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The Inscriptions from the so-called “Library” at Cremna
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 23 December 2013
Extract
In July 1985, the opportunity was afforded to participate in a Surface Survey at the Roman Colony of Cremna in Pisidia. Coincidentally, 1985 marked the centenary of the visit there by the first traveller to publish a still useful site plan.
One building only has been excavated at Cremna (Pl. VII, a). As a result of the discovery by local villagers of several statues during illegal digging at the site, a team led by Professor Jale İnan of the University of Istanbul fully cleared this building in a short season during 1970. Professor İnan has provided an admirable preliminary report of the building and of the ten statues, and Professor Bean undertook publication of the inscriptions found in the building, mostly statue bases and mostly in Greek. Bean had to work from copies, squeezes and photographs: some improvements to his versions are offered below. Because his publication of these texts appeared while SEG was in abeyance, they were picked up only by J. and L. Robert in Bulletin épigraphique. So although there is no inscription here of outstanding individual importance it seemed worthwhile to republish them all here in a more accurate form and with more detailed information. There are three texts not published by Bean (nos. 3, 4 and 9 below). Fuller texts than those given by him have been provided in two cases (nos. 7 and 8 below).
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- Copyright © The British Institute at Ankara 1987
References
1 The Survey, authorized by the Eski Eserler ve Müzeler Genel Müdürlüǧü, was undertaken by a team under the direction of Dr. S. Mitchell. It has been at his invitation that I have worked on these inscriptions; and I am especially grateful for his comments on this article at various stages, as also to Dr. M. Waelkens for his scrutiny of it, particularly in relation to the mouldings on the statue bases. Appreciation should also be recorded for the co-operation of our government representative, Bay Mehmet Armaǧan (Konya Ereǧlisi Muzesi). My participation in this venture was made possible by financial subventions from the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara, Macquarie University, and the Australian Institute of Archaeology. Figure 1 was drawn by Mrs. E. Thompson. Most of the plates have been provided by Dr. Mitchell.
2 Lanckoronski, K., Die Städte Pamphyliens und Pisidiens (2 vols., Vienna, 1890, 1892), I. 161–72Google Scholar.
3 Now housed in Burdur Müzesi.
4 İnan, J., “1970 Kremna Kazısı Raporu”, TAD 19 (1970 [1972]) 51–97Google Scholar.
5 G. E. Bean, ibid., 99–102.
6 BE (1973) 475Google Scholar.
7 Since writing this article I have heard from Dr. Mitchell that the top portion of the block carrying this inscription has been deliberately smashed. This occurred between a visit to the site by us at the beginning of July 1986, when the base was still intact, and the transfer of the team from Sagalassos to Cremna three weeks later.
8 The only close parallels to Panages as a name are: (i) Panagis, in O. Tait 2 (1955) 2113Google Scholar, mentioned in an order to supply 50 modii of wheat (dated IV or V by the edd.); but the reading is not certain: 
; and (ii) Panagieus, in P. XV Congr. (1979) 13 (Philadelphia[?], after 37 A.D.)Google Scholar named as a householder in a house-by-house survey. The same man may be referred to in P. Lond. 2 (1898) 257Google Scholar. 152 (Philadelphia, 94/5), where the abbreviate name Πανᾳγι( ) occurs. On the link see ed. n. to the P. XV Congr. text.
The adjective is used of Vestal Virgins (παναγὴς παρθένος, Plut., Quaest. Rom. 96Google Scholar = Mor. 286E; Cam. 20. 6) as well as of the sacrosanctitas of the tribunus plebis (e.g., D.H. 6. 89. 4, 8. 87. 8, 9.44. 7). Dio Chrysostom speaks of Kassandra as παναγῆ κόρην (orat. 11. 153). At some time before 269 A.D., P. Herennius Dexippus is spoken of as ἱερέα παναγῆ in an honorific inscription at Athens (IG III. 1 [1878] 716.6Google Scholar). There is mention of τοῦ παναγεστάτου Μαξιμίνου at Eus. de mart. Pal. 13. 10 (Migne, , PG 20. 1517Google Scholar). The total number of literary attestations of the adjective is 25. I am grateful to Professor T. Brunner for providing a search through the TLG data bank.
9 For another example, not far removed in time, where the text (an honorific one) concludes with ἡ πάτρις, note SEG 29. 1439 (Oinoanda, after 212–14 A.D.)Google Scholar.
10 On the presence and absence of iota adscript in the inscriptions identified as carved by a single mason in late II/early I B.C. Greece, see Tracy, S. V., The Lettering of an Athenian Mason (Hesperia Suppl. XV; Princeton, 1975) 100–1Google Scholar. His observation, that the adscript is normally retained for the dative but elsewhere omitted, fits with what we find on this inscription except for ᾧ (1.10).
11 Only one temple has been located at Cremna to date: it lies a little west of the Nymphaeum, but there is nothing on the surface to aid its identification.
12 Now housed in Burdur Museum. This is the larger of the two Athenas recovered. For description see İnan, art. cit., 63–5, no. 2 (pl. XIX. 1).
13 Suggestion of Dr. Mitchell.
14 The only feature to give us pause in this regard in the inscription is the diamond-shaped phis, if Tracy is right (op. cit., 5 n. 12) that such avoidance of curved letters may be a sign of haste.
15 İnan, art. cit., 71–2 no. 10 (pl. XXIV. 1–2).
16 The adjective occurs in an inscription from Cremna found last century: CIG III. 4379Google Scholar. On patronymica in -ianos see Laminger-Pascher, G., Index Grammaticus zu den griechischen Inschriften Kilikiens und Isauriens I (Öst. Ak. der Wiss., ph.-hist. Kl., Sitz. 284. 3; Vienna, 1973) 48–51Google Scholar.
17 Per litt., 1 Sept. 1986. On this general question see Cameron, A., “Polyonomy in the Late Roman Aristocracy”, JRS 75 (1985) 164–82Google Scholar.
18 Cameron, ibid., 173.
19 Levick, B., Roman Colonies in Southern Asia Minor (Oxford, 1967) 79Google Scholar.
20 Examples from elsewhere: Preserved probably from Comama, another of the Augustan colonies, is an inscription (SEG 19 [1963] 830Google Scholar; not before II A.D.) in which someone's achievements are listed: ––– ∣…ἄρξαντα τήν τε πρώτην δυανδ
[ί]αν, ἀλλὰ καί τήν ἐπώνυμον πενταετηρι∣κὴν δυανδρίαν,κτλ. (ll. 1–3). For the distinction between the two posts of duovir and quinquennalis at the other Augustan colonies in Pisidia see Levick, op. cit., 81 n. 2. From Pontic Sinope comes confirmation: CIL III Suppl. 1 (1902) 3980Google Scholar, in which the positions held by C. Numisius Sp. f. included being duovir twice and duovir quinquennalis. Another text from there, AE (1916) 120Google Scholar, refers to a man as IIviro, IIvir(o) q(uin)q(uennali), IIv(i)r(o) III (i.e., ter, though the text becomes suspect at that point). Note also CIL III. 1 (1873) 392Google Scholar (Alexandria Troas), in which a man is duovir twice and duovir quinquennalis.
21 Later, by early IV A.D., duoviri are not always drawn from aristocratic families, though this was the norm. For two examples of men of slender means see de Ste Croix, G.E.M., The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World (London, 1981) 467Google Scholar.
22 On the basilica see Perkins, J. B. Ward/Ballance, M., “The Caesareum at Cyrene and the Basilica at Cremna”, PBSR 26 (1958) 137–94Google Scholar.
23 Willems, P., Le Droit public romain (Louvain, 1910Google Scholar; repr. Amsterdam, 19727) 535—6—referred to by Calder—is not germane to the point at issue here.
24 For the references to Ramsay and recent reconsideration of this text see Jones, C. P., “Neryllinus”, CPh 80 (1985) 40–5Google Scholar.
25 The exception is no. 11 below, if in fact it really is part of the group.
26 İnan, art. cit., 62–3 (pl. XVIII. 2).
27 Bieber, M., Ancient Copies. Contributions to the History of Greek & Roman Art (New York, 1977) 45Google Scholar.
28 Ibid. A Nemesis also survives modelled on this same Venus of Capua style.
29 Huskinson, J., Roman Sculpture from Cyrenaica in the British Museum (CSIR II. 1; London, 1975) no. 50 (pl. 21)Google Scholar. For the difficulty of distinguishing a Tyche from a local city goddess see Vermeule, C. C., Roman Imperial Art in Greece and Asia Minor (Cambridge [Mass.], 1968) 56, 122CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Affinities occur also between the seated Tyche and Cybele types such that they are not always possible to distinguish. Note Budde, L./Nicholls, R., A Catalogue of Greek and Roman Sculpture in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge (Cambridge, 1964) 65 n. 2Google Scholar; cf. Hanfmann, G. M. A./Ramage, N. R., Sculpture from Sardis: The Finds Through 1975 (Archaeological Exploration of Sardis, Report 2; Cambridge [Mass.], 1978) 83 with fig. 306Google Scholar.
30 Op. cit, 150 n. 2.
31 Cf. Bean's comment on no. 3, p. 100, that it was customary for these two civic bodies to set up statues to each other.
32 This feature occurs also in no. 7, 1. 8.
33 For another use of a flawed stone cf. no. 15 below. In an honorific inscription (Theangela in Karia, probably I B.C. ) for Minnion—ed. pr. Şahin, Ç./Engelmann, H., ZPE 34 (1979) 213–15Google Scholar no. 2 (pl. XIb; cf. SEG 29. 1089Google Scholar)—the mason had to cope with flaws on the stone at (surviving) ll. 13, 18, 19, 25. In the first and third of these places words are actually broken in two: πο∣(ν.)λιτήαν (12–13), Ἀν∣τιοχή(ν.)αι (18–19).
34 Cf. the spelling of this name in no. 7, 1. 7, where a single lambda was also carved.
35 This was noticed by Miss Sarah Cormack.
36 Two other unpeblished inscriptions located at Cremna in 1985 indicate the high-profile presence of Rutilii. A grey limestone octagonal base lying in front of the Nymphaeum steps carries an honorific inscription for M. Ulpius Asclepiodorus Rutilius Longus. In the Colonnaded Street was found a rectangular block of grey limestone, set up by Flavia Rustikilliane Rutilia for P. Ulpius Avidianus Rutilius Propincus. The prosopographical questions raised by these and other texts at Cremna will be explored elsewhere by Dr. Mitchell.
37 For description see İnan, art. cit., 68–9, no. 6 (pl. XXI. 1).
38 For description see İnan, art. cit., 65, no. 3 (pl. XIX. 2).
39 ΦΛΑ in no. 2; ΦΛ in no. 5 and no. 9.
40 For the non-doubling of lambda in this name cf. the commentary on no. 5 above.
41 Ĺnan, art. cit., 69–70, no. 8 (pl. XXII. 1–2).
42 See commentary on no. 13, below.
43 For description see İnan, art. cit., 65–6, no. 4 (pl. XX. 1).
44 In the grounds of the Afyon Museum there is an unpublished colossal Herakles statue on a base with a metrical inscription (Prymnessos [modern Süǧlün, 5 km. from Afyon], Imperial period). Three different styles of alpha occur: A, 
, and 
. The first two occur within one word twice: TAX
(1. 3), 
(1. 3). The third style is confined to three occurrences in the second line of this four-line metrical text.
45 For a description see İnan, art. cit., 70–1, no. 9 (pl. XXIII. 1–3).
46 See Levick, op. cit., 149.
47 İnan, art. cit., 69, no. 7 (pl. XXI. 2).
48 Ibid., pl. VII.
49 Cf. the names Tertyllus and Tertyla in Dessau, , ILS III, 2.9079 and I.1628Google Scholar respectively. Referring to the name Neryllinus Jones, C. P., CPh 80 (1985) 44Google Scholar, warns against detecting anything significant in the use of Y for V.
50 The wording which forms Bean's restoration occurs on no. 15, below.
51 The width of O was calculated as being the same as Q.
52 It is not essential that it be linked with the Asklepios base; that is simply where we found it. Yet its dimensions make it a good match for that monument. Contrast the third block of the Hygeia base, no. 8 above.
53 For description see İnan, art. cit., 66–8 no. 5, (pl. XX. 2).
54 Op cit., 151 n. 4.
55 CIL III suppl. 1, 6880Google Scholar; Sterrett, J. S., The Wolfe Expedition to Asia Minor (Boston 1888) 445Google Scholar.
56 Misplacement of καί in metrical texts is attested by, e.g., IGUR III. 1369. 3 (Rome, n.d.)Google Scholar, ἡρπάγη νέος φίλοισιν Ἱπποθόῃ καὶ συνβίῳ.
57 Frühe Denkmäler Roms in Kleinasien (MDAI Beiheft 23; Tübingen, 1979) 68–90Google Scholar.
58 Cf. Robert, L., Hellenica 11/12 (1960) 124 n. 2Google Scholar.
59 Fontrier, A., BCH 11 (1887) 100–1Google Scholar, no. 23; he glosses the word with “palais”.
60 IGRR 4. 1290Google Scholar with Robert's, n. in BE (1973) 475Google Scholar, ad fin.
61 SEG 4 (1930) 639Google Scholar; cf. Buckler, W. H./Robinson, D. M., Sardis VII: Greek and Roman Inscriptions, 1 (Leyden, 1932) 63Google Scholar.
62 CIG 2782. 25–6Google Scholar; cf. BE (1973) 475Google Scholar, ad fin. But Mrs. C. Roueché has informed me (per litt., 17 Sept. 1986) that she has checked Leake's notebook at Cambridge; at this point in the text he read τὸν ἐμβασιλικόν, “with no indication of any doubt or difficulty”.
63 I am grateful to Professor T. Brunner for conducting a search for me through the TLG material, in November 1985.
64 Art. cit., 102.
65 It should be remembered that only 1. 1 is extant of no. 4, only ll. 1–2 of both no. 10 and no. 11; for no. 8 we have to rely on Bean's version for ll. 2–7.
66 For the presence of spaces on the stone as a significant element in a mason's work see Tracy, op. cit., 95, 99.
67 Though note no. 7 with the mistaken ΦΑ, no. 9 with 
.
68 The orthographical difference is phonologically inconsequential for the period, given also that it is a transliteration of Latin –v–. For interchange of ου/υ in papyri of this period see Gignac, F. T., A Grammar of the Greek Papyri of the Roman and Byzantine Periods, I (Milan, 1976) 208, 214–15Google Scholar.
69 Serifs also occur in nos. 12 and 15, but they are not part of the group under discussion. On variation in the use of serifs and their irregular occurrence in the work of an individual mason see Tracy, op. cit., 8, 92.
70 This possibility (it can be no more than that) is suggested by the different grammatical order of words in the first couple of lines of each (point (ii) above).
71 Dr. Mitchell's suggestion.
72 Gibson, E., The “Christians for Christians” Inscriptions of Phrygia (Harvard Theological Studies 32; Missoula 1978) 41–43Google Scholar; ead., ZPE 28 (1978) 7–9Google Scholar; Waelkens, M. in Actes du VIIe Congrès international d'épigraphie grecque et latine, Constantza, 1977, ed. Pippidi, D. M. (Paris, 1979), 105–28Google Scholar; id., AJA 89 (1985) 641–53. Elsewhere: Helly, B., Actes … Constantza, 63–90 (Thessaly)Google Scholar; L. Teposu-Marinescu, ibid., 482 (Dacia; summary only). Cf. the useful more general essay on workshops by G. Susini in the same volume (45–62).
73 Op cit. Note also his identification of five letter-cutters at Athens in the century 230–130 B.C., Hesperia 47 (1978) 244–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar. An important conclusion of this study is that nearly one-third of the inscriptions at Athens from this period were cut by one of these five individuals. In a more recent study he identifies three fifth-century hands: “Hands in Fifth-Century B.C. Attic Inscriptions”, in Studies Presented to S. Dow on his Eightieth Birthday (Durham, N. C., 1984) 277–82Google Scholar. For Tracy's predecessors in this type of work see the bibliography in his monograph, but note especially Wade-Gery, H. T., “A distinctive Attic Hand”, BSA 33 (1932/1933) 122–35Google Scholar.
74 Cf. Tracy (1975), op. cit., 110, 115, 122.
75 Cf. ibid., 117. Cf. Susini, G., The Roman Stonecutter (ET: Oxford, 1973) 46–47Google Scholar. Explicit testimony to the exemplar being written on a wax tablet is provided by IGUR III. 1167. 3–4 (Rome, n.d.)Google Scholar, νῦν δέ σοι τήνδε γραφὴν θήσω χάριν, ἦς ἀπὸ κηροῦ ∣ ἀντίτυπον ῥεύσει τοῖς δακρύοις χάριτα. The sense of this passage is difficult: see Moretti's n., ad loc. I take it that the brother who erects this epitaph means that he will retain its wording on a wax tablet, and whenever he looks at it the memory of his sister will make him shed tears over it.
76 On the reasons for these being intruders see the appropriate commentary to each above.
77 See commentary above, ad loc.
78 İnan, art. cit., 63–5.
79 Ibid., 68–9.
80 Ibid., 69.
81 This was suggested above in the discussion of no. 9.
82 For the practice elsewhere (Athens, Lindos, etc.), see Jones, C. P., The Roman World of Dio Chrysostom (Cambridge [Mass.], 1978) 29CrossRefGoogle Scholar with nn. 28, 29 on p. 169. The editor of the Loeb volume adduces further references in a note, ad loc.
83 It was Dr. Mitchell who first raised this possibility with me. The case in favour of building Q being part of a bath complex has now been argued in some detail by Cormack, Sarah, An Architectural Study of the Roman Colony of Cremna (unpub. M. A. thesis, University College, Swansea, 1986) 56–90Google Scholar.
84 Cf. Pisidian Antioch, where the baths are almost at the town walls on the NW edge of the city, and below the level of the nymphaeum.
85 Vermeule, C. C., Roman Imperial Art in Greece and Asia Minor (Cambridge [Mass.], 1968) 95CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
86 See further the commentary on this inscription, above.
87 Per litt., 28 July, 1986.
88 Levick's suggestion, op. cit., 35–8, that Colonia Cremna was founded in 25 B.C. depends somewhat on an argument from probability (ibid., 37). It may be a later foundation. Cf. Bowie, E. L., JRS 60 (1970) 204Google Scholar; Mitchell, S., Historia 28 (1979) 409–10 nn. 1, 4Google Scholar.
89 See Levick, op. cit., 149–53.
90 Whereas the inscriptions were probably carved locally, the marble statues were almost certainly imports, as Dr. Waelkens pointed out to me. Although well made, yet they were not in every case finished completely. Of the three nude statues, Aphrodite, Herakles and Apollo, the last two still possess their measuring points, on the back, used for copying statues.