous horses. He pursued Appuašu for a distance of fifteen double-hours (bēru) through difficult mountains, where men must walk in single file, as far as Ura° his royal city. When(?) he reached it, he seized Ura° and sacked it. When he had marched for a distance of six double hours through rough mountains and difficult passes from Ura° to Kirši—his forefathers' royal city—he captured Kirši, the mighty city, his royal city. He burnt its walls, its palace and its people. Pitusu, a mountain in the midst of the ocean, and six-thousand combat troops stationed therein, he captured by means of ships. He destroyed its city and captured its people. In that same year he started fires from the pass of Sallune to the border of Lydia.”

Type
Research Article
Information
Anatolian Studies , Volume 42 , December 1992 , pp. 65 - 73
Copyright
Copyright © The British Institute at Ankara 1992

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References

2 There was at least one other Ura, a fortress on the border of Azzi KUB 14.17 iii 21–4Google Scholar, w. dupl. KUB 26.79 i 15–17Google Scholar, ed. Gotze, A., AM pp. 98 f.Google Scholar For bibliography and references to the various Ura-s of Anatolia see Laroche, E., RHA XIX/69 (1961):77Google Scholar, Otten, H., IM 17 (1967) 58–60Google Scholar, Kammenhuber, A., OrNS 39 (1970) 556 f.Google Scholar and del Monte, G., RGTC 6 pp. 457 f.Google Scholar no. 2.

3 Ed. Wiseman, D. J., Chronicles of Chaldean Kings (626–556 B.C.) in the British Museum (London, 1956) pp. 74 f.Google Scholar, w. comments on p. 88 and more recently Grayson, A. K., Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles (Locust Valley N.Y., 1975) p. 103Google Scholar w. notes on p. 265.

4 The Historical Geography of Asia Minor, (London: John Murray, 1890) pp. 22, 364Google Scholar, followed by Wiseman, D. J., Chron. p. 88Google Scholar, Laroche, E., Syria 35 (1958): 270–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar, Houwink ten Cate, Ph., Luwian Population Groups of Lycia and Cilicia Aspera during the Hellenistic Period, (Leiden, 1961) pp. 17 fGoogle Scholar, Goetze, A., JCS 16 (1962): 48 w. n. 7Google Scholar, Zadok, R., RGTC 8 (1985) p. 320Google Scholar, and most recently repeated at the 93rd Annual Meeting of the Archaeological Institute of America (Chicago, 1991) by Y. Scarborough and S. Basal “A Preliminary Survey of Olba and Diocaesarea in Rough Cilicia”.

5 A Handbook of Asia Minor III Part 3 (London: Naval Staff Intelligence Department, July 1918), p. 113Google Scholar; Boulanger, R., Turkey, Hachette World Guides (Engl. tr. of Guide Bleu), (Paris, 1970) p. 647Google Scholar. The ruins are identified as Olbē based on epigraphic finds there that refer to the name Olbē (e.g. Bent, Th., JHS XII (1891) 262 f.Google Scholar, no. 45, 269 f. no. 71 and Keil, J. and Wilhelm, A., MAMA III [Manchester, 1931], pp. 44–5, 68 f.Google Scholar).

6 RS 20.04, ed. Nougayrol, J., Ugar. V (1968): 193Google Scholar (no. 100); RS 18.20 + RS 17.371, ed. Nougayrol, J., PRU IV pp. 202–3Google Scholar; RS 17.299, ed. PRU IV pp. 182–4Google Scholar; RS 17.316, ed. PRU IV p. 190Google Scholar (referred to as “merchants of My Majesty”, i.e. of the Hittite king). For discussions see Gordon, C. H., JNES 17 (1958): 28Google Scholar, Albright, W. F., BASOR 163 (1961): 44Google Scholar n. 42, Liverani, M., Storia di Ugarit nell'eta degli archivi politici, Studi Semitici 6 (Rome, 1962) pp. 80–3Google Scholar. The names of the merchants of Ura are primarily Luwian with some Human and Mittannian, see Goetze, A., “Cilicians”, JCS 16 (1962): 48–50Google Scholar. For a mention of merchants of Ura in a Hittite literary text, see Hoffner, H., JCS 22 (1968): 34–8Google Scholar. In fact these Hittite merchants were perceived by the Ugaritans as making so much money in trade that they were buying up all the real estate in Ugarit (RS 17.130 (Ḫatt. III) ed. Nougayrol, J., PRU IV pp. 103–5Google Scholar, see Otten, H., IM 17 (1967): 58Google Scholar).

7 Bo 2810, ed. Klengel, H., AOF I (1974): 172 f.Google Scholar, and cf. Otten, H., IM 17 (1967): 58Google Scholar; see also RS 26.158, ed. Nougayrol, J., Ugar. V (1968): 323 f.Google Scholar (no. 171); RS 20.212, ed. Ugar. V: 105–7Google Scholar (no. 33).

8 To accept Ramsay's equation of Ura with Olba/Olbē, one must be willing to accept that there was a “City of Ura” in the mountains (Ourba) (thus fitting the evidence of the Neriglissar Chronicle and the similarity of name) and 19 miles of mountain track away, a ”Port of Ura” (Korigos or Ayas) (fitting the evidence from Ḫatti and Ugariṭ). Indeed in Classical Period the domain of a small temple state centred on Olbē may well have reached the sea at Ayaş (Elaeussa) (Magie, D., Roman Rule in Asia Minor I p. 269Google Scholar). Bing, D., ”A History of Cilicia During the Assyrian Period”, (Ph.D. Diss., Indiana Univ., 1969), 156Google Scholar, dissociates the Hittite seaport of Ura from the Pirinduan mountain fortress of Ura.

9 Proc. RGS, 1890: 445 f.Google Scholar and JHS XII (1891) 222Google Scholar.

10 Albright, W. F., AJA 65 (1961): 400CrossRefGoogle Scholar and BASOR 163 (1961): 44Google Scholar n. 42, repeated by Güterbock, H. G., JNES 45 (1986): 320Google Scholar w. n. 12. Albright's arguments were dismissed by Goetze, A., JCS 16 (1962) 48 w. n. 7Google Scholar, because he saw no reason that Ura should be a port.

11 Geschichte (1973) p. 321Google Scholar.

12 BASOR 163 (1961): 44 n. 42Google Scholar, followed most recently by Forlanini, M., Vicino Oriente 7 (1988): 145Google Scholar. Guterbock, H. G., JNES 45 (1986): 320Google Scholar argues, (Hittite Ura) “must have been in Cilicia, whether Campestris or Aspera, and may have been near Silifke and the estuary of the Kalykadnos/Göksu”.

13 CRAIBL 1987: 373–7Google Scholar.

14 CRAIBL 1987: 375 w. nn. 29, 31Google Scholar.

15 CRAIBL 1987: 376, 377Google Scholar.

16 Lemaire, and Lozachmeur, , CRAIBL 1987: 372–7Google Scholar.

17 Thureau-Dangin, F., TMB XIIIGoogle Scholar, cited in von Soden, W., AHw 130Google Scholar. CAD B 208–11 gives a definition “over ten kilometers” citing as a source for this Thureau-Dangin, F., JA XIII (1909) 98 f.Google Scholar and Streck, , Asb. II 74 n. 1Google Scholar. The latter, however, based on the Neo-Assyrian annals, gives a figure of c. 8·3 km. (Thureau-Dangin continues however; see below n. 52.) Most recently Powell, M., RLA 7: 467aGoogle Scholar.

18 A Handbook for Asia Minor I (1916) p. 264Google Scholar records that 3½ miles is equivalent to “one horse hour”.

19 Remember that Neriglissar had already passed through the Amanus and so would not have made a fuss over a few low hills (contra Lemaire, and Lozachmeur, , CRAIBL 1987: 376Google Scholar). For this section of road see A Handbook of Asia Minor III/3 pp. 117–20Google Scholar (Route 31). The most difficult section is described as “Gentle ascent over a spur past numerous ancient ruins. Kuru Dere, narrow ravine which the road crosses. On the other side it winds up and down over projecting spurs which rise to a height of about 300 ft.” This (the only section even remotely difficult) is probably about a mile or two long.

20 A Handbook of Asia Minor I pp. 263–4Google Scholar.

21 A Handbook of Asia Minor I pp. 263 f.Google Scholar

22 Vogel, K. in The Cambridge Medieval History vol. IV/2, Cambridge, 1967, p. 295Google Scholar.

23 Der kleine Pauly (1975) s.v. Stephanos §6 states: “Die eigentl. geogr. Angaben sind alles andere als zuverlässig (mehrmalige Behandlung eines und deselben Ortes unter orthogr. leicht variierter Namen, Missverständnisse seiner Quellen).”

24 In the entry for “Seleukeia”, cf. Stephani Byzantii: Ethnicorum Quae Supersunt, ed. by Meineke, August, Berlin: G. Reimeri, 1849, p. 560Google Scholar.

25 (in the entry for Huria, cf. Meineke, , Stephani Byzantii pp. 651 f.Google Scholar).

26 Natural History 5.22.93, ed. H. Rackham, Loeb Classical Library edition, vol. 2, pp. 290 f.

27 Strabo 14.5.10, ed. H. L. Jones, Loeb Classical Library Edition, vol. 6, pp. 342 f. Strabo says that it had a prominent temple of Zeus. For the identification of the site with the ruins with their prominent temple near Uzuncaburç see above n. 5. Uzuncaburç lies in the same mountain range that passes behind Soli, but is somewhat to the west.

Both Strabo and Stephan know of another Olbē on the southern coast of Anatolia, this in western Pamphylia (Strabo 14.4.1, Stephan p. 489).

28 Strabo 14.5.4, ed. Loeb edition vol. 6 pp. 332 f.

29 Cf. under the entry “Holmoi” (cf. Meineke, , Stephani Byzantii p. 490Google Scholar). The ”Seleukeia” entry preserves mention of Holmia as a textual variant to Olbia.

30 Since there seems to have been only one city called Hermia/Holmoi, it is likely that one of these two names is the correct name of the city in question.

31 Pauly-Wissowa Ser. 1 vol. 17 s.v. Hyria lists three, one north of Vesuvius, one in Calabria and one having to do with Zakynthos or Paros. Stephan lists eight Olbia's—in Liguria, Pontos, Bithynia, Pamphylia, Iberia, Sardinia, Illyria, and the Hellespont—not including the one in Cilicia.

32 A Handbook of Asia Minor III/3 pp. 92–6Google Scholar (route 17). Compare the description in n. 19 above to the description of the route from Gilindere to Silifke: (mile 208 [from Alaniya]) Kilindria.. crosses a sharp promontory … (mile 214½) Bay on the r., from which the track ascends by a narrow winding path, (mile 218) Road crosses the Dobadyr Su (anc. Melanus) to Babadul on the E. side of the valley, (mile 222½) Ascent over a mountain spur. General direction now SE over rocky heights, (mile 229) Bay of Porto Cavaliere. Ascent over the rocky ridge of Capo Cavaliere (anc. Zephyrium). (mile 233) Difficult descent to a bay lying between Capo Cavaliere and a flat tongue of land to NE. … (mile 240½) Track … descending steeply, (mile 243) Foot of descent. … (mile 256) Selefke.” Note: the stretch of road west of Gilindere to Alaniya is even more mountainous.

33 Strabo 14.5.1–3 (Loeb Lib. ed. vol. 6 pp. 326–33).

34 Strabo 14.5.3 (Loeb Lib. ed. vol. 6 pp. 332 f.).

35 A Handbook of Asia Minor III/3 p. 147Google Scholar.

36 Turkey vol. I, London: Naval Intelligence Division, April 1942, p. 98Google Scholar. For a woodcut print of ships in the harbour of Gilindere see Carne, J., Syria, the Holy Land, Asia Minor (London: Fisher, son, 1836) opposite p. 71Google Scholar. The text (pp. 71–3) mentions and describes the route to the interior of Anatolia and notes the importance of the port for trading with Cyprus.

37 Bittel, K., AA [1939] 126 w. illus. 15Google Scholar, Kohlmeyer, K., AcPrAr 15 [1983] 102 f.Google Scholar

38 Laroche, E. apud Mellink, M., AJA 76 (1972): 171Google Scholar:

39 Laroche, E., apud, Mellink, M., AJA 78 (1974): 111Google Scholar. H. G. Güterbock, personal communication, thinks the evidence is still too poor to make such an identification.

40 A Handbook of Asia Minor III/3 p. 106Google Scholar.

41 Ramsay, W. M., The Historical Geography of Asia Minor, p. 350Google Scholar. I do not intend to deny that the branch of this road going Karaman, Mut, Silifke was not also used in Hittite times for there is a stretch of paved Hittite road and a Hittite rock relief at Keben between Mut and Silifke (Kohlmeyer, K., AcPrAr 15 (1983): 102, 152Google Scholar [Tafel 40]).

42 The Admiralty's A Handbook for Asia Minor III/3 (1918) p. 106Google Scholar calls the route (no. 26) from Kilindria to Gülnar (Aine Bazar) a “track”, but it is not described in detail, so apparently none of the compilers of the handbook had taken it. The Admiralty's Turkey vol. I (1942) p. 98Google Scholar states, “a rough cart-road leads inland to Gülnar”.

43 See Engels, D., Alexander the Great and the Logistics of the Macedonian Army, pp. 15 f.Google Scholar

44 Vol. I pp. 164 f.

45 Bo 86/299 esp. i. 55–61, ed. Otten, H., StBoT Beih. 1 (1988): 12 f.Google Scholar, discussion 36 f.

46 RS 17.130, w. dupl. RS 17.461 and RS 18.03, ed. Nougayrol, J., PRU IV: 103–5Google Scholar.

47 RS 17.316, ed. Nougayrol, J., PRU IV: 190Google Scholar.

48 Perhaps even that mentioned above n. 19.

49 Against Otten, H., IM 17 (1967): 59Google Scholar, there is no reason to conclude from this document “daß zumindest im 13. Jh. der Handel von Ura aus weitgehend im Königsauftrag zu erfolgen scheint”.

50 A battle fought at either Kaleköy or one of the Amanus passes, of course, indicates that Appuašu controlled Ḫume before the battle. The question of whether Ḫume was Babylonian or Pirinduan before the war, however, is in debate. (See Albright, W. F., BASOR 120 [1950]: 22–5Google Scholar [Babylonian]; Houwink ten Cate, Ph., Luwian Population Groups of Lycia and Cilicia Aspera During the Hellenistic Period, DMOA 10 [1961] pp. 27–30Google Scholar [Babylonian, w. bibliog. to the contrary], Hawkins, J. D., CAH III/1 [1982] p. 434Google Scholar [Pirinduan?], Desideri, P. and Jasink, A. M., Cilicia [1990] pp. 165–75Google Scholar [Babylonian]). If Ḫume was previously Babylonian, one could argue that it fell quickly to Appuašu, an embarrasing fact omitted from the Chronicle. Appuašu was then in a position to attack Syria (proper). “Before his (Neriglissar's arrival),” Appuašu could have attempted to defend the Amanus passes, and, defeated in this, fled the length of the Cilician Plain back to the mountains leaving Ḫume to its former masters. Neriglissar's rapid advance across Ḫume and the Chronicle's lack of mention of sacks of Adana and Tarsus (which he must have gone through) would be explainable if they were friendly territory that he was liberating. The alternative, that Neriglissar's conquest of the best half of Appuašu's kingdom went unremarked upon in the Chronicle seems unlikely. Thus it seems more plausible that Ḫume was Babylonian before the war.

51 One need not adopt the untenable suggestion of Desideri, P. and Jasink, A. M., Cilicia (Turin, 1990): 168 f.Google Scholar, that Ebir nāri, literally “across the river”, refers to Ḫume which was ”across the river (Tarsus Çay/Cydnus)” from Pirindu to accept their suggestion that the battle was fought on the western edge of Ḫume. (For Ebir Nāri = Syria see CAD E:8, von Soden, W., AHw p. 181bGoogle Scholar; Zadok, R., RGTC 8 p. 129Google Scholar, w. bibliog.) The Babylonian Chronicle does not state that Appuašu actually reached Eāir nari, only that he intended to go there or was heading in that direction (”set his face to”). Appuašu's threat to Syria (Ebir nāri) could be explained either by Babylonian spies' reports of his ultimate intentions plus a bit of Babylonian paranoia or by assuming that the Ḫume which Appuašu actually was threatening was a subprovince of Syria. One should note that the Babylonian Chronicle does not mention the fall of Babylonian (see previous note) Ḫume to Appuašu. Nor does the chronicle actually say that the battle was fought before Neriglissar arrived at Ḫume-city (Adana?), although that remains a possibility. The Akkadian lāmišu means simply “in anticipation of him”. Most likely, it means no more than that Appuašu chose a site for battle on hearing of Neriglissar's approach.

52 Thureau-Dangin, F., TMB XIIIGoogle Scholar, while giving the exact number of smaller units in the bēru used in mathematical texts, a sort of statute-bēru, reminds his readers about the beru in a footnote: “c'est le chemin fait pendant une heure babylonienne qui équivaut à deux de nos heures”.

53 A Handbook of Asia Minor I p. 263Google Scholar.

54 After Kirši, Neriglissar mentions taking Pitusu. This seems likely to be equivalent to Classical Pityussa (Πιτουοῦσσα), seven of which are attested (Pauly-Wissowa 40 col. 1884 f.). The only one in question is curiously not mentioned by Strabo but only in Stradiasmos maris magni 187 and in the Acts of St. Barnabas. The latter reads: “We set out to Korasion and there was a spring in the beach. From there we set out to Palaia of Isauria and from there to some island called Pityussa. From there we sailed by ‘the quoins’ (Τὰς Ἀκονησίας) and set out to the city of Anamur.” (Tomaschek, W., SÖAW 124/8 [1891] 64Google Scholar). St. Barnabas's Pityussa and by implication Neriglissar's Pitusu, is thus presumably to be equated with Kargıncık Adası (known to Tomaschek as Provensal and Manavat and in Pauly-Wissowa as Dana Adası), a tiny island off the coast between Silifke and Gilindere. Assuming this equation is correct, we have to assume that Neriglissar had bypassed this fortress the first time since it was too difficult to take and yet not blocking his way, while on the way home he had nothing better to do, or perhaps his navy had by now arrived, and so he assaulted it.

55 One should note that this argument appears to strengthen rather than weaken Lemaire and Lozachmeur's suggestion that Kirši is to be located at Meydancıkkalesi. One hopes that the excavations just begun by Dr. Zoroğlu at Gilindere will one day uncover a pre-Classical city.