Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-t7fkt Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-22T04:18:47.178Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Western Anatolia in the Thirteenth Century B.C. according to the Hittite Sources*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 December 2013

Itamar Singer
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

The redating of certain Hittite texts – notably the Indictment of Madduwatta and the annals of Tudhaliya and Arnuwanda – from the end of the thirteenth century to the turn of the fifteenth has been one of the most discussed Hittitological subjects in recent years. The sudden availability of sources covering a previously poorly known period in Hittite history has naturally brought about an intense preoccupation with the Early Hittite Empire, largely overshadowing the less “fortunate” side of the redating, the “deprivation” of the main body of sources relating to western Anatolia in the second half of the thirteenth century. The situation is aptly demonstrated in the most recent comprehensive study on Arzawa, where the chapter dealing with the period after Muwatalli to the end of the Hittite Empire barely covers 16 pages, in contrast to the far more abundant documentation on the fourteenth century.

Type
Research Article
Information
Anatolian Studies , Volume 33 , December 1983 , pp. 205 - 217
Copyright
Copyright © The British Institute at Ankara 1983

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 See Heinhold-Krahmer, S. in Texte der Hethiter, Heft 9(1979)Google Scholar, Chap. I, and review by Gurney, O. R., OLZ 77(1982), 560 ffGoogle Scholar.

2 Heinhold-Krahmer, Susanne, Arzawa (TdH 8, 1977)Google Scholar, Ch. VI. Cf. critical review by Bryce, T. R., BiOr 36 (1979), 60 ffGoogle Scholar. See also Jewell, Elizabeth, The Archaeology and History of Western Anatolia During the Second Millenium, B.C. (University Microfilms 1974), Ch. XIVGoogle Scholar.

3 AfO Beiheft 19(1982), 130 ffGoogle Scholar. (henceforth Mil.).

4 AJA 87(1983), 133 ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a summary of the archaeological evidence, applied to the Ahhiyawa=Achaians theory, see M. Mellink, id. 138 ff.

5 CAH II3, Ch. XXVIII (fasc. 68, 1969).

6 See particularly Mellaart, J., Mélanges Mansel 1(1974), 493 ff.Google Scholar; idem, The Archaeology of Ancient Turkey(1978), 70 ff.

7 See the detailed argumentation in Heinhold-Krahmer, , Arzawa, 136 ffGoogle Scholar.

8a For a recent assessment of the Ahhiyawa = Achaians theory, with which I fully agree, see Güterbock, H. G., AJA 87, 133 ff. (especially p. 138)Google Scholar.

8 For guršauwananza “to the islands” see Starke, F., KZ 95(1981), 132 ffGoogle Scholar.

9 See Bryce, T. R., BiOr 36(1979), 63Google Scholar; Or 48(1979), 96Google Scholar20.

10 Nowicki, H., Festschrift G. Neumann(1982), 227 ffGoogle Scholar.

11 Sommer, F., Die Ahhijava-Urkunden(1932), 314 f.Google Scholar; Garstang, J.–Gurney, O. R., The Geography of the Hittite Empire(1959), 120 f.Google Scholar; The following restoration of 1. 3 f. was suggested by D. Easton in a paper read at the Fifth International Colloquium on Aegean Prehistory Sheffield 1980.

12 For :wašdazza, a Luwian acc. pl. for “offence, guilt” see Laroche, E., Dictionnaire de la Langue Louvite(1959), 109Google Scholar; Starke, F., Or 50(1981), 470 f.Google Scholar For išhunahh- “geringschätzig behandeln” see Oettinger, N., MSS 35(1976), 94Google Scholar. Literally translated nu=wa=ši wašdazza išhunahhuen would be “(for) him we looked down on the sins”. Could the conjectural rendering suggested above, which provides a sensible meaning in this context, be included in the semantic range of išhunahh-?

13 Thus against the traditional dating to Tudhaliya IV. D. Easton, op. cit. suggested a Muwatalli dating, whereas Güterbock, H. G., AJA 87(1983), 13726CrossRefGoogle Scholar a Hattušili III dating.

14 Op. cit. 138.

15 Ägyptische Ärzte und ägyptische Medizin am hethitischen Königshof(1976), 31 ff., 53 ff., 67 ffGoogle Scholar.

16 Houwink ten Cate, Ph. H. J., The Records of the Early Hittite Empire(1970), 73105Google Scholar; Laroche, E., Revue Archéologique 1976, 15 ffGoogle Scholar.

17 JNES 33(1974), 395 ff.Google Scholar: Antichthon 13(1979), 1 ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

18 ZA 43(1936), 326 fGoogle Scholar. AJA 87(1983), 135Google Scholar. Also Page, D., History and the Homeric Iliad(1959), 3243Google Scholar; Cate, Houwink tenapud Crossland, R. A. and Birchall, Ann, Bronze Age Migrations in the Aegean(1974), 150 f.Google Scholar; E. Jewell, loc. cit., 328. Košak, S., Linguistica 20 (1980), 41Google Scholar. Sommer, , AU 36 1 also considered this dating possibilityGoogle Scholar.

19 Archi, A., OrAnt 14(1975), 321 ff.Google Scholar, who examined the various copies of the Alakšandu treaty and the Prayer to the pihaššašši Storm-god, has found that in texts of Muwatalli the old and the new forms still alternate frequently, as in texts dated to Muršili II. A more distinct transition only occurs under Hattušili, though obviously it is by no means absolute. See also Kammenhuber, A. a. o., TdH 9(1979), 95 ff.Google Scholar and Hoffner, H.,Mil., 13627Google Scholar.

20 See Kammenhuber a. o., op. cit. 255 ff.; Hoffner, ib.

21 See Sommer, , AU, 34 ffGoogle Scholar. and especially 361.

22 Houwink ten Cate, op. cit., 150 f.; for Kurunta see also Edel, , Äzte, 82 ffGoogle Scholar.

23 Forrer, E., Forschungen I/2(1926), 90 ff.Google Scholar; Sommer, , AU, 36Google Scholar; Cavaignac, E., RHA II/11(1933), 101 f.Google Scholar; Huxley, G. L., Achaeans and Hittites(1960), 2;Google ScholarMacqueen, J. G., AnSt 18(1968), 176104Google Scholar; Heinhold-Krahmer, , Arzawa, 176Google Scholar; Bryce, T. R., Or 48(1979), 63Google Scholar.

24 Incidentally, this authorship of the letter provides a nice combination between the allusion to Hattušili's youth, when he learned riding on a chariot from Dabala-Tarhunda the charioteer (II 61 f.), and his autobiographical note that as a youngster he served as a groom (KUŠKA.TAB.ANŠU Hatt. I 12).

25 Col. II 9–20 (AJA 87, 135 f.Google Scholar). The same applies, in my view, to I 73 (see below) and perhaps IV 55 f.

26 For the equation of the TARTĒNU and the tuhkanti see now O. R. Gurney in this volume.

27 More than half of the line is written over an erasure (AU 84), which makes the reading difficult, especially here. Götze, A., OLZ 1930Google Scholar, 289 read [U-U]L-ši-ma-aš mT. and translated “er (war) sich nicht aber T.” Originally I left the damaged beginning of 1. 71 unrestored. Professor Gurney has pointed out to me that [U-U]L me-ma-aš is in fact compatible with the suggested interpretation of column I. Although it is unnecessary, there is enough space for a possible nu preceding the ŪL;na-aš however would be too long.

28 Forrer, , Forsch., 144Google Scholar; Sommer, , AU, 89Google Scholar; Götze, , OLZ 1930, 289Google Scholar.

29 na-aš is indicated as a possible restoration by Sommer, , AU, 86Google Scholar. Forrer, Forsch., 141 restored ZAG KUR; Pedersen, Götze- H., Murs. Sprachlähm., 25Google Scholar suggested nu-kń. The -kán, however, which is required by tapuša, is already given in 1.71, attached to the first word of the sentence, Tawagalawa.

30 Cf. e.g. KUB XXI 27 II 15 ANA DUMU.NAM.LÚ.ULÙLU-pán-kán anda memian kišan memiškanzi. Hoffner, H., Festschrift H. Otten, 113Google Scholar: “even among mankind they are inthe habit of speaking a word as follows.”

31 Hoffner's historical interpretation of the text considerably differs from the interpretation put forward here.

32 Hoffner, , Mil., 133Google Scholar; Güterbock, , AJA 87, 137Google Scholar.

33 Note however Cavaignac, E., RHA II/11(1933), 103Google Scholar, who already saw that the sentence concerning the borders of Milawata does not necessarily mean that this is the country of the addressee. It only means that his country borders on Milawata.

34 See Güterbock apud Hoffner, , Mil., 13716Google Scholar, with the possible identification with one of the beneficiaries of the Šahurunuwa Decree, written in the reign of Tudhaliya IV. For the reading Kuwalana instead of Kuwatna see Poetto, M., Kadmos 21(1982), 101 f.CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also Hawkins, D., RLA 6, 308Google Scholar.

35 Hoffner, , Mil., 133Google Scholar suggests that Milawata is the land of the addressee.

36 I still consider Garstang – Gurney's localizations as very plausible (Geography, 105 and 81, respectively; see also The Hittites(1981), 58 ff.)Google Scholar.

37 As assumed by Heinhold-Krahmer, , Arzawa, 178Google Scholar.

38 Masson, E., Journal des Savants 1979, 36 ffGoogle Scholar.

39 Laroche, E., Rev. Arch. 1976, 17Google Scholar; E. Masson, op. cit., 4.

40 E. Masson, op. cit., 37; Gurney, O. R., The Hittites (1981), 53Google Scholar; Güterbock, H.G., AJA 87(1983), 137CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also n. 34.

41 E. Laroche, op. cit., 17; E. Masson, op. cit., 42.

42 Helck, W., Jahresbericht des Instituts für Vorgeschichte der Universität Frankfurt A.M. 1976, 7 ffGoogle Scholar.

43 Klengel, H., Altorientalische Forschungen 1(1974), 165 ffGoogle Scholar.

44 Singer, I., Tel Aviv (1983)Google Scholar, (forthcoming).

45 Note now RS 34.129 (UF 10, 1978, 53 ff.Google Scholar; UF 11, 1979, 481 ff.Google Scholar), with a first cuneiform attestation of the Šikila.

46 Güterbock, H. G., JNFS 26(1967), 73 ff.Google Scholar; Otten, H., Jahresbericht… Frankfurt 1976, 27 fGoogle Scholar.