^{page 36 note 1} Die Stadt Harran bis zum Einfall der Araber, Strasburg, 1892Google Scholar.

^{page 36 note 2} Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus, 2 vols., St. Petersburg, 1856Google Scholar.

^{page 36 note 3} The following histories of Ḥarrān are known to have existed:

(i) by Abū 'Abdalāh MuḤ. b. 'Ubaidallāh al-Musabbiḥī (366–420/977–1029), the famous Egyptian historian whose family originated from Ḥarran (v. Tallqvist, K., ed. Saī'd, Ibn, K. al-mughrib, Leiden, 1899, p. 104Google Scholar).

(ii) by Abū-th-thana' Ḥammād b. Hibatallāh b. al-Fadl al-Harrani (511–598/1117–1201) whose work included a history of the town and biographies of scholars, poets and persons of distinction connected with it. (v. Cahen, Cl., La Syrie du Nord a l'époque des Croisades, Paris, 1940, p. 36 n. 11Google Scholar; followed by a sequel written by:

(iii) Abū-l-Ma ḥasin b. Salāma b. Khalīfa al-Ḥarrani (v. as-Sakhawī, , al-i'lām bit-taubīkh liman dhamma at-ta'rikh, Damascus, 1349/1930, p. 125)Google Scholar and taken down by Sayf ad-dīn Muḥ. b. 'Abdulghanī b. Muḥ. b. Taymiyya al-Harrani (588-622/1192-1225) (v. ash-Shaṭṭi, , Mukhtaṣar ṭabaqāt al-Ḥanābila, Damascus, 1339/1920, p.48Google Scholar

^{page 36 note 4} Al-a'lāq ȧl-khāṭira fi dhikr umarā' ash-shām wal-jazīra (v. Brockelmann, , GAL, I, p. 482Google Scholar, Suppl. I, p. 883 and a fuller bibliographical note in Sauvaget, J., Alep, Paris, 1941, p. XXII)Google Scholar. I understand that an edition of the whole text is being planned by the Institut Francais de Damas.

^{page 36 note 5} Cl. Cahen, op. cit. pp. 75-6 who also analyses the sources of Ibn Shaddād.

^{page 37 note 1} Ms. Bodl. Marsh 333, identified and described by Amedroz in JRAS, 1903, p. 786 and Ms. Ahlwardt 9800 in Berlin. A summary of the relevant passages of the Oxford Ms. was also given by Cahen, Cl., “La Djezira au milieu du treizième siècle,” REI, VIII, 1934, pp. 109–28Google Scholar.

^{page 37 note 2} References to the Bodleian Ms. are given in the body of text with the abbreviation I.Sh.

^{page 37 note 3} Not an-Nayyir as given by Cl. Cahen, La Djezira, p. 110.

^{page 38 note 1} It is impossible to say whether the text refers to two or to four baths.

^{page 38 note 2} Al athār al-bāqiya, ed. Sachau, E., Leipzig, 1878, p. 204Google Scholar.

^{page 38 note 3} Cf. Herzfeld, E., Samarra, Die islamische Stadt, Berlin, s.d. (1950), VI, p. 150 and notesGoogle Scholar.

^{page 38 note 4} The list is preserved in a unique Ms in Paris, BN arabe 2281, ffo 58r-68v. A description of the Ms. will tie found in Sauvaget, J., Relation de la Chine et de L'Inde, Paris, 1948, p. xvGoogle Scholar.

^{page 38 note 5} Ms BN 2281, fo 62 v.

^{page 38 note 6} Anatolian Studies, I, p. 85, fig. 3. Mr. W. Brice kindly checked this figure against his notes and found it correct. He also informed me that traces of 118 bastions are still visible.

^{page 39 note 1} Riḥla, ed. Wright-de Goeje, , London, 1907, p. 246Google Scholar.

^{page 39 note 2} Amida, Heidelberg, 1910, p. 332, fig. 281Google Scholar.

^{page 39 note 3} Voyages archéologiques dans la Turquie Orientale, Paris, 1940, pl. CIII, 5Google Scholar.

^{page 39 note 4} Chwolsohn, op. cit. II, pp. 24, 25.

^{page 39 note 5} I prefer this translation to the more poetical “mirage gate.”

^{page 39 note 6} Chwolsohn, op. cit. II, p. 369; mur ūj adh-dhahab, ed. de Meynard, Barbier, Paris, 1865, IV, pp. 62–63Google Scholar.

^{page 39 note 7} al-athār al-bāqiya, p. 214.

^{page 39 note 8} Reise in Syrien und Mesopotamien, Leipzig, 1883, p. 278Google Scholar.

^{page 39 note 9} A. Mez, op. cit. p. 9.

^{page 39 note 10} Similar differences have been recently noted in connection with two famous Fatimid gates in Cairo: Bāb al-Futūḥ and Bāb an-Naṣr which the newly uncovered inscriptions describe as Bāb al-'Izz and Bāb al-Iqbāl (v. Wiet, G., “Nouvelles inscriptions fatimides,” BIE, XXIV, 1941–1942, p. 152Google Scholar).

^{page 39 note 11} Anatolian Studies, I, p. 93.

^{page 40 note 1} Mu'jam al-buldān, ed. Wüstenfeld, , Leipzig 1868, III p. 855Google Scholar.

^{page 40 note 2} Op. cit. I, p. 304 note.

^{page 40 note 3} Cf. van Berchem's, M. note in Sarre und Herzfeld, Reise im Euphrat und Tigrisgebiet, Berlin, 1911, I, p. 38Google Scholar; for talismans at the gates of Aleppo e.g. Sauvaget, J., Les perles choisies, Beirut, 1933, pp. 135–7Google Scholar. Also van Berchem, M. and Fatio, E., Voyage en Syne, Cairo, 1914–1915, pp. 177, 215Google Scholar.

^{page 40 note 4} Mu'jam, II, p. 96.

^{page 40 note 5} The passage does not occur in Jahshiyāri's kitāb al-wuzarā', ed. Mžik, , Vienna, 1926Google Scholar which is based on a unique and incomplete Ms.

^{page 41 note 1} Cf. Laoust, H., Essai sur les doctrines sociales et politiques de Taḳi-d-dīn Aḥmad b. Taimiya, Cairo, 1939, p. 7Google Scholar.

^{page 41 note 2} Riḥla, p. 247.

^{page 41 note 3} Cl. Cahen, La Syrie du Nord, p. 393.

^{page 41 note 4} “Les monuments de Nūr ad-dīn,” Bull, d'Etudes Orientates, XIII, Damascus, 1949–1950, pp. 5–43Google Scholar.

^{page 41 note 5} Ibid. pp. 34–38.

^{page 41 note 6} Cf. e.g. M. van Berchem, “Architecture,” EI, I, p. 430 a.

^{page 41 note 7} Cf. Sauvaget, J., Extraits du Bugyat at-talab d'Ibn al-'adīm, in REI, VII, 1933, p. 397Google Scholar.

^{page 41 note 8} I'lām an-nubalā' fi ta'rikh ḥalab ash-shahba', Aleppo, 1923, IV, p. 320Google Scholar.

^{page 41 note 9} Herzfeld, E., “Studies in Architecture I,” Ars Islamica, IX, 1942, p. 7Google Scholar; J. Sauvaget, Les perles choisies, p. 129.

^{page 41 note 10} Sobernheim, M., “Die arabischen Inschriften von Aleppo,” Der Islam, XV, 1926, pp. 201–2, No. 36Google Scholar.

^{page 41 note 11} Ibn al-Athīr, , al-kāmil, ed. Tornberg, , Leiden, 1864, XI, p. 37Google Scholar. I can find no support for Zambaur's statement (Manuel de genéalogie, Hannover, 1927, p. 228Google Scholar) that he was in possession of ḥarrān as early as 563/1167.

^{page 41 note 12} Khallikāsn, Ibn, wafayāt al-a'yān, Cairo, 1275/1858, I, pp. 620–1Google Scholar.

^{page 41 note 13} Riḥla, p. 247.

^{page 42 note 1} Wafayāt, I, pp. 631–3. For his inscriptions v. RCEA Nos. 2550–52.

^{page 42 note 2} Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela, Itinerary, ed. and transl. by Asher, A., London, s.d., pl 51Google Scholar. Asher's translation is misleading on one important point when he renders eyn 'alav binyan as “nobody is allowed to construct any building on the site,”; they merely mean “there is no building there.”

^{page 42 note 3} Riḥla, p. 245.

^{page 42 note 4} kitāb al-ishārāt ilā ma'rifat az-ziyārdt, Ms belonging to the Ahmad 'Ubaid library, Damascus, fo. 18r.

^{page 42 note 5} The ra'īs was the head of a town and its neighbourhood “through him the sovereign made known his will to the inhabitants” (v. Barthold, W., Turkestan, London, 1928, p. 234Google Scholar and notes.

^{page 42 note 6} Cf. J. Sauvaget, Les perles choisies, p. 99, n.2.

^{page 42 note 7} There is no reason lor following Mez (op. cit. p. 11) in identifying the citadel with the palace (qaṣr) of the Umayyad caliph Marwān II who made Ḥarrān his capital. This palace, on which Marwān lavished the sum of 10 million dirhams and which was later looted and destroyed by the Abbasids, was situated, according to Ya'qūbī (d. 292/904), in a locality called dabāb al- bayn (ta'rikh, ed. Houtsma, , Leiden, 1883, II p. 405Google Scholar) which is not clearly denned.

^{page 42 note 8} Aḥsan at-taqāsim, ed. de Goeje, , Leiden, 1906, p. 141Google Scholar.

^{page 43 note 1} Ibid. p. 166, l.3 and l.15.

^{page 43 note 2} Muḥammad b. Ibrāhim b. Yaḥyā al Warrāq, mabāhij al-fikar wa manāhij al-'ibar, BM Ms Add. 7483, fo 183 r. The Ms has al-murmuwad an obvious lapsus for al-Mudawwar.

^{page 43 note 3} Nukhbat ad-dahr, ed. Mehren, M. A. F., St. Petersburg, 1866, p. 43Google Scholar. Dimashqī rarely quotes his sources. Mehren suggested that al-Warrāq had been his main source (Cosmographie, Copenhagen, 1874, p. VIIIGoogle Scholar) but he was unable to c asult the BM. Ms. This hypothesis can now be discarded. Ibn al-Warrāq was Dima qī's contemporary and his text is much briefer. Both authors, however, seem to have relied in part on the same sources. For an analysis of some of Dimashqī's sources cf. Sarton, G., Introduction to the History of Science, III, Baltimore, 1947, pp. 800–802Google Scholar.

^{page 43 note 4} NU bat ad-dahr, p. 191.

^{page 43 note 5} Chwolsohn, op. cit. II, p. 367.

^{page 43 note 6} Ibid. II, p. 396 and 367.

^{page 43 note 7} Ibid. II, p. 759. On this author v. Brockelmann, , GAL, I, p. 351Google Scholar, Suppl. I, p. 591.

^{page 44 note 1} My attention was drawn by my colleague, Prof. B. Lewis to a number of epistles addressed to such heretics in the Jazīra at about this time cf. de Sacy, S., Exposé de la religion des Druzes, Paris 1838, I, p. CCCGXC fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 44 note 2} BN Ms arabe 2281, fo 62 v.

^{page 45 note 1} Riḥla p. 247; Part of a revetted moat slope can be seen on a photograph taken in 1906 in Preusser, C., Nordmesopotamische Baudenkmäler, Leipzig, 1911, pl. 77Google Scholar.

^{page 45 note 2} Les perles choisies, p. 209 and Idem, Les trésors d'Or de Sibṭ ibn al-'Ajamī, Beirut, 1950, p. 180 “‘fonder de toutes pièces’ et non pas ‘réparer.’”

^{page 45 note 3} We owe to Ibn Shaddād a detailed account of the conquest of Ḥarran by the Mongols and I propose to give a full translation of the relevant passages.

^{page 45 note 4} The geographical part of the Nuzhat al-qulūb, ed. and trsl. by Le Strange, G., London, 1915, p. 103Google Scholar.

^{page 46 note 1} Ibid.p. 104.

^{page 46 note 2} Also visible on the photograph reproduced on pl. I is the “fortress wall with heavy buttresses” behind gallery No. 42 on Mr. Seton Lloyd's plan.

^{page 46 note 3} Maqrīzi, , kitāb as-sulūk, ed. Ziyāda, , Cairo, 1934, I, pp. 656–8Google Scholar.

^{page 47 note 1} For a bibliography of this sultan see Mayer, L. A., Saracenic Heraldry, Oxford, 1933, p. 143Google Scholar.

^{page 47 note 2} A comparison of the Ḥarrān inscription with one by the Ayyūbid sovereign, e.g. CIA, Jerusalem, I, No. 38, III, pl. XXXIV will make this point clear beyond any possible doubt.

^{page 47 note 3} Gf. my forthcoming article on “A ‘Ras ūldid’ ewer in the National Museum of Florence” in BSOAS.

^{page 47 note 4} CIA, Jerusalem, II, p. 112.

^{page 47 note 5} Demombynes, M. Gaudefroy, La Syrie à l'époque des Mamlouks, Paris, 1923, pp. 103–4Google Scholar.

^{page 47 note 6} This is shown by an inscription recently discovered by this writer on the south wall of the citadel of Urfa (Ruhā) which also resembles the Ḥarrān inscription stylistically. An article of the inscriptions of Urfa is under preparation.

^{page 47 note 7} van Berchem, M., Inschriften aus Syrien, Mesopotamien und Kleinasien, gesammelt von Max von Oppenheim, Betr. z. Assyr. VII, Leipzig, 1909, p. 102, No. 128Google Scholar.

^{page 47 note 8} Cf. Taghribirdi, Ibn, an-nujūm az-Zāhira, Cairo, 1942, IX p. 172Google Scholar also Gaudefroy Demombynes, op. cit. p. 104.

^{page 47 note 9} Cf. Honigmann, E., art. “Malāṭya” in EI, III, p. 213bGoogle Scholar.

^{page 49 note 1} Cf. Kallner-Amiran, D. H., “A revised earthquake-catalogue of Palestine,” Israel Exploration Journal, I, 1950–1951, esp. pp. 227 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 49 note 2} Sprenger, A., “As-Soyuti's work on earthquakes …” Journal Asiat. Soc. Bengal, XII, 1843, pp. 749Google Scholar.

^{page 49 note 3} Taghribirdī, Ibn, An-nujūm as-zāhira, Cairo, 1935, V. p. 325Google Scholar.

^{page 49 note 4} The men on the photograph reproduced on pl. VI d. are crouching and standing on top of the defensive wall.

^{page 49 note 5} This stone had been found by Ḥamīdu some years earlier. It lay, with its inscribed face downwards, across an angle of a modern ‘bee-hive hut’ and was used as support for a dome of unbaked bricks.

^{page 53 note 1} M. van Berchem, Amida, pp. 22–37; and a somewhat fuller list but without cornmentary by J. Sauvaget in Gabriel, Voyages archéologifues, pp. 312–317.

^{page 54 note 1} Wiet, G., CIA, Egypte, II, p. 147Google Scholar.

^{page 54 note 2} Qalqashandī, , Ṣubh al a'shā, Cairo, 1915, VI, p. 6Google Scholar.

^{page 54 note 3} G. Wiet, op. cit. pp. 137–8.

^{page 54 note 4} as-Ṣayrafī, Ibn, al-ishāra, Cairo, 1924, p. 35Google Scholar.

^{page 54 note 5} RCEA, VII, Nos. 2402, 2409, 2417, 2440, 2442, 2501–6, 2508–9, 2513.

^{page 54 note 6} Cahen, Cl., “Une chronique Syrienne,” in Bull, d'Etudes Orient. VII/VIII, Damascus, 1937–1938, p. 120Google Scholar. Stern, S. M., “The succession of the Fatimid Imam al-Āmir,” Oriens, IV, 1951, p. 223Google Scholar.

^{page 55 note 1} Ibn al-Qalānisī, Ta'rīkh Dimashq, ed. Amedroz, Beirut, 1908, p. 73.

^{page 55 note 2} Ibn al-Athir, XII, p. 264.

^{page 55 note 3} Ibid. XI, pp. 304, 344.

^{page 55 note 4} Ibid. X, p. 7.

^{page 55 note 5} Ta'rīkh, Ms BM Or 50 fo. 50V.

^{page 55 note 6} Al-Wāfi bil-wafayāt, BM. Ms. Add. 23·359, fo. 26r.

^{page 55 note 7} Muqaddima, transl. de Slane, , Paris, 1934, I, p. 376Google Scholar.

^{page 55 note 8} E. Herzfeld, Gesch. d. Stadt Samarra, p. 151.

^{page 55 note 9} Wiet, G., CIA, Egypte, II, p. 49Google Scholar.

^{page 56 note 1} al-Muyassar, Ibn, Akhbār Miṣr, ed. Massé, H., Cairo, 1919, p. 6Google Scholar and other references in Wiet, , CIA, Egypte, II, p. 135Google Scholar.

^{page 56 note 2} Maqrīzī, , Khiṭaṭ, ed. Cairo, , 1270/1853, I, p. 442Google Scholar.

^{page 56 note 3} Op. Cit. p. 175.

^{page 56 note 4} Lévi-Provençal, E., Inscriptions arabes d'Espagne, Leiden-Paris, pp. 37–8, No. 30Google Scholar.

^{page 56 note 5} Qalqashandī, op. cit. VI, p. 57.

^{page 56 note 6} Ibn al-Athīr, XIII, p. 286.

^{page 56 note 7} Littmann, E., Semitic Inscriptions, IV, Leiden, 1949, p. 106Google Scholar.

^{page 56 note 8} I can find no justification for Zambaur's suggestion (Manuel p. 138) that the founder of the dynasty was called al-Muẓaffar. Zambaur based his genealogical table exclusively on the text of Ibn al-Athīr. The latter mentions an amīr of the tribe of the Banū Numair with the strange name of al-Muza'far who was killed in battle at Niṣībīn in 380/990 (op. cit. IX, p. 50). This may be the clue to Zambaur's error. In the same year Waththāb emerged as Lord of Ḥarrān.

^{page 56 note 9} Ibn al-Athīr,; IX, p. 220; I.Sh., fol. 4V), 23r, 27r.

^{page 56 note 10} Ibn al-Athīr, X, p. 7; Shirāzī, Mu'ayyad ad-dīn, Sīra, ed. Ḥusain, Kāmil, Cairo, 1949, p. 106Google Scholar.

^{page 56 note 11} Hartmann, R., art. “Dja'bar,” EI, I, p. 1012 b. fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 56 note 12} Mu'jam, IV, p. 164.

^{page 57 note 1} al-'Adīm, Ibn, Zubdat al-ḥalab, ed. ad-Dahhan, Sāmī, Damascus, 1951, I, p. 259Google Scholar.

^{page 57 note 2} Wafayāt, I, pp. 159–60.

^{page 57 note 3} Le Strange's transl. pp. 103–4.

^{page 58 note 1} Flury, S., Islamische Schriftbänder Amida-Diyarbekr, Basle-Paris, 1920Google Scholar, Inscriptions dated 426, 42?, 437, 444, 460 A.H.

^{page 58 note 2} Sourdel-Thomine, J., Epitaphes coufiques de Bab Saghir, (= Les Monuments Ayyoubides de Damas, IV), Paris, 1950Google Scholar; especially Fatima's cenotaph dated 439 A.H.

^{page 58 note 3} S. Flury, “Le décor épigraphique des monuments fatimides du Caire,” in Syria, pp. 365–76. One inscription, 365–386 A.H.

^{page 59 note 1} S. Flury, Schriftbänder, pp. 13–15, pls. IV–VI.

^{page 59 note 2} Sourdel-Thomine, op. cit., p. 151, fig. 93.

^{page 59 note 3} Flury, Schriftbänder, p. 12, pl. III.

^{page 59 note 4} J. Sauvaget, “Glanes épigraphiques,” REI, 1941–6, pp. 20–22, pl. I, No. 3.

^{page 59 note 5} Cf. Flury, S., “Ornamental kufic inscriptions,” in Survey of Persian Art, Oxford, 1939, II, p. 1744Google Scholar.

^{page 59 note 6} Cf. J. Sauvaget, “Inventaire des monuments musulmans de la ville d'Alep,” REI, 1931, pl. II, minaret inscription dated 480/1090.

^{page 60 note 1} Cf. a similar space-filling over a median 'ayn in Flury, Le décor épigraphique, p. 372, fig. 4.

^{page 60 note 2} Cf. e.g. Flury, S., Die Ornamente der Hakim und Ashar Moschee, Heidelberg, 1912, p. 16Google Scholar, fig. 3.

^{page 61 note 1} A similar licence is taken in a proper name in the inscription of Altūntāsh dated 514/1120 in Damascus where alif and hīn are joined. Cf. Sourdel-Thomine, op. cit., p. 200, fig. 118.

^{page 61 note 2} Sauvaget, J., in Gabriel, Voyages archéologiques, I, p. 339Google Scholar, No. 112, pl. CVIII.

^{page 61 note 3} The inscription of Bāb al-Futūḥ in Cairo is similarly pressed into the wall cf. G. Wiet, “Nouvelles inscriptions fatimides,” BIE, 1941–2, pls III–VII and also, CIA, Egypte, I, pl. XVII, 3. It should not be forgotten in this connection that architects of the Cairo gate were Armenians from ar-Ruhā.

^{page 64 note 1} “These dogs were not employed to herd cattle, but to guard them against marauders, either human or animal” (van Buren, E. D., The fauna of ancient Mesopotamia, Rome, 1939, p. 15Google Scholar.)

^{page 65 note 1} Mainly Hamilton, R. W., ‘The sculpture of living forms at Khirbat al-Mafjar,” QDAP, XIV, pp. 100–119, Pls. XXXV–LXVGoogle Scholar, also D. Schlumberger, “Les fouilles de Qasr el-Heir Gharbi,” Syria, 1939, pp. 336 ff.

^{page 65 note 2} Cf. however Kühnel, E., Mschatta, Berlin, 1939, fig. 20bGoogle Scholar a crouching lion in the round; also the literary examples in Ḥasan, Zakī Muḥ., at-taşwīr ‹ind al-‹arab, Cairo, 1942, pp. 56–7Google Scholar.

^{page 66 note 1} Dated by accompanying inscriptions from 476–603/1083–1206, Gabriel, , Voyages, I, pp. 162 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 66 note 2} M. van Berchem, Amida, pp. 78 ff.

^{page 66 note 3} R. W. Hamilton, op. cit., pl. XXXVIII, 1; Sarre, Fr., Seldschukische Kleinkunst, Leipzig, 1908, pl. VGoogle Scholar.

^{page 66 note 4} A. Salmony, “Daghestan sculptures,” Ars Islamica, 1942, X, fig. 4.

^{page 66 note 5} Cf. the examples collected by Hauck, E., “Die Hunde des sumerisch-akkadischen und babylonisch-assyrischen Kulturkreises,” Sitzungs b.d. Akad. d. Wiss. Wien, Math. Naturwiss. Kl. Abt. I, 155, Heft 3–4, Vienna, 1947, pp. 63–82Google Scholar. I owe this reference to Mr. D. Carruthers who also kindly identified the species of dogs represented on the Harrān reliefs from photographs.

^{page 67 note 1} See Sarre, und Herzfeld, , Reise, III, pl. CXIX, No.8Google Scholar.

^{page 69 note 1} Cf. Hobson, R. L., A guide to the Islamic pottery of the Near East, London, 1932, p. 20Google Scholar.

^{page 69 note 2} Cf. the same spiral ornaments on Raqqa wares reproduced in Dimand, M. S., Handbook of Muhammadan Art, New York, 1944, p. 190, fig. 20Google Scholar; Lane, A., Early Islamic pottery, London, 1947, pl. 57aGoogle Scholar; Sarre, und Herzfeld, , Reise, III, pl. CXVIII, No. 1Google Scholar.

^{page 69 note 3} Cf. Sauvaget, J. “Tessons de Raḳḳa,” Ars Islamica, XIII–XIV, 1948, fig. 11, No. 57Google Scholar; Sarre, und Herzfeld, , Reise, III, pl. CXVIII, No. 5Google Scholar.

^{page 70 note 1} I am indebted to Mr. B. Gray, Keeper of The Oriental Dept. for permission to publish this object. Cf. a similar object also in the collection of the British Museum in Hobson, op. cit., pl. IX, fig. 28; Lane, op. cit. pl. 60b.

^{page 73 note 1} Mittelalterliche Gläser, Berlin, 1929, I, p. 244Google Scholar, II, pl. 91.

^{page 73 note 2} Ibid. II, pl. 27.

^{page 73 note 3} Almost identical bracelets were found as far North as Novgorod where they appear at various levels from the tenth to the thirteenth century; Cf. A.B. , , xi, Moscow, 1949, pp. 139–140, fig. 15. Gf. also a similar find in Mauretania. Th. Monod, “Teghaza, la ville en sel gemme”, La Nature, No. 3025, May 1938, p. 294, figs. 9–11.

^{page 74 note 1} von-Oppenheim, M., Die Beduinen, Leipzig, 1939, I, pp. 222 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 74 note 2} See Sobernheim, M., art. “Mirdāsids,” EI, III, p. 585Google Scholar.

^{page 74 note 3} See K. V. Zetterstéen, art. “Oḳailids” ib. p. 1039.

^{page 74 note 4} See idem, art. “Marwānids” ib. pp. 356–7.

^{page 74 note 5} Ibn Qalānisī, p. 33.

^{page 75 note 1} For the state of affairs in Northern Syria on the eve the Crusades cf. Gibb, H. A. R., A Damascus Chronicle of the Crusades, London, 1932, introd.Google Scholar; also idem and P. Krauss, art. “al-Mustanṣir” EI, III, pp. 820 ff.

^{page 75 note 2} It was not surprising to see the envoys of the Abbasid and Fatimid caliph as well as the Byzantine emperor reaching the capital of the Marwānids with diplomas and gifts on the same day. See Amedroz, “The Marwānid dynasty,” JRAS, 1903, pp. 131–2.

^{page 75 note 3} Manuel, p. 138.

^{page 75 note 4} Ibn al-Athīr, VIII, p. 295.

^{page 75 note 5} Ibn al-'Adīm, I, p. 118.

^{page 75 note 6} Cf. Canard, M., Sayf ad-daula, Algiers-Paris, 1934, p. 232, 236–8Google Scholar. Both Mutanabbī and Abū Firās refer to this event in their poems. The Banū Numair proved to be unruly subjects and Saif ad-daula was obliged to intervene again only a year later in 345/957 (ib. p. 410).

^{page 77 note 1} Quoted by Honigmann, E., Die Ostgrenze des Byzantinischen Reiches, Bruxelles, 1935, p. 108Google Scholar.

^{page 77 note 2} Ibn al-Athīr, IX, p. 244.

^{page 77 note 3} Ibid. IX, p. 281 bis, Ibn Shaddād, ffo. 27r–28r.

^{page 77 note 4} Chronique, trsl. Dulaurier, E., Paris, 1858, p. 46 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 77 note 5} Mu'jam, III, p. 169.

^{page 77 note 6} Cl. Cahen, “La chronique abrégée d'al-'Aẓīmī,” Journal Asiatique, 1938, p. 135.

^{page 77 note 7} Ibn al-Athīr, IX, p. 281 bis.

^{page 77 note 8} Ibid. IX, p. 298.

^{page 78 note 1} Ibid. IX, p. 301.

^{page 78 note 2} Ibid. IX, pp. 305, 313. Honigmann, (op. cit. pp. 137–8) fails to identify the Shipīp of Mathew of Edessa with Ibn Waththāb (= Shabīb) mentioned by Ibn al-Athīr, and is driven to the untenable amendment of Shīpīp to Shēbl.

^{page 78 note 3} Cf. Honigmann, E., art. Orfa in EI, III, p. 1066 aGoogle Scholar.

^{page 78 note 4} Her tomb was shown in the XIIIth century in a mosque she built at Aleppo. See J. Sauvaget, Les perles choisies, p. 96.

^{page 78 note 5} Ibn al-'Adīm, I, p. 251.

^{page 78 note 6} The Sayyida is said to have taken 50,000 dinars and Thimal 30,000. See Ibn al-'Adīm, p. 256. Ibn al-Athīr, X, p. 20, gives her name as Manī'a.

^{page 78 note 7} This remained the practice during his reign, except for a few months when, on the suggestion of the Marwānids, he temporarily returned to the allegiance of the Abbasids. See Ibn al-Athīr, IX, pp. 313 and 316.

^{page 79 note 1} Ibid. IX, p. 321. Ibn Shaddād, ffo. 14v, 23r.

^{page 79 note 2} The printed text of Ibn al 'Adīm is faulty here: I. p. 258 should be amended to read:

^{page 79 note 3} Ib. I, p. 259.

^{page 79 note 4} Ib. I, p. 262.

^{page 79 note 5} Ibn al-'Adīm's printed text (I, p. 268) has here a title spelt without diacritical points . I owe its identification with proedros to Prof. P. Wittek who also called my attention to Stein, E., “Untersuchungen zur spātbyzantinischen Verfassungs- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte,” Mitteilungen zur Osmanischen Geschichte, II, p. 29, n. 3Google Scholar.

^{page 80 note 1} Sirat al-Mu'ayyad fid-din ash-Shirāzī, ed. Ḥusain, Kāmil, Cairo, 1949Google Scholar.

^{page 80 note 2} Ibid. p. 120.

^{page 80 note 3} On the Mazyadid cf. Zetterstéen, K. V. in EI, III, pp. 496 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 81 note 1} Sīra, pp. 119–120, 129. Mu'ayyad gives a lively description of his own predicament. “I went from them (the Mazyadids and Numairids) to Ibn Ṣāliḥ (Thimāl) trying to make him meet their demands whilst he persisted in refusing. I was like a man placed between growling lions and clawing, warlike wolves” (Ib. p. 129).

^{page 81 note 2} Ib. p. 130, 134–5.

^{page 81 note 3} Ibn al-Athīr, X, 7 and 66.

^{page 82 note 1} Ibn al-Qalānisī, op. cit. p. 90.

^{page 82 note 2} BM. Ms. Add. 23,359 fo 26r.

^{page 82 note 3} BM Ms. Or. 50, fo 50r.

^{page 82 note 4} Ibn al-Athīr, IX, p. 163, Ibn Shaddād, fo 23r.

^{page 82 note 5} Ibn al-Athīr, X, p. 78.

^{page 82 note 6} Zambaur (Manuel, p. 138) erroneously includes Ibn ash-Shāṭir, whom he calls Muhammad, in the family tree of the Numairids.

^{page 82 note 7} Ibn al-Athīr, X, pp. 83–4; Ibn Shaddād, fo 15r; Ibn al-Qalānisī, op. cit. p. 116; 'Aẓīmī, op. cit. p. 364.

^{page 82 note 8} Sibṭ ibn al- Jauzī quoted by Amedroz in his edition of Ibn al-Qalānisī, p. 116 n. 1.

^{page 83 note 1} Ibn al-Athīr, X, p. 97.

^{page 83 note 2} Ibid. X, p. 242.

^{page 83 note 3} Ibid. X, p. 285.

^{page 83 note 4} Ibid. X, p. 324.

^{page 83 note 5} 'Aẓīmī, op. cit. p. 388.

^{page 83 note 6} von Oppenheim, M., Die Beduinen, I, p. 222Google Scholar.

^{page 84 note 1} Mu'ayyad ad-daula. Ḥarrān, Sarūj, Raqqa, Qal'at Ja'bar.

^{page 84 note 2} Sani'at ad-daula, Ṣafwat ad-daula, Abū' r-Rayyān; same places.

^{page 84 note 3-4} Jointly at Raqqa only 431; at Ḥarrān 431-?

^{page 84 note 5} At Sarūj; after 474 at Niṣībīn, vassal of 'Uqailids.

^{page 84 note 6} Najīb ad-daula, Radî ad-daula, Abū' z-Zimām. Qal'at Ja'bar 431, again after 433; Ḥarrān before 448; Raqqa 449–452; Raḥba and Qarqisīya 452. Died 454 (Ḥafadī) or Jumāda I/, 455 (Dhahabī).

^{page 84 note 7} As-Sayyida, married (a) Nāşir ibn Ṣāliḥ, Mirdāsid of Aleppo d. 429. (b) Thimāl, brother of (a) 431.

^{page 84 note 8} Received ar-Ruhā (= Edessa, Urfa) from Waththāb.

^{page 84 note 9-10} Jointly at ar-Ruhā. ⁹later at Sinn Ibn 'Uṭair.

^{page 84 note 11} Killed at Sinn Ibn 'Uṭair.